i 


\ 


\ 


CATHERINE    SFORZA 


CATHERINE      SFORZA. 

AT    THt  Aoc    or    la i*ai. 

From  a  Painting  aUributed  to  Marco  Palmaygianl 
(rorll    Oallery.) 


CATHERINE    SFORZA 


BY 


COUNT    PIER    DESIDERIO    PASOLINI 


AUTHORIZED    EDITION,  TRANSLATED    AND    PREPARED 
WITH    THE    ASSISTANCE     OF    THE    AUTHOR 

BY 

PAUL    SYLVESTER 


ILLUSTRATED    WITH    NUMEROUS    REPRODUCTIONS    FROM 
ORIGINAL    PICTURES    AND    DOCUMENTS 


HERBERT   S.   STONE   &   CO. 
CHICAGO  &  NEW  YORK 

MDCCCXCVIII 


2>e&icate£) 

BY    PERiNIISSION 

TO 

THE   QUEEN   OF   ITALY 


TRANSLATOR'S    NOTE 

The  translator  is  too  keenly  alive  to  the  charm  of  the  original 
work  not  to  realize  that  some  of  its  elements  must  evaporate 
in  the  process  of  translation.  Among  these  he  accounts  the 
contrast  afforded  by  the  modern  colloquialisms  of  the  Italian 
narrative  to  the  archaic  diction  of  the  quotations  by  whiek  yi 
is  enriched.  By  this  perhaps  unconscious  artifice  the  voices 
of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  are  made  to  speak  in 
the  ear  of  the  nineteenth,  so  bridging  over  the  gap,  that  the 
author  may  well  claim  to  have  made  tangible  the  great  dim 
phantom  of  that  wonder  of  her  age,  of  whom  a  modern  critic 
has  happily  said — (/e  son  vivant  elk  dcvint  mytJie. 

The  numbers  of  the  documents  quoted  in  the  course  of  this 
volume  refer  to  an  appendix,  which,  besides  letters  and  other 
documents,  includes  Gli  Experimenti  (some  five  hundred 
household  and  other  recipes)  of  the  Lady  of  Forli. — Cater ijia 
Sforza,  Vol.  III.,  di  Pier  Desiderio  Pasoliiii,  Roma,  Loescher. 


PREFACE 

A  SHORT  life  of  Catherine  Sforza  was  written  by  Fabio  Oliva 
towards  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  another,  in 
three  volumes  4to,  less  than  a  century  ago  by  the  Spanish 
Abb6  Burriel,  who,  with  others  of  his  order  and  nationality, 
spent  many  years  of  exile  in  Forli. 

To  Burriel  must  be  ascribed  the  merit  of  examining  con- 
temporary chronicles.  But  from  lack  of  critical  acumen,  lie 
failed  to  interpret  and  sometimes  even  to  utilize  them  ;  in 
Catherine  Sforza  he  was  bent  upon  recognizing  a  second 
Countess  Mathilda. 

It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to  read  more  than  five 
hundred  of  Catherine's  letters  ;  Burriel  never  saw  but  one  ; 
all  the  correspondence  which  elucidates  her  history  remained 
unknown  to  him,  and  he  published  few  documents.  Extensive 
research  in  various  archives,  Italian  and  foreign,  has  yielded 
a  large  collection  of  documents,  enabling  me  to  gradually 
complete  and  rectify  the  narrative  of  many  episodes  of  the 
life  of  Catherine,  and  to  relate  others,  hitherto  unknown,  of 
her  early  youth  and  her  later  years.  The  figure  presented  to 
us  by  the  biographers  is  so  intangible  that  we  cannot  grasp 
it,  the  one  created  by  tradition  melts  under  the  test  of  docu- 
ments. The  legends  have  some,  but  not  all  of  the  elements 
of  truth,  and  even  this  truth  is  vitiated,  the  exception  standing 
for  the  rule,  and  fantastic  stories  for  history. 


xii  PREFACE 

The  aim  of  the  present  book,  which  reproduces  many  of 
Catherine's  letters,  is  to  bring  her  nearer  to  us  than  has  been 
done  by  any  preceding  work.  The  reader,  to  whom  is 
revealed  not  only  the  life  of  the  militant  sovereign,  but  that 
of  the  private  woman,  will  be  the  better  able  to  judge  of  the 
moral  significance  of  this  historic  figure,  so  famous  and  so 
little  known. 

Pier  Desiderio  Pasolini. 


ERRATA 

P^gc      9>  ^^^'  ''"^  ^ut-  one,  rt'ad  Lucia  da  Torsana,  an  excellent  helpmate 

39,  descriptive  names.  No.  2,  tif/cr  Lungara  read  now  Palazzo  Corsini 

56,  beading  of  Chap.  VI,  y^r  August  1881  reac/  1481 

59,  line  2 1, y<7r  twentieth  ;r(zr/ nineteenth 

59,  line  2^, /or  Leoni  ;v;zr/ Leone 

63,  line  1 1, y^;- setters  ;rrt(/ Segusian  hounds 
239,  line  S,/''^'  Fortunalo  rcat/  b'oriunali 
275,  line  I, /or  Imola  read  at  Imola  ;  /or  whose  poor  lord  doth  at  commend 

/■cad  doth  commend 
334,  line  9, /or  latter  raad  former 
341.  line  27,  /or  Borsi  read  Boss'i 


CONTENTS 


BOOK    I 
ORIGIN   OF   THE    HOUSE   OF   SFORZA 

CHAP. 

I.     Catherine's  Ancestry  ..... 


BOOK   II 
CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

II.     Childhood — Marriage  ... 

III.  The  Assassination  of  Gale.\zzo  . 

IV.  Fro.m  Milan  to  Rome  .         .         .         , 


21 

26 
32 


BOOK   III 
CATHERINE   AND   THE    RIARIO 

V.  Who  were  the  Riario  ?         .         .         .         . 

VI.  Catherine  in  the  Romagna  and  Venice     . 

VII.  Catherine,  the  Riario,  Orsini  and  Colonna 

VIII.  Catherine  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo    . 

IX.  Catherine  leaves  Rome — The  New  Pope  . 

X.  The  Taxes  of  Forli      ..... 

XI.  Catherine  and  Innocenzo  Codronchi 

XII.  The  Conspiracy  of  the  Roffi 

XIII.  The  Assassination  of  Girolamo  Riario 


45 
56 
69 

75 
82 
89 
98 
103 
107 


CONTENTS 


CHAP. 
XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 

XVIII. 


BOOK   IV 

CATHERINE'S   WIDOWHOOD 

Catherine  and  the  Assassins 
The  Legend  of  the  Fort     . 
The  Flight  of  the  Orsi 
The  Restoration  . 
Catherine's  Vengeance 


PAGE 
128 

148 
161 


BOOK    V 

A   CLANDESTINE   MARRIAGE 

XIX.  The  Castellane  of  Ravaldino     . 

XX.  Charles  VIII.   in  Italy 

XXI.  The  Assassination  of  Giacomo  Feo     . 

XXII.  Catherine  and  Ludovico  il  Moro 


171 
179 

188 
200 


BOOK    VI 
THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

XXIII.  Giovanni  Popolano 

XXIV.  The  Florentine  Alliance    . 
XXV.     Assassins  in  Romagna  . 

XXVI.     The  Legation  of  Machiavelli 


211 

228 
239 


BOOK   VII 
CATHERINE   AND   THE    BORGIA 


XXVII.  'Jill,  Defences  of  Forli 

XXVIII.  Valentino  takes  Imola 

XXIX.  Forli  before  the  Siege 

XXX.  Valentino  at  Forli 

XXXI.  'J'he  Fall  of  Ravaldino 

xxxn.  C/ESAR  Victorious. 

XXXIII.  'I'lii.   I'kiso.nkr  of  War. 

XXXIV.  'I  III,    I'oi'e's   Lmi'eachment 
XXXV.  Till.   Deliverance. 

XXXVI.  'I'm,   l,\s'r  Tkoui'.lks  and    iii 


I'^NI) 


265 
284 
289 
300 
310 

-122 

339 

348 
357 
372 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Catherine  Sforza        .....         Frofitispiece 

House  of  the  Attendolo-Sforza  Family,  Cotignola       .  4 

House  of  the  Attendolo-Sforza  Family,  Cotignola       .  5 

Autograph  Letter  of  Girolamo  Riario  •         •         ■         •  35 

Panorama  of  Rome  in  the  Time  of  Catherine  Sforza  .  38 

Panorama  of  Rome  (part  ii.) 39 

The  Librarian  Platinus  before  Sixtus  IV.     ...  48 

Coins  Struck  by  the  Riario      ......  60 

Palace  Built  by  the  Riario-Sforza,  1484         .         .         .61 
Autograph  Letter  of  Catherine  Sforza  to  the  Signory 

OF  Sienna 71 

Castle  of  St.  Angelo  in  the  Fifteenth  Century  .         .  78 

Castle  of  St.  Angelo  before  the  Demolitions  of  1892  79 

BiANCA  Maria  Sforza 95 

Palace  of  the  Podesta 119 

The  Church  of  St.  Mercurial 153 

The  Miracle  of  the  Fowls 176 

Giovanni  de'  Medici  delle  Bande  Nere  .         .         .         .218 
CosiMO  de'  Medici,  Son  of  Giovanni         .         .         .         .219 

OcTAviANO  Riario.     Medal  Coined  by  Nicolo  Fiorentino  224 

Letter  of  Catherine  Sforza,  dated  September  14,  1498  230 

Arms  of  Pope  Alexander  VI 248 

Arms  of  C^sar  Borgia 265 

Fort  of  Imola     .........  287 

Woman's  Armour,  probably  made  for  Catherine  Sforza  312 

Woman's  Armour  {back) 313 

Fort  of  Ravaldino  :   Present  D.\y 323 

C^SAR  Borgia      .........  325 

Castle  of  Mal.\test.\,  or  Murata     .         .         .         .         -335 


■  t.  .  I.—  ..  ij.  ■1,1  mmmtmmmt^ 


xvi  LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 

Castle  of  Malatesta,  or  Murata  {another  vie7v) 

Arms  of  C^sar  Borgia 

Castle  of  St.  Angelo  in  the  Fifteenth  Century  . 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo         ...... 

Passage  from  the  Vatican  to  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo 
Window  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo 
Cannon's  Mouth,  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  . 
Window,  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  .... 

Autograph  Letter  of  Catherine  Sforza 
Castello,  a  Villa  of  the  Medici  near  Florence  . 

Maria  Salviati  de'  Medici 

Medici  Castle,  Florence  ...... 


PAGE 

337 
343 
345 
349 
353 
355 
357 
367 
381 
390 
392 


BOOK  I 

ORIGIN   OF   THE   HOUSE   OF   SFORZA 


CHAPTER    I 

CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY 

At  the  latter  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  bands  of  foreign 
mercenaries  roamed  at  will  over  the  bloodstained  lands  of 
down-trodden  Italy,  fighting  now  for  one  prince,  now  for 
another.  Indifferent  to  the  rights  or  wrongs  of  those  who 
paid  them,  they  remained  constant  only  in  their  desire  to 
amass  wealth;  an  ambition  which  in  the  case  of  their  leaders, 
or  condotticri,  was  sometimes  supplemented  and  gratified  by 
the  acquisition  of  a  State  and  the  foundation  of  a  princely 
dynasty. 

The  Italians,  in  course  of  time,  followed  their  example. 
Alberigo  da  Barbiano,  a  young  gentleman  of  Romagna, 
raised  a  banner  with  the  motto:  Liber  Ital.  ab.  exter.,  and 
by  the  union  of  rival  factions  opened  a  new  field  to  the 
prowess  and  hopes  of  all.  Little  was  heard,  henceforward, 
of  old  feuds  in  the  villages  and  castles  of  Romagna,  where 
all  were  banded  together  in  new  aims.  The  movement 
spread  rapidly ;  the  boldest  youths  escaped  from  home, 
joined  the  nearest  camp,  and  Italian  companies,  eager  and  in 
unison,  prevailed  against  alien  ones.  Not  only  was  the  honour 
of  Italian  arms  saved,  but  foreign  hirelings  were  supplanted  by 
Italian  condotticri. 

The  most  brilliant  example  of  a  movement  that  was 
individual  rather  than  collective,  military  than  national,  is 
found  in  the  family  of  the  Attendolo-Sforza  of  Cotignola. 
Its  members  surpassed  the  most  famous  condotticri  in  war 
and  statecraft,  and  in  their  history  it  is  easier  to  follow  the 
steps  that  led  them  to  a  principality  than  in  that  of  any  other 
Italian  family. 


IlOUSi:    UK     line    ATlIiNDOI.O-SI'ORZA    KAMII.V,    CO  TKiNOl.A. 


CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY  5 

"  Sforza  (Muzzo  from  Giacoino  or  Giacomuzzo)^  was  born 
at  Cotignola,  an  old  community  of  the  Romagna,  close  to  the 
Via  Emilia  in  the  county  of  Faenza,"  writes  Zazzera  in  his 
Nobilta  iV Italia.  "  His  father  was  Giovanni  of  the  Attendoli, 
a  family  of  greater  influence  than  nobility  :  of  great  wealth, 


HOUSE    OV    TIIK    ATlK.NDOl.d-SKOKZA    FAMILY,    C(.)T1(;.N()LA. 


however,  and    flourishing   by  reason  of  a  numerous    progeny 
given    to    the    service  of  arms.     His   (Muzzo's)   mother  was 

'  This  same  account  of  his  name  and  origin  was  given  by  "Muzio"  Sforza  to 
Robert  of  Bavaria,  wlien  the  latter  wished  to  grant  him  a  new  coat  of  arms, 
which  would  have  connected  him  by  descent  with  a  city  and  a  royal  liouse  of 
Dacia.  Muzzo  became  afterwards  corrupted  into  "  Muzio"  by  adulators  of  the 
Sforza  princes  who  affected  to  trace  the  descent  of  the  great  coidottierc  from 
Mutius  SccBVola. 


6  -ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

Elisa,  a  woman  of  virile  mind,  of  the  clannish  House  of  the 
Petrascini.  .  .  .  She  gave  birth  to  twenty-one  children,  whom 
she  so  educated  that  they  set  no  store  by  ornate  garments, 
delicate  viands,  nor  soft  beds  ;  and  all,  being  of  a  certain 
vigorous  valour  of  mind,  upheld  the  reputation  of  the  family 
by  frequentl}'  resorting  to  arms.^  .  .  .  At  that  time  the  halls 
and  chambers  in  the  houses  of  the  Attendoli  were  not  hung 
with  tapestries,  but  with  shields  and  armour  ;  the  beds  were 
wide  and  without  coverings.  Therein  slept  troops  of  armed 
kinsmen,  and  all  were  so  alert  and  hardy  that,  without  either 
choice  or  order,  they  partook  in  common  of  the  frugal  viands 
that  were  served  up  to  them  by  serving-boys  and  muleteers." 
The  education  received  by  the  Attendoli  from  their  mother 
tempered  and  adapted  them  to  those  new  times  in  which 
simple  soldiers  of  fortune,  from  a  little  Romagnole  village, 
could  attain  to  the  dominion  of  one  of  the  foremost  of 
European  States.  In  the  few  generations  in  which  the 
marvellous  career  of  this  family  was  developed,  the  ancestral 
type  of  Elisa  was  never  lost :  wives  and  sisters  fought  side 
by  side  with  husbands  and  brothers,  or  in  their  stead,  and 
by  the  renown  of  their  valour  and  beauty  upheld  their  State 
and  lent  security  and  honour  to  their  lives.  Their  glory 
culminated  in  the  heroic  deeds  of  a  warlike  princess,  the 
great-granddaughter  of  Muzzo  or  Muzio  Attendolo,  and  the 
last,  but  perhaps  the  most  perfect  type  of  the  knightly 
heroine  of  the  middle  ages. 

One  evening  of  the  year  1382,  Giacomo  (Giacomuzzo) 
Attendolo,  afterwards  surnamed  Sforza,  was  quietly  digging 
the  paternal  land  when  he  heard  the  sound  of  pipes  and 
drums.  Some  soldiers  of  the  company  of  Boldrino  of 
Panicalc  liad  been  .sent  into  that  country  to  recruit.     Behind 

'  "  For,"  continues  Zazzera,  '"  tliey  liad  a  mortal  enmity  to  tlie  I'asolini  wlio 
were  their  equals  ;  Martino  Pasolino,  head  of  that  House,  having  forcibly  detained 
a  iiohle  maiden  with  a  great  inheritance  for  her  dower,  who  was  affianced  to 
IJartolo,  lirother  of  Sforza  (Muzzo).  l'"f)r  this  reason  they  were  wont  to  fall  on 
each  other  as  in  veritable  battle,  and  UKiiiy  were  slain.  In  the  end  Martino, 
having  lost  his  son  and  all  his  friends,  was  driven  from  the  Commune."  Zazzera, 
Ihlla  Nobilla  d' Ilalia  (della  Faiiiii^lia  Sforza). 


CATHERINE'S   ANCESTRY  7 

them  he  perceived  some  of  his  own  companions  who  had 
been  already  enrolled.  "  O  Muzzo  !  "  (Giacomuzzo)  cried  the 
latter,  "  cast  away  your  spade,  and  come  with  us  to  seek 
your  fortune  !  "  Muzzo  threw  his  spade  into  an  oak,  meaning, 
if  the  spade  fell,  to  take  it  up  again  for  ever ;  if  it  stayed 
there,  to  be  a  soldier.  The  spade  did  not  fall,  and  when 
night  came,  Muzzo  fled  from  Cotignola,  on  one  of  his  father's 
horses,  and  joined  the  camp. 

Two  years  later  Muzio^  returned  to  visit  his  parents,  but 
as  his  heart  was  ever  with  arms  and  armaments,  his  father 
said,  "Be  then  a  man  of  arms!  go  back  to  the  camp  and 
make  thy  fortune!"  And  he  pledged  a  strip  of  land  to 
buy  him  four  horses  and  his  arms.  Muzio  returned  to  the 
camp  followed  by  a  troop  of  his  kinsmen,  eager  to  acquire 
power  and  riches  ;  his  violence  earned  him  the  nickname 
of  Sforza ;  bold  and  turbulent,  he  could  scarcely  endure 
to  hear  of  the  adventures  of  more  fortunate  condottieri. 
Broglio  of  Chieri  was  Lord  of  Assisi,  Biordo  of  his  native 
Perugia ;  Acuto  (John  Hawkswood),  an  Englishman,  of 
Cotignola.  Their  success  kept  Sforza  sullen  by  day  and 
wakeful  by  night.  "Am  I  not  as  good  as  these.?"  he  asked 
himself.  "  May  I  not  beat  these  strangers,  who  plunder  our 
richest  soil  and  capture  our  fairest  cities  ? "  For  the  cup 
was  brimming  over,  and  the  foreign  orgy  was  nearing  its 
end.  The  butchery  at  Faenza  (March  29,  1376),  and  the 
more  horrible  slaughter,  by  the  Bretons  and  English,  of 
Acuto,  by  command  of  Robert,  Cardinal  of  Geneva,  had 
stirred  the  whole  peninsula.  Romagna  arose  from  that  bath 
of  blood  with  a  sense  of  revolt  against  the  foreign  hordes, 
and  of  envy  of  the  luck  of  their  leaders.  "  But  among  all," 
says  Giovio,  "  Alberigo  Balbiano,  illustrious  by  the  splendour 
of  his  arms,  inflamed  him  (Sforza)  to  follow  the  wars."  Sforza 
and  his  Romagnole  band  went  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the 
company  of  St.  George,  composed  exclusively  of  Italians 
who  had  sworn  never  to  turn  their  backs  upon  the  enemy. 
After  these  had,  in  more  than  one  place,  vanquished  the 
Bretons,  killed  the  French,  beaten  the  Germans,  broken  the 

^    Vide  note  on  Muzio  (corruption  of  Muzzo)  on  page  5. 


8  ORIGIN    OF   THE   HOUSE   OF  SFORZA 

Spaniards,  and  routed  the  Savoyards  and  the  English,  they 
sufficiently  proved  that  the  Italians  had  still  some  claim  to 
a  reputation  for  valour.  Thus  the  fortunes  of  the  House 
of  Sforza  grew  with  the  renascent  glory  of  Italian  arms. 

Sforza  was  the  greatest  and  most  fortunate  of  cottdottieri — 
he  fought  for  four  popes  and  four  kings.  After  the  death  of 
King  Ladislaus  of  Naples  he  attached  himself  to  Joan,  his 
sister  and  successor,  who  "  lived  shamelessly,  surrounded  by 
a  varied  and  ever-changing  circle  of  lovers.  .  .  .  Sforza,  a 
most  gallant  soldier,  took  his  place  among  these."  ^  Sforza 
was  not  without  a  certain  rustic  cunning,  but  "  inexpert  in 
intrigues  and  in  the  ways  of  Courts,  he  fell  an  easy  prey  to 
treason."-  Pandolfo  Alopo,  his  rival  in  the  Queen's  love, 
thrust  him  into  prison,  then  appealed  to  him  to  help  him  to 
oppose  Giacomo  del  la  Marca,  whom  Joan  had  chosen  for  her 
husband  despite  his  age,  "  the  better  to  manage  and  circum- 
vent him."  But  the  latter,  who  cared  more  for  his  crown 
than  for  his  queen,  deprived  the  unhappy  princess  of  her 
power  and  tormented  her ;  Alopo  lost  his  head  on  the 
scaffold,  and  Sforza,  in  chains  in  a  dungeon,  awaited  torture. 
The  Virgin  appeared  to  him  and  promised  him  that  he 
should  not  suffer.  Invoking  her  name,  he  resisted  his  tor- 
mentors, and  the  new  King  failed  to  extort  from  him  the 
pass-words  of  the  fortresses  :  he  pined  in  prison,  but  faith 
upheld  him. 

The  King  sent  to  Tricarico  to  take  possession  of  the  city. 
Margaret,  Sforza's  sister,  who  was  its  ruler,  met  the  King's 
envoys,  sword  in  hand,  and  cast  them  into  prison,  vowing  to 
hang  them  all  by  the  neck  unless  her  brother  were  set  at 
liberty.     Sforza  was  immediately  liberated. 

Sforza  now  strove  to  acquire  riches  as  a  means  to  power, 
but  ever  fearful  of  their  influence,  turned  away  his  eyes  from 
coin,  lest  the  sight  of  heaps  of  gold  should  weaken  him.  He 
balanced  his  exjjcnditurc  with  the  revenues  of  castles  and 
stijjcnds  ;  he  did  not  understand  figures,  yet  never  made  a 
mistake  in  jjaying.  He  never  failed  his  creditors,  for  he  held 
that  credit  consisted  rather  in  a  loyal  reputation  than  in  ready 

'  V.  SimoneUa,   VHa  di  J-'rancesco  Sforza.  •  Giovio. 


CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY  9 

money.  When  in  need,  no  one  was  ever  so  rich  as  he  "  because 
of  the  singular  esteem  in  which  the  bankers  held  him."  ^  He 
never  hesitated  to  shed  blood,  even  by  treacherous  means, 
and  his  discipline  with  his  soldiers  was  iron.  He  who  stole 
forage  was  dragged  by  a  horse's  tail ;  traitors  were  hung  to 
the  roadside  trees  and  their  bones  left  to  be  picked  by  the 
birds;  strokes  were  administered  for  a  spot,  or  even  a  little 
rust  on  arms  ;  they  whose  helmets  were  unadorned  by  a  fine 
plume  were  hissed.  His  reviews  were  splendid  and  sumptu- 
ous. The  horses'  harness  was  gilt  or  enamelled  in  the 
Persian  fashion,  the  trappings  heavy  with  gold  and  silver 
embroidery.  He  tolerated  neither  gambling  nor  swearing  in 
camp.  On  days  of  leisure,  he  practised  gymnastics  with  the 
soldiers  and  proved  his  superiority  in  suppleness  of  limb  and 
muscular  strength.  At  night  the  legends  of  the  paladins  of 
France  were  read  to  the  soldiers  ;  he  made  generous  offers  to 
men  of  letters  to  translate  for  him  the  Greek  and  Latin 
historians,  apologizing  for  his  ignorance  "  in  that  he  had  not 
learnt  to  hold  book  and  sword  in  the  same  hand."  He  wrote 
few  letters  and  these  in  hasty  and  unformed  characters,  signed 
with  a  simple  cipher  that  he  had  learned  in  the  prison  of 
Castel  deir  Ovo.  His  tabic  was  hospitable,  in  his  house  he 
neither  tolerated  unbelievers,  madmen,  nor  jesters.  He 
attended  mass  every  day  and  partook  of  the  Communion 
once  a  year.  He  received  and  employed  the  old  enemies  of 
his  family,  but  advised  them  not  to  return  to  Cotignola  ;  for 
although  he  forgave  them  freely,  there  were  those  among  his 
kinsmen  who  would  neither  forget  nor  forgive.- 

Matrimony  was,  to  this  fighting  peasant,  who  had  castaway 
his  spade  in  the  hope  of  a  sceptre,  the  most  rapid  way  to  riches 
and  power.  To  this  end,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  sacrifice  the 
celebrated  Lucia  da  Torsana,  an  excellent  wife,  who  had 
already  borne  him  Francesco  and  six  other  sons.     When  he 

^  Giovio. 

-  Among  these  was  Maitino  Pasolino  (head  of  a  House  witli  whom  that  of  Sforza 
was  at  enmity),  who,  finding  himself  ruined  and  hunted  from  every  refuge,  cast  him- 
self in  despair  at  the  feet  of  Muzio,  who  immediately  forgave  and  employed  him. 
Doc.  I,  2,  3  :  Documents  relating  to  "Experiments"  of  Catherine  Sforza— 
Pier  Desiderio  Pasolini — Rome,  Loescher. 


lo  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

became  rich  and  famous,  he  no  longer  looked  upon  her  as  his 
equal,  and  wishing  to  be  free  to  contract  a  princely  alliance, 
he  looked  about  him,  until  at  fifty  he  succeeded  in  wedding 
the  widow  of  Louis  of  Anjou,  King  of  Naples.  For  the  rest, 
his  morals  are  in  no  way  to  be  commended.  When  Francesco, 
his  son,  set  out  to  make  his  fortune,  he  gave  him  the  following 
advice  :  '•'  Do  not  look  at  the  wife  of  a  friend  ;  do  not  beat 
any  one,  or  if  you  have  beaten  him,  make  your  peace  with  him 
and  send  him  far  away;  ride  no  horse  that  hath  a  hard  mouth 
or  a  tender  heel :  "  for  these  three  things  had  endangered 
his  own  life. 

On  January  4,  1424,  Sforza,  then  in  his  fifty-sixth  year, 
gave  battle  to  the  Bracceschi  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Pescara. 
To  complete  his  victory,  there  remained  but  to  pursue  the 
enemy.  But  a  sudden  vv'ind  blew  from  the  north  ;  the  sea 
howled,  the  river  swelled  and  some  squadrons  of  horse,  that  were 
still  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  hesitated  to  cross.  Sforza, 
who  had  already  crossed,  signed  to  the  soldiers  and  called  to 
them  by  name  ;  then,  seeing  that  none  of  them  ventured  to 
move,  dashed  once  more  into  the  river  as  an  example  to  those 
who  were  afraid.  In  mid-current  he  perceived  that  a  beloved 
page  who  had  followed  him,  bearing  his  helmet,  had  lost  his 
saddle  and  was  on  the  point  of  drowning.  "  Poor  boy!  "  cried 
Sforza,  "  will  no  one  help  you  ?  "  Approaching  him,  he  threw 
himself  completely  on  one  side,  and  by  extending  his  arm 
succeeded  in  gripping  the  page  by  the  hair.  In  doing  this  he 
unwittingly  tightened  his  horse's  rein.  He  rode  a  fine 
charger,  of  so  delicate  a  mouth  that  it  reared  at  the  slightest 
touch  of  the  bit ;  its  hind-legs  caught  in  the  river  mud  and 
the  rider  was  thrown.  Unburdened  of  his  weight,  the  horse 
swam  to  land.  liut  Sforza,  dragged  down  by  the  weight  of 
his  aruKjur,  disappeared  where  the  lUshing  river  lost  itself  in 
the  waves  and  the  roar  of  the  sea. 

Twice  his  mailed  gloves  were  seen  to  rise  out  of  the  water 
and  join.  None  dared  to  breast  the  current.  His  corpse 
was  never  fountl. 

Tiu,-    P.racccsclii    had   Incii    aire  id}- driven   back  within   the 


CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY  ii 

city  of  Pescara,  when  a  runner  arrived  with  the  news  of  Sforza's 
death.  From  every  side  came  cries  of  sorrow  and  discourage- 
ment. But  Francesco,  impassable,  continued  to  give  battle 
and  held  the  command  until  the  victory  was  complete. 

Some  hours  later,  when  the  wind  was  down  and  the  water 
low,  Francesco,  the  victor  of  the  day,  drew  rein  at  the  river- 
side. He  consigned  his  horse  to  a  squire,  lest  he  should 
trample  on  the  body  of  his  father,  sprang  into  a  small  ruinous 
boat,  which  he  rowed  with  a  branch  he  had  cut  from  a  tree 
with  his  sword,  and  kneeling,  bareheaded,  regardless  of  the 
enemy's  arrows,  crossed  the  river  which  had  become  his  father's 
grave.  He  was  immediately  surrounded  by  Sforza's  weeping 
soldiers.  "  Be  faithful  to  me,"  he  said,  "  as  you  were  to  my 
father  ;  with  God's  help  I  will  yet  lead  you  to  glory  and 
fortune." 

In  that  same  January  of  1424,  Francesco,  with  a  following 
of  forty  men-at-arms,  offered  his  services  as  his  father's 
successor  to  Queen  Joan  of  Naples.  The  unhappy  Queen,  on 
seeing  him,  cried,  weeping  bitterly  :  "  O  Sforza,  Sforza  !  ^ 
your  name  at  least  shall  live.  Francesco  Sforza,  be  Sforza 
the  surname  of  your  sons  and  brothers." 

In  Francesco  was  no  trace  of  his  father's  rustic  bearing; 
he  had  already  won  twenty-two  battles,  his  achievements 
were  as  famous  as  those  of  his  father  before  him,  and  no 
ambition  was  disproportionate  to  his  merit.  His  constant 
aim  was  as  his  father's,  a  crown,  and  he  pursued  it  by  like  means 
and  with  the  same  capacity.  Matrimony  was  to  complete 
what  had  been  begun  with  valour  and  the  fortune  of  arms. 
Bianca  Maria,  daughter  of  Philip,  last  of  the  Visconti,  by  his 
mistress,  Agnese  del  Maino,  conferred  on  him  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  an  old  and  princely  name.  At  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Duke  Philip,  Francesco  and  his  wife  were  at  Cotignola. 
He  hastened  with  four  thousand  horse  and  two  thousand  foot 
soldiers  to  Cremona,  a  city  that  Bianca  had  brought  him 
in  dowry. 

Maria  of  Savoy,  widow  of  Duke  Philip,  who  had  subjected 

■*  Sforza,  a  nickname  actjuired  by  Muzio  Attendolo  on  account  of  his  extreme 
violence  and  impetuosity. 


12  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

her  to  many  humiliations,  was  venerated  by  his  subjects.  She 
persuaded  them  to  ally  themselves  with  her  brother,  Ludovic, 
Duke  of  Savoy,  an  alliance  which  was  to  be  frustrated  by 
Bianca  Maria,  the  daughter  of  her  rival,  who  was  determined 
not  to  lose  the  paternal  heritage. 

Francesco  Sforza  declared  he  would  turn  the  Dukes  of  Savoy 
out  of  Italy  and  enrich  his  followers  with  the  Piedmontese 
tei-ritory.  He  put  to  death  soldiers  and  subjects  of  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  scoffed  at  the  Duchess  Dowager  of  Milan,  and  sent 
to  advise  the  magistrates  of  that  city  to  put  no  faith  in  the 
promises  and  fables  of  the  House  of  Savoy.  As  Captain- 
general  of  the  Milanese  Republic,  he  had  beaten  the  Venetians 
at  Caravaggio.  He  then  allied  himself  with  them,  turned 
upon  the  Republic  and  besieged  Milan,  which  opened  her 
gates  to  him  after  thirty  months  of  anarchic  liberty.  On 
February  26,  1450,  Francesco  made  his  state  entry.  He 
ordered  his  soldiers  to  give  up  their  bread  to  the  starving 
populace,  and  refusing  to  enter  the  chariot,  with  its  baldaquin 
of  cloth  of  gold,  which  the  Milanese  had  prepared  for  him, 
was  almost  carried  into  the  Dome  on  horseback  by  the  enthu- 
siastic crowd  which  surrounded  him  too  closely  to  permit  of 
his  dismounting. 

The  appearance  of  this  typical  warrior  and  prince  of  the 
fifteenth  century  is  thus  described  in  a  letter  of  Pope  Pius  II. 
"  Of  tall  and  imposing  stature  and  serious  expression,  ever 
calm  and  affable  in  speech  ;  in  truth,  a  princely  bearing." 
None  left  him  dissatisfied,  nor  were  ever  disappointed  in  him. 
I  le  honoured  men  of  virtue  and  merit ;  was  benevolent  and  for- 
bearing to  the  weak,  of  quick  temper,  but  prompt  to  atone  by 
acts  of  spontaneous  kindness  for  offence  given,  deaf  to  mali- 
cious insinuations,  careful  of  religious  observance,  just  and 
unrevengcfu!.  In  the  licence  and  cruelty  of  his  times,  Fran- 
cesco Sfor/.a,  despite  his  ten  natural  children  and  more  than 
one  act  cjf  violence,  was  accounted  luunane,  moral,  and  true 
to  his  given  word. 

At  that  time,  diversity  of  faith  and  country  divided  the 
human  family,but  when  the  Duke  had  erected  thechief  hospital, 
he  decreed  that  despite  diversity  of  faith  and  country  the  sick 


CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY 


13 


and  maimed  of  all  nations  and  creeds  should  be  received  there. 
The  citizens  often  met  him,  walking  with  his  children  or  riding 
to  inspect  the  new  buildings  in  progress.  Like  his  father,  he 
loved  to  dine  in  good  company,  but  the  ducal  table  was 
frugal.  Besides  his  guests,  any  one  might  approach  him  at 
meal-times,  when  he  would  listen,  with  infinite  courtesy  and 
patience,  to  long  stories  of  misfortune  and  continual  api)cals 
for  help.  He  was  a  loving  husband  to  Bianca  Maria,  of  whom 
he  was  wont  to  say  that,  "of  all  the  good  things  for  which 
he  thanked  God,  that  for  which  he  was  most  grateful  was 
that  he  had  been  found  w^orthy  of  such  a  woman,  who  had 
not  her  equal  upon  earth."  Whence  it  will  be  seen,  that  in 
the  family  of  these  fortunate  adventurers,  although  the  end 
was  often  used  to  justify  the  means,  and  legitimacy  of  birth 
was  regarded  as  a  negligible  quantity,  many  simple,  domestic 
virtues  went  hand  in  hand  with  military  fame  and  the  pomp 
of  power. 

Bianca  INIaria  Visconti  was  eight  years  old  when  she  was 
affianced  to  Francesco  Sforza.  Later,  her  father  betrothed 
her,  for  political  reasons,  to  two  other  princes,  but  Bianca 
would  wed  none  other  than  Francesco,  so  that  on  October 
25,  1441,  when  he  was  forty  and  the  bride  seventeen,  they 
were  married.  A  year  later,  Francesco  entrusted  her  with 
the  government  of  the  Marca  d'Ancona.  She  was  happiest 
in  the  midst  of  her  soldiers,  but  to  avoid  slander  did  not 
appear  in  camp  except  when  councils  were  held,  or  in  moments 
of  extreme  danger.  Hearing,  while  her  husband  was  away 
fighting  in  Bresciana,  that  the  castle  of  Monza  had  fallen  into 
rebel  hands,  she  started  on  foot,  calling  to  her  guard  :  "  Let 
those  who  love  me  follow,"  and  appearing  suddenly,  with  her 
escort,  in  the  rebel  midst,  obtained  the  immediate  restitution 
of  the  castle.  On  another  occasion,  fearing  that  Francesco, 
wearied  by  continuous  rain,  would  raise  a  siege,  she  joined 
him,  and  finding  that  he  had  placed  seven  cannons  in  position, 
persuaded  him  to  add  to  them  two  others  and  to  bombard 
day  and  night.  The  fortress  fell,  and  Francesco  declared  that 
he  trusted  even  more  in  his  wife  than  in  his  army. 

In  1448  Francesco  was   at  war  with  Venice.     The   battle 


14  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

raged  under  the  walls  of  Cremona.  Bianca,  who  was  then 
twenty-three,  mounted  her  horse,  called  the  citizens  to  arms, 
and  placing  herself  at  their  head,  led  them  to  the  camp. 
"Mark,  St.  Mark!"  cried  a  Venetian  soldier,  from  a  tower. 
Bianca  threw  her  lance  at  him  and  he  fell  dead.  The 
burghers  of  Cremona,  led  by  the  voice  of  their  liege  lady, 
fought  until  night,  wherever  the  danger  was  hottest,  and 
having  beaten  the  Venetians,  led  her  back  in  triumph  to  the 
city. 

It  was  Bianca  who,  after  the  death  of  her  father,  advised 
her  husband's  alliance  with  the  Venetians,  and  when  the  latter 
recalled  their  men  and  Francesco  began  to  fear  that  their 
plan  had  fallen  through,  exhorted  him  "to  fear  naught,  for 
the  daughter  of  Duke  Philip  was  capable  of  raising  the 
spirits  of  the  Milanese."  When,  during  the  siege  of  Milan, 
grain  was  selling  at  sixty  ducats  per  measure,  Bianca,  by 
means  of  secret  agents  and  letters,  sent  word  to  the  people 
that  they  would  be  "blessed"  if  they  summoned  her  and 
her  "husband  within  their  walls  !  Your  Duke  will  be  a  father 
and  brother  to  you  !  " 

Francesco  was  summoned  ;  Bianca  recaptured  the  paternal 
State,  and  giving  it  to  her  husband,  became  the  foundation 
pillar  of  Lombard  statecraft  under  this  new  regimen,  and 
beloved  by  her  people,  ever  ruled  them  with  justice. 
Many  she  freed  from  death,  imprisonment  and  exile,  and 
lavishly  rewarded  old  servants  and  soldiers  of  her  father.^ 
"  When  reproached  with  being  too  munificent  and  generous," 
says  Sabadino,  "  she  replied,  raising  her  beautiful  white 
hands,  laden  with  jewelled  rings,  that  she  could  never  do 
enough  to  satisfy  her  soul."- 

Iler  greatest  pleasure  was  to  make  peace  where  there  had 
been  discord.  She  gave  money  where  she  gave  advice,  and 
thus  put  an  end  to  enmity  with  other  miseries,  provided 
(lowers  and  arranged  the  marriages  for  the  daughters  of 
impoverished  but  deserving  nobles,  and  albeit  "was  habited 
with  such  pomp  and  magnificence,  that  the  like  was  never 
seen,"-'  fasted  like  a  nun  and  visited  the  shrines,  in  and  out- 
'  Sabadino  dc  li  Aricnti,  (Jyitevcra  de  la  dare  donnc.  -  Jbid.  ^  Jbid. 


CATHERINE'S    ANCESTRY        '  15 

side  Milan,  clothed  like  a  penitent,  barefoot,  privately  and   in 
inclement  weather. 

A  careful  education,  in  the  seclusion  of  the  castle  of 
Abbiategrosso,  enabled  the  Duchess  to  direct  the  education  of 
her  children.  "We  must  remember,"  she  said  to  one  of 
their  learned  teachers,  "  that  we  have  to  train  princes,  not 
literati!'  One  of  the  themes  she  propounded  to  them  was  : 
"  Of  the  manner,  rules  and  artifices  whereby  the  contracts 
between  princes  are  made."  The  matter  was  to  be  treated 
in  Latin  by  children  from  thirteen  to  sixteen.  Ludovico  il 
Moro  was  then  nine.  In  a  childish  letter,  written  some  years 
later  from  the  country,  Ludovic  assures  his  mother,  to  whom 
he  sends  seventy  quails,  two  partridges  and  a  pheasant,  that 
his  love  of  sport  {caccici)  does  not  cause  him  to  neglect  his 
studies,  "which  will  one  day  be  very  useful  to  him." 
Bianca  divided  her  children's  days  into  hours  of  study,  hours 
for  gymnastic  and  hours  for  military  exercise.  Some  ladies 
of  the  Court  were  deputed  to  teach  them  good  manners. 
They  sometimes  went  on  foot  to  pay  visits  to  citizens  of 
importance  in  their  houses  :  they  were  expected  to  entertain 
the  lords  and  gentlemen  who  came  to  Court  from  other  cities, 
and  to  dance  with  their  ladies. 

When  the  life  of  Francesco  was  despaired  of,  Bianca, 
remembering  that  the  Sforza  sovereignty  lacked  the  imperial 
sanction,  recalled  her  eldest  son  Galeazzo  from  the  war  in 
Dauphine  :  "  It  is  our  will,"  she  wrote,  "that  immediately  on 
receipt  of  this  our  letter  you  mount  your  horse  and  come 
away,  flying,  without  any  intermission  of  time."  The  Duke 
died  on  March  8,  1466.  In  the  same  night  Bianca  summoned 
the  chief  personages  of  Milan,  took  measures  to  frustrate  an}' 
attempt  to  incite  the  people  to  rebellion,  and  wrote  to  the 
Italian  Powers.  She  shed  no  tears,  but  her  aspect  compelled 
the  pity  of  every  witness.  When  her  duties  were  fulfilled  she 
went  to  pray  by  the  corpse  of  her  husband,  where  she  watched 
for  two  days  and  nights  and  whence  she  had  to  be  torn  by 
force  by  the  friends  and  doctors  who  surrounded  her.  Then 
only  she  lost  her  fortitude,  and  raining  passionate  tears  and 
kisses  on  the  dead  face,  upbraided  herself  for  having  some- 


i6  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

times  opposed  her  lord,  praying  God  to  receive  his  soul  in 
peace. 

Bianca  had  saved  the  State  for  her  son  and  shared  its 
government  with  him  so  wisely  that  "all  Italy  spoke  of  her 
with  reverence."  But  she  soon  became  irksome  to  the  new 
Duke,  whose  pride  had  been  inflated  by  his  marriage  with 
Bona  of  Sa\oy,  an  alliance  which  made  him  brother-in- 
law  to  the  King  of  France  and  son-in-law  to  that  Duke 
Ludovic  whom  his  father  had  threatened  to  turn  out  of 
Piedmont.  His  mother  sought  refuge  from  her  humiliation  in 
her  own  city  of  Cremona,  where  upon  arrival  she  suddenly 
fell  ill,  and  soon  her  life  was  despaired  of.  None  ventured  to 
tell  the  pious  Duchess  of  her  danger,  until  Michael  Carcano 
(afterwards  beatified),  learning  from  the  physicians  that  she 
could  not  outlive  the  following  day,  took  heart  of  grace  and 
said :  "  Gracious  Lady,  your  hour  is  near."  She  calmly 
asked  for  the  Sacrament,  made  her  will  and  to  Duke  Galeazzo, 
who  had  hastened  to  her  bedside,  recommended  her 
"  Milanese  and  all  our  other  subjects.  But  the  Cremonese," 
she  added,  "who  came  to  me  as  my  paternal  dower,  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  thee."  And  having  prayed  him  to  so  requite 
her  household  that  none  might  sa)-  they  had  in  vain  spent 
time  and  service  on  her,  and  having  blessed  the  Duke  and 
her  other  children,  "presently  fell  asleep." 

The  decadence  of  the  race  of  Sforza  began  with  Galeazzo, 
son  of  Francesco  and  Bianca,  who  inherited  the  paternal 
energy  without  its  power  of  organization.  To  the  vicissitudes 
of  Romagna,  Muzio  owed  his  mental  vigour ;  to  the  pursuit 
of  war  and  the  thirst  of  power,  Francesco  owed  his  firmness 
and  the  temjjerament  that  is  born  of  a  high  ideal.  Galeazzo, 
who  ascended  the  throne  at  twenty-two,  had  never  measured 
his  .strength  with  an  enemy,  an  equal,  nor  a  ri\al ;  unac- 
customed to  restraint,  he  was  foolhardy,  sensual  and  cruel. 
His  violent  nature  was  leavened  by  two  weaknesses,  in- 
constancy and  vainglory,  owing  to  which,  the  astute  could 
bend  his  will  to  their  own  ends.  His  best  adviser  was  Cicco 
Simonetta,  who  iiad  been  secretary  to  Duke  Francesco. 
I'opularity  being  the  chief  aim  of  Galeazzo,  his  first  care  was 


CATHERINE'S   ANXESTRY  17 

to  ensure  the  cheapness  of  victuals,  and  knowing  that  the 
people,  next  to  abundance,  cared  most  for  public  festivities, 
he  determined  that  the  Milanese  should  be  proud  of  the 
splendour  of  his  Court.  He  patronized  and  affected  letters, 
and  sought  the  praise  of  every  kind  of  artist ;  he  spent 
treasure  on  musicians,  singers,  sculptors  and  painters.  But 
even  as  a  Maecenas  he  was  mad  and  tyrannous  ;  he  ordered 
a  room  in  the  Castle  of  Porta  Giovia  (built,  but  not  decorated 
by  his  father)  to  be  decorated,  in  one  night,  with  the  portraits 
of  the  ducal  family,  their  courtiers  and  pages. 

Yet  it  was  in  the  nature  of  things  that,  caring  so  much  for 
praise,  he  should  sometimes  achieve  that  which  was  praise- 
worthy. Corruption  existed  no  longer  in  the  administration  ; 
there  was  discipline  in  the  army  and  liberty  in  commerce. 
The  prince's  word  was  considered  as  good  as  his  bond.  But 
his  life  was  a  continual  contradiction,  because  his  acts  did 
not  spring  from  an  innate  sense  of  good.  He  offered  his 
people  abundance,  feasts  and  cavalcades,  yet  wrote  to  his 
treasurer :  "  Have  a  care  not  to  emancipate  our  subjects, 
like  those  of  Savoy." 

A  contemporary  defined  him  as  "  a  monster  compounded 
of  virtues  and  vices  ;  "  the  Diario  of  Ferrara  is  more  explicit : 
"  He  was  a  man  who  committed  acts  of  madness  and  things 
that  cannot  be  written."  Milanese  licence  was  so  unbridled 
that  Galcazzo  could  abandon  himself  to  any  sort  of  profligacy 
without  fear  of  endangering  his  popularity  ;  his  example  not 
only  corrupted  manners,  but  principles;  modesty  was  re- 
garded as  barbarism,  husbands  were  honoured  by  the  prince's 
irregularities,  his  favourites  were  the  leading  ladies  of  the 
capital  ;  he  did  not  hesitate  to  torture,  mutilate,  and  bury 
alive  any  supposed  rival  in  their  fickle  affections.  A  terrible 
suspicion  cast  its  shadow  over  him  ;  he  was  reputed  to  have 
poisoned  Dorothea  Gonzaga,  his  affianced  bride,  that  he  might 
be  free  to  woo  Bona  of  Savoy.  The  sudden  and  mysterious 
death  of  Duchess  Bianca  was  ascribed  to  the  same  cause  by 
the  populace,  and  when  they  saw  him  hasten  to  her  deathbed 
at  the  Castle   of  Melegnano,  they  recoiled    from   what  they 

believed   to    be    hypocrisy.     The     callousness     with     which 

c 


i8  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    SFORZA 

Galeazzo  received  official  condolence  confirmed  this  rumour, 
which  is  not  justified  by  history,  while  proofs  are  not  wanting 
that  his  mother  died  of  a  broken  heart.  "Mental  anguish" 
wrote  Bianca's  physician  to  the  reigning  Duke,  "  is  most 
conducive  to  bodily  suffering." 

Galeazzo  had  married  Bona  of  Savoy  in  1468.  She  is 
described  by  contemporaries  (among  whom  was  the  Duke's 
brother,  Tristan  Sforza,  his  proxy  at  the  wedding  at  the 
Castle  of  Amboise)  as  beautiful,  gracious,  gentle  and  in  every 
way  worthy  of  her  name.  By  dint  of  tact  and  patience  she 
obtained  great  influence  over  her  erratic  husband,  and,  shocked 
by  his  excesses,  interceded  between  him  and  his  victims. 
In  1474  the  Sforza  prisons  and  dungeons  were  crowded  ; 
in  many  places  gallows  were  erected,  and  everywhere  terror 
and  indignation  prevailed,  when  the  Duke,  "  touched  by  the 
entreaties  of  the  Duchess"  (writes  Campi),  "caused  a  general 
pardon  to  be  proclaimed  ; "  a  few  were  kept  in  chains,  but  no 
blood  was  shed.  Bona,  henceforward  known  as  "  the  first 
Madonna  of  Italy,"  bore  her  husband  five  children  :  Giovan- 
Galeazzo,  Alexander,  Hermes,  Bianca-Maria  and  Anna. 
His  illegitimate  offspring  were  Carlo,  Octavian,  Chiara, 
Galeazzo  and  one  who  must  ever  live  in  history  as  Catherine 
Sforza,  not  for  having  initiated  a  new  era,  but  because  she 
stands  out  from  it,  like  a  great  figure  from  an  older  time. 


BOOK  II 

CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 


CHAPTER    II 

CHILDHOOD.     MARRIAGE 

The  name  of  Catherine  Sforza  is  first  mentioned  in  a 
letter  written  by  Duke  Galeazzo  (then  in  camp  with  the 
Florentine  and  Neapolitan  armies  in  Bolognese  territory) 
to  his  mother.  Catherine,  who  was  in  her  sixth  year,  had 
been  left  in  the  guardianship  of  her  paternal  grandmother  ; 
she  was  ill,  and  as  there  was  no  improvement  in  her  condition, 
two  couriers  had  left  Milan  on  the  same  day  to  convey 
news  of  the  child.  There  was  no  mention  of  her  mother. 
Duchess  Bianca  was  then  forty-one,  still  beautiful,  although 
she  had  little  more  than  a  year  to  live,  and  an  affectionate 
grandmother  to  the  child  of  her  son's  first  love,  an  error 
which  had  been  quickly  condoned  by  her,  and  had  not 
scandalized  any  one  else. 

Catherine  was  born  about  the  year  1463,  in  Milan  or 
Pavia,  where  the  ducal  family  spent  part  of  the  year.  Her 
mother,  Lucretia  Landriani,  was  remarkably  beautiful,  but 
there  is  nothing  to  prove  her  possession  of  the  intellectual 
gifts  with  which  she  is  accredited  by  some  historians.  She 
plays  no  part  either  in  the  education  or  the  history  of 
Catherine,  who  was,  however,  constant  in  her  love  for  her. 
She  had  several  children  :  Bianca  and  Pietro  were  legitimate, 
not  so  Stella,  who  yet  was  no  daughter  to  Galeazzo. 

Galeazzo  legitimized  Catherine.  On  the  death  of  her  heroic 
grandmother  she  was  adopted  by  Bona,  his  wife,  who  loved 
her  as  if  she  had  really  been  her  daughter,  and  educated 
her  with  maternal  solicitude.  Meanwhile  her  father,  who 
intended  her  to  serve  his  political  aims,  affianced  her  at  the 
age  of  seven  to  Onorato,  son  of  Count  Marcantonio  Torelli. 


22  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

Onorato's  early  death  paved  the  way  to  Catherine's  higher 
fortune.  Catherine's  education  was  most  elaborate :  the 
Duke,  her  father,  prided  himself  on  his  literary  acquirements. 
His  Court  was  thronged  by  scholars  and  humanists  ;  the 
best  masters  were  at  hand,  and  the  pupil  was  apt  and  of 
remarkable  memory. 

The  princesses  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  were 
generally  educated  with  their  brothers,  the  field  of  learning 
being  limited  to  the  study  of  the  classics.  Italian  and  Latin 
verse,  written  by  the  women  of  the  period,  is  virile  in 
character,  and  in  no  wise  distinguishable  from  that  of  the 
men.  The  study  of  music,  in  which  it  does  not  appear  that 
Catherine  was  proficient,  was  generally  confined  to  the  lute. 

In  the  Italian  Courts  of  the  fifteenth  century  woman  held 
a  position  equal  to  that  of  man — she  was  in  every  way  his 
peer.  Marriage,  instead  of  blending  two  beings  in  one,  united 
two  equals,  while  enthusiasm  for  antique  ideals  and  the 
conviction  that  classic  culture  was  the  principal  ornament 
of  life,  made  it  essential  to  maidens  who  were  destined  to 
govern  like  men. 

The  first  important  event  which  can  have  been  retained 
by  Catherine's  memory  was  her  visit  to  Lorenzo  Medici. 

Galeazzo,  conscious  that  the  annexation  of  the  county  of 
Imola  was  obnoxious  to  the  Medici,  and  desirous  of  averting 
a  war  with  Florence,  left,  under  the  pretext  of  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  Annunziata,  for  that  city  in  March  1471  with  his 
wife  Bona  and  daughters  Anna  and  Catherine.  It  would 
appear,  from  the  sumptuousness  of  his  travelling  and  hunting 
equipage  and  the  splendour  of  the  liveries  and  trappings  of 
their  nuincrcms  following,  that  Galeazzo  challenged  com- 
parison with  the  magnificent  Florentine,  who  received  the 
ducal  family  in  his  own  house,  while  the  Court  were  lodged 
in  the  city  at  the  expense  of  the  Commune.  Galeazzo  was 
spellbound  by  the  combination  of  magnificence  and  the 
highest  art  in  Casa  Medici.  And  the  humour  of  the 
l'"lorcntincs  was  so  unconstrained  in  its  gaiet)'  that  "  if  the 
said   Duke   found   the  town   steeped    in   effeminate  delicacy 


CHILDHOOD.     MARRIAGE  23 

and  in  customs  opposed  to  those  of  every  well-ordered  city, 
he  left  it  worse  than  he  found  it,"  says  Machiavelli. 

Genoa  was  not  less  splendid  in  her  reception  of  the  Duke 
and  Duchess,  but  despite  the  warmth  of  the  official  reception, 
and  the  value  and  variety  of  the  official  presents,  the  tyrant 
betrayed  his  terror  lest  he  should  be  assassinated,  and  after 
ordering  the  fortifications  to  be  strengthened  so  that  Genoa 
might  continue  to  be  held  in  subjection,  Galeazzo,  who  had 
left  Milan  like  a  satrap,  returned  to  it  in  fear  and  trembling, 
almost  as  a  fugitive. 

Thus  Florence  and  the  Medicean  Court  were  the  first 
spectacle  witnessed  by  Catherine,  destined  to  become  a 
member  of  a  family  who  were  mortal  enemies  of  the  Medici, 
and  to  be  a  witness  of  her  husband's  conspiracy  against,  and 
punishment  by,  the  Medici,  without  lessening  the  irresistible 
sympathy  which  attracted  her  to  the  Florentines.  One  of 
her  sons  took  service  under  the  Republic  ;  she  entertained 
Nicolo  Machiavelli,  a  Medici  was  her  last  love,  and  as  his 
widow  she  found  her  last  resting-place  in  Florence,  where 
a  long  line  of  her  descendants  became  famous  rulers  in  peace 
and  war. 

Pope  Sixtus  IV.  resorted  to  princely  alliances  as  a  means 
of  aggrandizement  for  his  nephews.  For  Leonardo  he  had 
secured  a  daughter  of  the  King  of  Naples,  for  Girolamo  he 
sought  an  alliance  with  the  reigning  House  of  Milan  and 
a  State  in  Northern  Italy.  In  December  1472,  Girolamo 
Riario  arrived  in  Milan  from  Bologna  for  the  solemnization 
of  his  betrothal  to  Constance,  daughter  of  Conrad  Fogliani 
(half-brother  of  Francesco  Sforza).  The  preliminaries  were 
satisfactory  to  all  parties  until  Gabriella  Gonzaga,  mother 
of  the  bride,  demurred  to  some  of  the  exactions  of  Girolamo, 
who  was  therein  supported  by  the  Duke  of  Milan.  Galeazzo 
stormed,  menaced  and  coerced  in  vain.  Gabriella  (on  whom 
he  afterwards  revenged  himself  by  a  law-suit)  remained 
unshaken  and  Catherine  Sforza,  in  lieu  of  her  cousin,  was 
offered  in  marriage  to  Riario,  who,  placated  by  the  promise 
of  so    much    beauty   and    the   prospect   of  a   marriage   in   a 


24  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

political  sense  more  advantageous,  concluded  a  hasty  be- 
trothal with  Catherine  at  the  Castle  of  Pavna  on  February  23, 
1473.  Three  days  later  the  bridegroom's  gifts  to  the  bride 
were  consigned  to  Duchess  Bona,  in  the  presence  of  four 
Court  officials,  among  whom  was  Pietro  Landriani,  Master 
of  the  Household  and  husband  of  the  fair  Lucretia. 

The  legal  act  of  donation  shows  ^  that  the  gifts  comprised 
two  dresses,  one  of  gold  brocade  and  the  other  of  green 
velvet,  embroidered  with  1538  large  and  as  many  small 
pearls,  three  rows  of  large  pearls,  two  thimbles,  set  with 
diamonds,  emeralds  and  sapphires,  a  jewel  "  in  the  form  of  a 
peasant,"  the  head  being  formed  by  a  large  pearl,  a  jewelled 
clasp  with  a  pear-shaped  pearl  for  a  pendant,  two  crosses 
set  with  diamonds,  pearls  and  rubies,  a  purse  of  gold,  seven 
girdles  set  in  silver,  and  two  pairs  of  sleeves  of  silver  brocade. 

In  September  of  the  same  year  Cardinal  Pietro  Riario, 
preceded  by  the  fame  of  absolute  power  and  regal  magnifi- 
cence, arrived  in  Milan  as  the  Pope's  legate,  and  was  received 
with  a  pomp  which  could  not  have  been  exceeded  had  he 
been  Pope.  This  young  Cardinal  had  been  instrumental  at 
the  conclave  in  the  election  of  his  uncle  to  the  papacy.  He 
had  quickly  risen  to  such  power  that  he  ruled  the  Pope 
and  squandered  an  income  of  60,000  gold  florins  in  the 
most  shameless  profligacy. 

No  sooner  had  he  arrived  than  he  asked  to  see  Catherine, 
by  whose  precocious  beauty  and  talent  (she  was  then  eleven) 
he  was  so  impressed  that  he  lavished  upon  her  caresses  and 
presents.  He  confirmed  the  marriage  contract  that  had  been 
entered  into  the  preceding  \-ear,  stipulated  that  the  bride's 
dowry  of  10,000  ducats  should  be  augmented  by  the 
Forest  of  Alexandria  and  that  the  town,  lands  and  castle 
of  Imola  which  the  Duke  had  obtained  from  the  Manfredi 
of  Faen/.a,  in  defiance  of  the  Medici,  should  become  the 
property  of  the  Church.  To  this  Galeazzo  agreed  on  the 
understanding  that  Imola  should  be  the  appanage  of  Girolamo 
Riario,  as  the  Pope's  vicar,  and  his  heirs.     The  price  of  the 

'    1  )()C.  60,  State  Archives  of  Milan. 


CHILDHOOD.     MARRIAGE  25 

cession  of  this  little  State  to  the  Church  was  40,000  ducats. 
The  Pope  declared  that  the  price  was  excessive  and  that 
the  gift  of  Imola,  which  by  right  belonged  to  the  Church, 
to  Girolamo,  went  somewhat  against  his  conscience,  but  he 
granted  it  because  "  it  was  not  meet  that  the  daughter  of 
so  great  a  prince  should  live  like  a  simple  gentlewoman." 
Thus  Galeazzo  secured  the  Pope's  favour,  the  Pope  had  the 
satisfaction  of  regaining  an  ancient  fief  for  the  Church,  of 
founding  a  State  for  Girolamo  and  of  spiting  Lorenzo  Medici. 
On  the  7th  of  the  following  November,  Girolamo  was  invested 
with  the  County  of  Imola,  paying  a  yearly  tribute  of  two 
hundred  instead  of  the  five  hundred  ducats  which  the  Church 
had  levied  from  the  Manfredi. 

The  Cardinal,  contrary  to  the  Duke's  advice,  left  Milan 
for  Venice,  where  he  was  again  received  with  great  honours. 
But  his  politics  aroused  suspicion,  and  the  profligacy  of  his 
conduct,  offence  and  scandal.  He  therefore  fled  to  Rome  in 
the  disguise  of  a  simple  priest,  after  a  five  days'  ride  through 
Bolognese  territory.  He  died  in  January  1474,  at  the  age 
of  twenty-eight,  a  victim  to  his  own  vices,  or,  as  some  people 
averred,  to  poison  administered  to  him  by  an  agent  of  the 
Signory  of  Venice.  His  death  was  hailed  by  many  as  a 
deliverance  from  a  moral  pest  that  had  exceeded  the  licence 
and  degradation  of  pagan  Rome,  but  the  populace,  to  whom 
his  lavish  expenditure  had  endeared  him,  mourned  him,  and 
the  Pope,  crying  "  My  son  and  my  hope  !  "  wept  so  bitterly  at 
his  grave  that  a  contemporary  describes  his  grief  as  "  undue." 

So  great  was  the  instinct  of  family  aggrandizement  in 
Cardinal  Pietro,  that  his  last  care  had  been  for  the  future 
of  his  brother  Girolamo,  and  on  him  the  Pope  concentrated 
henceforward  all  his  affection.  Catherine's  affianced  husband 
inherited  all  the  riches  of  his  brother,  to  whose  diplomacy 
he  already  owed  the  dominion  of  Imola.  In  his  hands  was 
soon  vested  all  military  and  ecclesiastic  power,  and  he  became 
the  centre  of  the  intrigues  and  political  crimes  of  his  day. 

His  primary  need  was  a  faction  ;  he  therefore  assured 
himself  of  the  Orsini  and  soon  rose  to  such  pre-eminence 
that  he  was  known  as  the  "  Arch-Pope." 


CHAPTER    III 
THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   GALEAZZO 

The  tacit  hate  and  bitter  satire  of  the  scholars  and 
rhetoricians  who  at  that  time  controlled  public  opinion,  was 
aroused  by  the  arrogance  of  Galeazzo,  then  in  the  full  tide 
of  his  success.  Among  the  most  intolerant  of  the  Duke's 
critics  was  Cola  Montana,  who  had  established  a  school  of 
rhetoric  in  Milan  in  the  year  1466.  This  man,  without 
any  common  sense  or  even  a  conception  of  the  logical 
sequence  and  inexorable  law  that  govern  events,  felt  himself 
called  upon  to  reorganize  society.  He  had  been  the  tutor  of 
Galeazzo  and  had  later  been  found  guilty  of  one  of  those 
offences  which  he  most  disapproved  in  the  Duke.  The  latter, 
delighted  in  an  opportunity  of  requiting  the  punishments 
inflicted  on  him  by  Cola,  had  him  whipped  in  public.  This 
increased  his  hatred  of  Galeazzo,  which,  owing  to  the  vogue 
of  classic  literature  and  the  examples  of  ancient  Greece  and 
Rome,  passed  for  hatred  of  tyranny. 

Cola  never  ceased  in  his  attacks  upon  the  Duke  ;  he 
inflamed  the  }'outh  of  Milan  against  his  excesses  and  declared 
only  those  to  be  happy  who  lived  under  a  republican  govern- 
ment ;  Catiline  was  his  greatest  hero,  Sallust  his  favourite 
author,  tyrannicide  the  supreme  achievement  of  a  life. 
Giovan-Andrca  Lampugnani,  reduced  to  a  poverty  which  was 
insufferable  to  his  jjridc,  had  been  condemned  to  death  by 
Francesco  and  i)ardoncd  by  Galeazzo.  Carlo  Visconti  could 
neitlier  forget  lliat  the  SfcMza  had  usurped  the  honours  of  his 
fainil)-  nor  that   the  Du]<e  had   seduced  his  sister.      Girolamo 

26 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    CiALEAZZO  27 

Olgiati,  a  beardless  youth,  had  no  motive  of  personal  hatred, 
but  he  saw  with  the  eyes  and  heard  with  the  ears  of  Cola, 
who,  maddened  by  his  dream  of  glory,  promised  these  favourite 
disciples  the  fame  of  Brutus,  Cassius  and  Catilinus,  After 
discarding  many  plans  for  the  suppression  of  the  tryant,  the 
conspirators  agreed  to  await  the  occasion  of  a  public  festivity, 
whetting  their  thirst  for  vengeance,  meanwhile,  on  a  magnifi- 
cently attired  lay-figure  of  the  Duke,  on  which,  while  heaping 
threats  and  insults,  they  made  savage  attacks,^  so  keeping 
their  hands  and  nerves  in  readiness  for  the  deed. 

In  December  1476,  Duke  Galeazzo  had,  in  defence  of 
Philibert  of  Savoy,  partially  repressed  the  invasion  of 
Charles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  sent  his  troops  to 
their  winter  quarters  to  avoid  the  intense  cold  of  the  Pied- 
montese  plains.  He  himself  returned  to  Vigevano,  with  the 
intention  of  resuming  hostilities  in  the  spring.  Christmas  was 
at  hand ;  it  was  the  custom  of  the  House  of  Sforza  to 
celebrate  it  at  home,  a  custom  to  which  Duke  Francesco,  who, 
though  dead  ten  years,  yet  lived  in  the  loving  remembrance 
of  his  people,  had  always  adhered.  Galeazzo,  knowing  that 
his  acts  would  be  compared  with  those  of  his  father,  felt  that 
the  maintenance  and  progression  of  the  State  was  due  to  the 
initial  impulse  of  its  founder.  He  was  thus  driven,  uncon- 
sciously, to  imitate  him  even  in  unimportant  details.  He 
had  been  absent  from  Milan  for  some  time  and  was  flattered 
by  the  thought  of  returning  to  his  capital  as  a  conqueror. 

Yet  the  mind  of  the  young  Duke  was  not  attuned  to  these 
happy  circumstances.  A  Milanese  astrologer,  a  priest  whom 
he  had  consulted,  had  foretold  that  he  would  not  complete 
the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign.  The  Duke  had  thrust  him, 
with  a  loaf,  a  glass  of  wine  and  the  wing  of  a  capon,  into  a 
dungeon,  where  the  wretched  man  had  starved  for  twelve 
days.  He  died  of  hunger,  but  his  prophecy  survived  him  and 
the  Duke  could  not  be  rid  of  it ;  the  victory  of  his  army  left 
him  as  gloomy  as  before.  There  might  be  a  refuge,  he 
thought,  in    home   and  religion,  and  that  was  why   he  was 

^  Allegretto  AUegretti,  Diarii  Sanesi. 


28  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

returning,  according   to   the  custom  of  his  father,  to  spend 
Christmas   with  his   family  and   his  people. 

On  mounting  his  horse,  he  perceived  a  comet  and  trembled  ; 
then  he  learnt  that  his  chamber  had  caught  fire  at  Milan  :  a 
secret  impulse,  says  Corio,  warned  him  to  proceed  no  farther. 
Still,  he  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  no  sooner  had  he  started 
than  three  crows  flew  over  his  head.  He  called  for  a  cross-bow 
and  shot  two  arrows  at  the  ill-omened  birds,  but  missed  them. 
Assailed  by  an  inexplicable  discouragement,  he  hesitatingly 
proceeded,  reaching  Milan  on  December  20.  He  crossed  the 
drawbridge  with  bent  head,  his  gloom  diffusing  itself  among 
his  slow  and  silent  following,  and  as  the  last  of  the  long  line  of 
men-at-arms  and  caparisoned  horses  disappeared  behind  the 
iron  gates  of  the  Castle  of  Porta  Giovia,  the  bridge  was  again 
drawn  up.  The  Duke's  first  order,  on  dismounting,  was  that 
the  singers  should  be  dressed  in  mourning  for  mass  on  the 
following  day,  and  be  forbidden  to  sing  any  but  the  most 
solemn  chants. 

On  the  morning  after  Christmas-day,  an  icy  frost  hung 
over  Milan.  It  was  St.  Stephen's  day,  and  Duchess  Bona  had 
had  an  evil  dream  ;  she  saw  the  body  of  a  murdered  man  in 
the  church  of  St.  Stephen.  She  arose  hastily  and  besought 
the  Duke  not  to  attend  mass  in  that  church,  nor  to  show 
himself  in  the  streets  of  Milan.  The  Court  chaplain  had 
already  gone  to  St.  Stephen's  with  the  sacred  vessels,  but 
the  Bishop  of  Como,  invited  to  celebrate  the  mass  in  the 
castle  chapel,  sent  to  say  that  he  was  ill.  The  Duchess  again 
tried  to  dissuade  her  husband  from  leaving  the  castle,  and 
entreated  the  principal  members  of  his  suite  to  prevent  his 
so  doing.  The  Duke  put  on  a  coat  of  mail,  but  took  it  off 
again  "because  it  made  him  too  stout."  lie  was  afraid  and 
yet  anxious  to  go  to  church,  because  he  "  was  awaited  there 
by  some;  of  liis  mistresses  and  others  who  from  decorum  I 
refrain  from  writing  of,"  writes  his  faithful  valet.  The  Duke 
halted  at  the  to})  of  the  stairs  as  if  he  had  forgotten  some- 
thing. He  sent  for  his  children,  whom  he  wished  to  see  again, 
and  to  Corio,  who  saw  him,  with  a  child  on  either  side,  at  a 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF    GALEAZZO  29 

window,  it  appeared  "that  he  could  hardly  tear  himself  away 
from  them."  At  last,  he  left  the  castle  on  foot,  but  findin": 
the  ground  frozen,  decided  on  mounting  his  horse.  All  the 
courtiers  sprang  into  the  saddle,  only  the  valet,  Bernardino 
Corio,  chief  narrator  of  this  episode,  remained  on  foot  and, 
taking  a  short  cut,  reached  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  in  time 
to  see  the  arrival  of  the  cavalcade. 

At  midday,  the  cavalcade  entered  the  most  populous 
quarter  of  the  city,  and  was  soon  surrounded  by  a  motley 
crowd  of  nobles,  doctors,  lawyers,  ecclesiastics  and  the  popu- 
lace, the  men  huddled  in  their  dark  cloaks  and  the  women 
gay  with  their  brightest  colours.  Here  was  the  ducal  guard, 
here  were  the  equerries,  here  at  last  was  the  Duke  himself, 
riding  between  the  orators  of  Ferrara  and  Mantua.  The 
people  pressed  closer  to  their  prince,  and  noting  his  hard-set 
face,  and  the  gloom  in  his  eyes,  muttered,  "  UJi  I  covie  sta 
duro  I"  ("  How  grim  he  looks.")  Corio  met  Giovanni  Lampug- 
nani,  arm-in-arm  with  Girolamo  Olgiati,  at  the  church  door. 
"They  wore  coats  and  stockings  of  mail  and  short  coats  of 
crimson  satin."  Corio,  knowing  them  to  be  members  of  the 
Court,  wondered  to  see  them  there,  instead  of  with  the  Duke's 
escort.  Lampugnani  and  Olgiati,  with  whom  were  three 
ruffians  of  the  lowest  class,  placed  themselves  on  the  right- 
hand  side  of  the  door ;  Carlo  Visconti,  who  did  not 
wish  to  be  seen,  on  the  left,  behind  a  group  of  unknown 
persons.  The  sound  of  voices,  the  tramp  of  horses  mingled 
with  the  clink  of  arms,  and  the  towering  plumes  of  the  Sforza 
cavalry  came  in  sight :  then  they  heard  the  quick  step  of  the 
Duke's  horse,  who  stopped  suddenly,  when  Galeazzo  Maria,  in 
the  beauty  and  strength  of  his  thirty-two  years,  drew  rein, 
and  giving  his  horse  to  a  Moor,  entered  the  church  to  the 
strains  of  Sic  triDisit  gloria  miiiidi}  What  had  happened  t 
The  two  silent  groups  on  each  side  of  the  door  pressed  for- 
ward, almost  barring  the  Duke's  way.  Lampugnani  came 
forward,  as  if  to  drive  them  off,  crying,  "  Make  way,  make 
way !  "  Arriving  within  touch  of  the  Duke,  he  lifted  his 
velvet  beret  with  his  left  hand,  and  bending  one  knee  as  if  to 

^  A II /tales  Pulcentiiii. 


30  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

present  a  petition,  thrust  his  dagger  through  the  Duke's  body 
and  into  his  throat  as  he  fell.  Then  came  Olgiati,  with 
another  dagger,  and  Visconti  with  a  third,  while  a  certain 
Francione  dealt  him  the  most  deadly  blow  of  all,  in  the  back. 

The  Duke  lay  on  the  ground,  in  the  midst  of  assassins, 
under  a  shower  of  blows  :  he  expired  with  a  faint  cry,  "  O  ! 
Our  Lady  !  "  "  Dead,  dead  !  "  cried  the  crowd.  The  second 
to  fall  was  Francesco  da  Ripa,  a  colossal  equerry,  who  had 
drawn  his  sword  on  the  assassins.  The  faithful  Moor 
dispatched  Lampugnani,  who  had  taken  refuge  among  the 
frightened  women,  and  having  caught  his  foot  in  one  of  their 
trains  before  he  could  join  his  horse,  was  speared  by  the  slave 
and  dragged  by  the  feet  through  the  streets  by  the  crowd 
until  he  was  torn  to  shreds.  Jewels  were  snatched  from  the 
hair,  the  necks  and  arms  of  the  gaily-attired  ladies.  A  scene 
of  indescribable  violence  ensued  until  the  pikes  and  halberds 
of  the  ducal  guard  parted  the  crowd  and  secured  the  mur- 
derers, with  the  exception  of  Olgiati  and  Visconti,  who  had 
succeeded  in  making  their  escape.  Soon  eleven  corpses  were 
to  be  seen  hanging  from  the  ramparts  of  the  castle,  while 
others  were  quartered  alive  within  the  city,  so  that  the  people 
might  hear  the  last  desperate  cries  of  the  prisoners.  At  night 
the  Duke  was  quietly  laid  to  rest  in  the  Dome,  habited  in  a 
garment  of  cloth  of  gold  which  he  had  given  to  his  wife  to 
keep  for  his  shroud,  in  case  of  sudden  death. 

A  few  days  later  Carlo  Visconti  was  taken,  tortured  and 
quartered  alive.  Girolamo  Olgiati,  accursed  by  his  father  and 
abandoned  by  his  friends,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  ducal 
executioners,  and  amid  torments  which  dislocated  his  bones 
and  tore  his  flesh,  was  commanded  by  his  judges  to  reveal 
the  plan  of  the  conspiracy  in  writing  to  Duchess  Bona.  In 
tlie  course  of  his  confession  he  said  :  "We  did  to  the  Duke 
that  which  we  had  prepared.  Now,  owing  to  his  cruelties  and 
lasciviousncss,  he  lies  there  dead,  a  proof  to  tyrants  that 
justice  still  exists  .  .  .  and  now  to  Thee,  Holy  Mother  of 
God,  and  to  thee,  Duchess  Bona  (however  guilty  I  may 
appear  in  thine  cyesj,  I  bend  the  knee,  I  implore  of  your 
clemency  and  benignity  to  be  pleased  to  remember  that  I  too 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   GALEAZZO  31 

have  a  soul,  that  you  may  leave  to  these  miserable  members 
enough  of  strength  for  me  to  make  fitting  confession  of  my 
sins." 

Duchess  Bona  sent  a  priest  to  him,  to  persuade  him  to 
save  his  soul  by  one  word  of  penitence.  But  in  broken  and 
almost  inarticulate  accents,  he  said  :  "  I  know  that  by  my 
sins  I  have  deserved  even  greater  torments,  could  my  body 
but  bear  them  .  .  .  but  I  trust  that  the  holy  deed  for  which 
I  die  will  obtain  mercy  for  me  at  the  hands  of  the  Supreme 
Judge.  And  were  I  to  be  reborn  ten  times  and  ten  times  to 
perish  in  these  torments,  I  would  give  my  blood  and  all  my 
strength  for  this  sacred  end."  Mangled,  under  the  knife  of 
the  executioner,  a  loud  cry  escaped  the  unfortunate  young 
man.  "  Be  of  good  cheer,  Girolamo  ! "  he  cried  to  himself, 
"  Mors  acerba,  fama  perpetna.  Stabit  vctus  iiieuioria  facti  ! " 
A  portion  of  his  body  was  hung  to  each  gate  of  the  city, 
and  his  head  exposed  on  the  tower  of  Broletto  Nuovo. 

Duchess  Bona  appealed  to  the  Pope  for  the  posthumous 
absolution  of  the  man  whom,  despite  the  multitude  and 
enormity  of  his  crimes,  she,  "  next  to  God,  had  loved  above 
all  else  in  the  world,"  promising  to  make  reparation,  either  by 
giving  all  she  could  to  the  subsidy  demanded  of  princes  by 
the  Church,  or  by  the  erection  of  monasteries,  donations  to 
the  hospital,  or  in  dowries  to  marriageable  maidens  and  other 
pious  works  within  the  State  of  Milan.  "  This  she  would 
prefer ;  being  of  opinion  that  reparation  is  most  due,  and 
good  should  follow  evil,  on  the  spot  where  it  has  been  com- 
mitted," adding  that  she  was  willing  in  her  own  person  to 
endure  such  fast,  penance,  or  torment  as  could  avail  the  soul 
of  her  husband. 

"  The  peace  of  Italy  is  at  an  end  ! "  exclaimed  Pope  Sixtus 
IV,  on  hearing  of  the  murder  of  Galcazzo,  whose  death, 
although  he  had  neither  been  a  saint  nor  a  great  politician, 
was  indeed  the  prelude  to  fresh  bloodshed,  civil  war  and 
foreign  invasion. 


CHAPTER    IV 

FROM    MILAN   TO    ROME 

Catherine,  who  at  the  time  of  these  events  was  fourteen, 
wept  for  her  father  and  herself  Who  now  would  ensure  the 
happiness  to  which  she  had  looked  forward  ?  The  coming  of 
Cardinal  Riario,  with  his  splendid  following,  had  appealed  to 
her  imagination  ;  this  splendour  had  seemed  to  her  to  eclipse 
the  magnificence  of  the  Milanese  Court  and  }-et  it  was  but  a 
spark  of  a  much  more  glorious  flame.  There  was  a  more 
splendid  Court  than  that  of  her  father,  there  was  a  greater 
and  more  powerful  sovereign  than  the  Duke  of  Milan  :  he 
who  held,  besides  the  sceptre,  the  keys  of  Paradise.  That 
Court  should  have  been  her  home  :  she  had  been  destined  to 
be  the  most  holy  niece  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  at  whose  feet 
she  would  have  seen  emperors  and  kings  kneel.  She  had 
felt  that  all  the  princesses  of  Italy  must  envy  her !  Now,  the 
daggers  of  a  handful  of  wretched  madmen  had  imperilled  all. 

But  it  was  not  so.  For  the  death  of  Galeazzo  inspired  the 
Pope  and  Girolamo  Riario  with  a  momentary  hope  of  obtain- 
ing possession  of  Milan,  and  in  February  1477,  the  papal 
legate,  Cardinal  Mellini,  arrived  with  instructions  to  hasten  the 
marriage.  Duchess  Bona,  who  had  always  loved  Catherine, 
most  amply  fulfilled  her  husband's  promises  :  early  in  April, 
in  her  presence,  that  of  the  Cardinal  and  the  assembled  Court, 
Catherine's  marriage  was  celebrated,  by  proxy  and  without 
any  public  rejoicing,  on  account  of  the  recent  death  of  the 
Duke. 

The  first  of  Catherine's  letters  which  exists  reached  Duchess 
liona  towards  the  end  of  that  month.     It  ran  as  follows  : 

32 


from  milan  to  rome  33 

"  Most  Illustrious  and  Most  Excellent  Madonna  ! 

"  Be  it  known  to  Your  Grace  that  by  the  grace  of  God, 
to-day  I  arrived  at  Parma  well,  and  withal  afflicted  at  being  far 
from  Your  Grace  and  to  be  incapable  of  narrating  and  express- 
ing, with  other  benefits  I  owe  to  Your  Grace,  the  great  honours 
and  goodly  companies  that  have  followed  me  from  place  to 
place,  adeo,  it  would  be  a  great  thing  to  write  them,  and 
especially  in  this  Your  city  of  Parma,  to  whom  {sic)  on 
bended  knee  I  do  commend  myself. 
"  P>x.  Parma  die  XXVII.  Aprilis  1477. 

"  Vestra  servitrix  ct  fillia 
"  Caterina  Vicecomes." 

On  the  same  day,  after  describing  to  her  sister  Chiara  the 
great  feasts  that  everywhere  had  been  given  in  her  honour, 
she  adds  that  she  was  well  ct  sc/wnsolata  d^nd  sends  affectionate 
greetings  to  her  nurses  and  "in  general  to  all  my  women," 
On  the  28th  she  was  at  Reggio,  on  the  following  day  at 
Modena,  where  there  was  a  solemn  reception  and  many  visits ; 
her  gentlemen  in  waiting  had  advised  her  how  to  receive 
them,  which  had  been  "  little  trouble  because  of  her  great 
intelligence  and  discretion."  At  Bologna  she  was  entertained 
by  Giovanni  Bentivoglio.  On  May  i,  before  sunset,  she  made 
her  state  entry  into  Imola. 

The  people  had  come  out  in  masses  to  meet  her,  the 
Ancients  of  the  city  presented  her  with  the  keys,  all  along  the 
streets  from  the  gates  to  the  palace  the  arms  of  the  Pope, 
the  Sforza,  and  the  Riario  were  garlanded  with  flowers  ; 
allegorical  groups  were  formed  and  children  sang  verses  and 
sonnets.  A  great  pavilion,  ingeniously  decorated  with  many- 
coloured  draperies,  banners  and  arms,  had  been  erected  in 
front  of  the  palace  ;  under  this  pavilion  Catherine  and  her 
suite  dismounted,  when  the  crowd  rushed  in,  disputing  "  with 
cries,  blows  and  much  tearing  of  hair  "  the  honour  of  seizing 
the  lady's  horse,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  time.  The 
confusion  which  resulted  from  so  much  popular  enthusiasm 
■"  was  not  displeasing "  to    Catherine.     Under   the   pavilion, 

D 


34  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

Violantina  Riario-Ricci,  wife  of  the  governor  of  Imola,  sur- 
rounded by  many  ladies,  received  her  sister-in-law,  and  led 
her  within  the  palace,  which  was  furnished  with  beautiful 
tapestries  and  hangings  embroidered  in  gold  and  silver  and 
hung  with  crimson  velvets  and  satin  and  white  damask  silks. 
But  what  most  attracted  the  admiration  of  the  Milanese  was 
a  crcdcnza,  or  cupboard,  of  great  height  and  beauty,  laden 
with  artistically  wrought  silver,  a  costly  gift  of  the  Pope  to 
Count  Girolamo.  Imola  in  its  outward  aspect  was  pro- 
nounced small  and  badly  built,  while  the  fortress,  a  recent 
construction  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  was  admired  ;  the  citizens, 
and  especially  the  women,  were  well  dressed  and  the  dancers 
in  the  streets  "  with  their  many  curtseys,  bows,  exchanges 
and  shuffling  of  the  feet  "  were  singularly  quaint. 

Catherine  was  permitted  to  rest  in  her  chamber,^  the  roof 
and  walls  of  which  were  hung  with  white  silk,  brocaded  with 
gold,  while  her  suite  were  conducted  over  the  other  magnifi- 
cent apartments,  which  seemed  to  be  endless,  returning  to 
conduct  Catherine  to  a  collation,  after  which  Catherine  shook 
hands  with  some  of  the  ladies  who  had  received  her  and 
dismissed  them,  inviting  others  to  sup  with  her.  After 
supper,  as  Catherine,  although  in  good  health  and  spirits,  was 
"somewhat  wear\%"  the  guests  were  permitted  to  retire,  the 
foreigners  being  escorted,  with  many  torches,  to  their 
apartments  or  to  the  lodgings  allotted  to  them  in  the 
town.  On  May  2  Catherine  attended  mass  and  enter- 
tained some  citizens  and  ladies  to  dinner;  en  the  3rd, 
which  was  market-day,  the  town  was  full  of  country  people 
who  had  brought  presents  of  comestibles  to  their  new  lady 
and  succeeded,  through  the  mediation  of  a  jester  named 
Piasentino,  in  being  admitted  to  her  presence.  She  gave  her 
hand  to  each  of  the  peasants,  who  shared  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  populace  and  citizens  for  the  youthful  Countess. 

"They  never  cease  from  feasting  me,"  wrote  Catherine  to 
her  sister,  "  even  tlie  stones  rejoice  because  of  my  coming." 
She  hoped  to  leave  for  Rome  on  the  following  Tuesday,  and 

'  Narrative  of  some  jjcntkiiicii  of  Catherine's  suite.  Librairic  Nalionalc,  Paris, 
Doc.  91. 


FROM    MILAN    TO    ROME  35 

begged  her  sister  to  send  her  a  certain  cap  whicli  had  been 
given  to  her  by  "the  wife  of  Don  Ciccho"  (Simonetta).  Mean- 
while because  of  the  insanitary  condition  of  Rome   at  that 

^  ^  '^f-  y-y 


AUTOGRAPH    LETTER   OF    GIROI.A.MO    RIARIO. 

season,  and  because  the  recent  death  of  Duke  Galeazzo  would 
cast  a    gloom    over  the   projected   festivities,  the    Pope    had 


36  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

decided    to  send  Count   Girolamo   on    a  short    visit    to    his 
subjects,  to  console  his  bride   for  the   postponement  of  her 
triumphal  entry.     This  plan  fell  through  by  reason  of  a  con- 
spiracy of   the  Venetian   patriarch  and  the  cardinal  of  San 
Pietro  in  Mncoli  (later  Pope   Julius   II.)  against  the  life  of 
the  bridegroom.      It  appears  from  the  letters  of  the  Orator  of 
Milan  to  his  Government  and  from  one  of  Girolamo  Riario  to 
the  Duchess  of  Milan,  that  Rome  was  in  a  state  of  ferment, 
malaria,  hunger  and  sedition  ;  the  populace  were  capable  of 
the  utmost  violence ;  it  would  not  do  for  the  bride  to  arrive  at 
so  inauspicious  a  time.     But  these  injunctions  did  not  reach 
Imola  until  after  the  departure  of  Catherine  and  her  suite, 
on   May    13,  who  riding   onwards  through   the  provinces  of 
Romagna    and   La   Marca,  atclaimed    and   feasted   at  every 
resting-place,  reached    Castel    Novo,   belonging   to    Stephen 
Colonna,  on  the  24th  and  there   halted  for  the  night.     She 
was  within  fourteen  miles  of  Rome.     Departing  thence  after 
dinner  on  the  following  day,  at  the  eighteenth  hour,  they  rode 
for  seven    miles    and    were    then    met    by    Count    Girolamo, 
escorted  by  a  goodly  following  of  his  friends  and  servants, 
all  habited   alike  in  sable  velvet   and  satin.     The  bride  and 
bridegroom  "  dismounted,  and  taking  each  other  by  the  hand, 
tenderly  kissed  and  embraced."      They  all  rested  in  a  wood, 
and  after  an  interchange  of  elaborate  courtesies,  remounted 
their  horses  and  once  more  turned  towards  Rome. 

The  first  to  join  the  united  cavalcade  was  the  Pope's  nephew, 
Antonio  Riario ;  at  every  succeeding  quarter  of  a  mile, 
they  were  joined  by  prelates  and  members  of  the  households 
of  cardinals.  Within  three  miles  of  the  city  the  Prefect  of 
Rome,  the  ugly  and  wicked  Leonardo,  elder  nephew  of  Sixtus, 
brought  a  great  company  to  pay  homage  to  the  bride.  At 
Ponte  Mollc,  on  the  Tiber,  they  were  met  by  the  papal  Court 
and,  turning  to  the  west,  by  the  ambassadors  of  Naples  and 
Spain,  who,  joining  the  cavalcade,  escorted  the  bride  to  the 
palace  of  the  Cardinal  of  Urbino  at  Monte  Mario.  Here  the 
bride  and  bridegroom  dismounted  and  supped  (before  sunset), 
the  escort  and  the  horses  returning  to  the  city.  After  supper, 
the  Count,  who  was  recalled  to  Rome  by  the  Pope,  presented 


FROM    MILAN    TO    ROME  37 

his  wife,  on  leaving,  with  a  necklace  of  pearls  "with  a  pendant 
jewel  of  the  value  of  5000  ducats." 

"  Next  day,  being  Pentecost  "  the  horses  were  again  led  up 
to  the  door  and  Catherine,  surrounded  by  her  Milanese  and 
escorted  by  the  ambassadors  and  cavaliers  as  on  the  preceding 
day,  by  Gianfranccsco  Gonzaga  and  several  members  of  the 
Orsini  and  Colonna  families,  mounted  hers.  She  wore  "  a 
cloak  of  black  damask,  brocaded  with  gold,  a  skirt  of  crimson 
satin  and  sleeves  of  black  brocade  and  was  splendidly 
adorned  with  jewels."  The  road  to  St.  Peter's  (a  distance  of 
two  miles)  was  lined  with  spectators  on  horseback.  Passing 
through  the  Porta  Angelica  and  dismounting  at  the  ancient 
Basilica  (soon  to  be  pulled  down  and  rebuilt  by  Julius  II.), 
Catherine  was  led  to  where  Sixtus  IV.,  in  pontifical  vestments, 
sat  surrounded  by  the  whole  of  the  Sacred  College.  The 
mass  lasted  three  hours.  Then  a  young  cardinal  of  thirty-four, 
Julian  della  Rovere  (Cardinal  of  San  Pietro  in  Vincoli,  after- 
wards Pope  Julius  II.  and  the  same  who  was  suspected  of 
connivance  with  the  Venetian  patriarch  against  his  cousin's 
life),  approached  the  bride  who,  attended  by  her  suite,  Count 
Girolamo  and  the  orators  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  was  led  by 
the  Cardinal  to  the  Pope  :  a  rugged,  ill-built,  monkish  figure 
surmounted  by  an  austere,  expressive  face,  with  a  hooked 
nose  and  piercing  eyes.  The  tall,  slim  figure  of  Catherine 
emerged  from  her  surrounding  escort  and  kneeling  before  the 
awkward  figure  that  seemed  so  ill  at  ease  in  the  heavy 
pontifical  garments,  kissed  the  foot  of  Sixtus  IV.  "  When 
she  had  arisen,  Bossi,  Orator  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  read  the 
Pope  a  lengthy  Latin  address  on  the  virtues  of  the  youthful 
Countess,"  upon  which,  contrary  to  all  precedent,  he  was 
complimented  by  the  Holy  Father,  who  commanded  him  to 
take  Catherine  by  the  hand,  spoke  the  sacramental  words  and 
allowed  Girolamo  to  place  the  ring  on  her  finger.  Catherine 
again  kissed  the  Pope's  hand  and  foot.  The  Pope,  among 
other  affectionate  courtesies,  said  to  her  that  "he  would  marry 
her  over  again,  and  causing  her  to  remove  the  chain  of  pearls 
given  to  her  by  my  Lord  the  Count,  put  in  its  place  another, 
all  set  with  most  precious  jewels,  valued  at  4000  gold  ducats. 


3« 


FROM    MILAN    TO    ROME 


39 


with  so  many  caresses  that  it  appears  to  us  that  Her  Lady- 
ship is  so  well  beloved  by  His  Holiness,  that  he  makes 
no  difference  between  her  and  my  Lord  the  Count" — who 
seemed  to  the  narrator  ^  cold  in  comparison.  Catherine, 
instructed  by  Bossi,  then  kissed  the  hand  of  each  cardinal, 


PANORAMA   OK    ROME   (PART    II.). 


1.  Palazzo  Orsini  at  Campo  di  Fiore. 

2.  Villa  Riario  at  the  Lungara  (no  Palazzo 

Coesini). 

3.  Monte  Aventino. 
i6.  Ponte  Sisto. 

41.  Circo  Flaminio. 


82.  Casa  Farnese. 

83.  Casa  Capoferri. 

86.  Casa  Mattel. 

87.  Orchards  of  the  Riario. 

88.  Villa  of  Agostino  Chigi  (later  Farnesiiia). 
P.  Porta  Settiiniana. 


who  one  and  all  declared  themselves  her  servants,  the  Pope 

blessed  and  dismissed  the  escort,  who  then  escorted  the  bride 

and  bridegroom  to  the  palace  of  Cardinal  Orsini,  in  Campo 

1  Doc.  105,  Lib.  Nat.  Paris. 


40  CATHERINE'S    GIRLHOOD 

di  Fiore,  which  had  been  prepared  for  Catherine  pending 
the  completion  of  the  improvements  begun  at  the  Riario 
palace,  in  view  of  the  postponement  of  Catherine's  entry. 
The  streets  that  led  to  Campo  a  Fiore  were  decked  with 
"  woollen  draperies  "  and  the  arms  of  the  Pope,  the  Riario  and 
the  Duke  of  Milan  in  leaves  and  flowers  ;  perfumes  were  burnt 
and  the  air  was  redolent  of  sweet  odours ;  the  spacious  court 
of  the  palace,  hung  with  rich  stuffs,  led  to  apartments 
sumptuously  furnished,  and  sumptuous  were  the  dresses  of  the 
eighty  Roman  ladies  who  received  Catherine.  Even  the 
chambers  prepared  for  the  Milanese  suite  were  of  princely 
magnificence.  At  the  seventeenth  hour,  a  child,  habited  as  an 
angel,  announced  inverse  that  dinner  was  ready ;  Catherine 
entered  the  dining-room,  water  for  the  hands  was  handed  to 
each  guest,  and  to  the  table  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom  were 
bidden  Antonio  Riario,  "  the  despot  of  Morea,"  the  Bishop  of 
Parma,  who  was  one  of  the  Milanese  orators,  the  French 
Ambassador,  Gianfrancesco  Gonzaga,  the  wife  of  Giovanmaria 
Visconti,  the  wife  of  Fioramonte  and  the  wife  of  the  nephew 
of  the  Cardinal  of  Milan.  At  the  other  tables  were  prelates, 
ambassadors,  lords  and  ladies,  in  all  about  two  hundred 
persons.  There  were  twenty-two  courses,  besides  the  sweets, 
and  between  every  five  courses  a  child  recited  verses  from  a 
triumphal  car  that  was  led  in  by  several  persons,  while  others 
represented  classical  subjects,  such  as  the  adventures  of 
Medusa,  Hercules  and  Theseus,  dancers  performed  a  ballet,  a 
"morcsca"  and  a  Florentine  dance,  and  six  children,  dressed 
as  hunters,  brought  Catherine  a  quantity  of  cooked  animals, 
"all  served  in  their  natural  forms."  The  banquet  lasted  five 
hours,  the  guests  were  only  kept  awake  by  the  novelty  and 
variety  of  the  entertainments.  The  presentation  of  gifts  by 
the  guests  began  as  soon  as  the  table-cloths  were  removed, 
and  Catherine's  presents  were  valued  at  12,000  ducats.  The 
effect  produced  by  this  welcome  is  reflected  in  a  letter,  written 
from  Milan  by  Duchess  liona  to  her  adopted  daughter  : 

"  D(jminJ';  Ca'ihi-.kin/k  : 

"  Magnified  filia  nostra  dilcctissiina.     We  cannot   sa)^ 


FROM    MILAN    TO    ROME  41 

with  what  great  pleasure  We  have  learnt  of  the  honours  and 
of  the  gracious  reception  accorded  to  thee  by  His  Holiness 
and  the  whole  Court  of  Rome.  We  hold  all  this  as  if  it  had 
been  done  to  Ourselves,  by  reason  of  the  singular  love  we  bear 
thee.  And  although  We  suffer  from  the  privation  of  thy  sweet 
company,  none  the  less,  whenever  We  are  reminded  of  the 
happiness  of  thy  estate  We  experience  an  incredible  consola- 
tion, to  which  nothing  is  wanting  but  the  sight  of  thee.  And 
We  are  assured  that  thou  hast  the  same  desire  to  see  Us, 
which  at  this  present  cannot  be.  Therefore  We  exhort  thee 
to  be  of  good  cheer  and  brave  heart,  assuring  thee  that  this 
is  the  greatest  pleasure  thou  canst  procure  to  Us.  We  send 
thee  three  of  the  girdles  thou  didst  order  when  here :  and  will 
send  thee  anything  else  from  here,  at  thy  pleasure." 

In  another  letter  the  Duchess  assures  Catherine  that  "When 
we  hear  thee  well  spoken  of.  We  experience  the  happiness 
which  Cometh  to  every  good  mother  in  the  happiness  of  a  dear 
daughter,  such  as  thou  art  to  Us."  This  correspondence  bears 
the  stamp  of  a  pure  and  simple  domestic  life  and  proves  that 
Catherine,  whose  virile  qualities  were  destined  to  astound  her 
contemporaries,  was,  in  her  early  youth,  a  gentle  and  affec- 
tionate maiden.  Of  her  appearance  on  the  occasion  of  her 
official  entry  into  the  capital  of  Christianity,  Fabio  Oliva 
writes  as  follows  :  "  That  which  was  most  remarkable  in  the 
diversity  and  multiplicity  of  spectacles  was  the  rare  and 
incomparable  beauty  of  Catherine  and  her  almost  miraculous 
erace " 


BOOK  III 

CATHERINE   AND   THE    RIARIO 


CHAPTER   V 

WHO    WERE   THE    RIARIO? 

The  Riario  were  the  favourite  nephews  of  a  new  pope,  who 
was  the  daring  and  ill-starred  initiator  of  a  new  era.  On  the 
death  of  Paul  II.,  Duke  Galeazzo  Maria  had  sent  a  list  of 
cardinals,  friendly  to  him,  to  his  orator  in  Rome,  requesting 
him  to  do  everything  in  his  power  to  secure  the  appointment 
of  one  of  them  to  the  papacy.  Among  these  was  the  Car- 
dinal Francesco  della  Rovere,  a  learned  Franciscan,  a  native  of 
Savona,  a  city  subject  to  the  Duke.  At  the  same  time  the 
Duke  sent  an  envoy  to  Rome,  with  instructions  that  were  too 
secret  to  be  written,  and  so  much  influence  was  brought  to 
bear  on  the  Conclave  that  Della  Rovere  assumed  the  tiara 
with  the  name  of  Sixtus  IV.  on  August  9,  1479.  During  the 
ceremony  of  taking  possession  of  the  Lateran,  the  populace 
revolted  and  attacked  the  litter  of  the  new  pope  with  stones. 

Sixtus,  who  combined  a  common  exterior  with  an  un- 
common egotism  and  a  strong  mind,  was  unscrupulous, 
intolerant  of  contradiction,  and  imbued  with  unbounded 
ambition  for  himself  and  his  family.  He  was  the  son  of  a 
poor  Ligurian  fisherman  and  was,  at  the  time  of  his  exaltation, 
in  his  fifty-eighth  year.  He  immediately  provided  his  fifteen 
nephews  with  honours  and  riches.  Julian  (afterwards  Julius 
II.),  a  sinister  and  dissolute  man,  generally  considered  insignifi- 
cant, was  made  cardinal  and  Bishop  of  Carpentras.  But  the 
Pope,  having  but  little  regard  for  him,  advanced  another 
nephew,  Pietro,  to  the  titles  and  benefices  of  Cardinal  of  San 
Sisto,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  Archbishop  of  Florence, 
Seville  and  Mendes  and  Bishop  of  Treviso.  His  premature 
end  has  been  chronicled  in  these  pages. 

45 


46  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

The  blind  affection  of  the  Pope  for  this  young  man  might 
have  been  explained  by  the  services  he  was  known  to  have 
rendered  in  the  Conclave,  but  public  rumour  accounted  for  it 
by  other  reasons  of  a  scandalous  nature.  Both  he  and  his 
brother  Girolamo,  known  to  be  the  sons  of  the  Pope,  were  the 
reputed  or  adopted  children  of  Bianca,  the  Pope's  sister  and 
Paolo  Riario,  a  middle-class  citizen  of  Savona.  Girolamo, 
Catherine's  husband,  who  was  perhaps  the  worst  member  of 
his  clan,  had  been  a  clerk  in  the  custom-house  of  Savona,  until 
Sixtus  summoned  him  to  Rome.  His  rugged  and  savage  nature 
recoiled  from  things  ecclesiastic,  yet  he  was  keenl}^  alive 
to  the  advantages  pertaining  to  cope  and  mitre.  Although 
violent  and  uncultured,  his  arrogant,  impetuous  temperament 
appeared  to  Sixtus  to  be  adapted  for  power.  Not  venturing 
to  begin  by  making  a  prince  of  him  he  made  him  Captain- 
general  of  the  papal  forces  and  Governor  of  the  fort  of  Sant 
Angelo.  Girolamo,  as  pivot  of  the  Church's  temporal  power, 
drew  large  revenues  and  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity 
of  acquiring  riches,  influence  and  power. 

The  avarice  of  Paul  II.  had  scandalized  Christendom  ;  he 
had  accumulated  treasure  without  spending  any  part  of  it  and 
had  been  heard  to  declare,  more  than  once,  that  his  treasure 
chests  contained  fabulous  sums.  Sixtus  only  acknowledged 
to  have  found  5000  florins  in  the  treasury,  but  his  nephews, 
who  astounded  Italy  and  the  whole  of  Europe  by  a  luxury 
so  sudden  and  unbridled,  made  it  patent  to  all  that  their 
uncle  had  permitted  them  to  rifle  the  hoards  of  the  Church. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  that  deplorable  epoch  in  the 
annals  of  the  papacy  which  included  the  whole  of  our  heroine's 
political  career,  in  the  course  of  which  we  meet  with  three 
popes,  all  of  them  famous  in  the  sinister  light  of  the  Church's 
history.  Although  Catherine  was  the  idol  of  one  pope  and 
the  victim  of  another,  her  robust  piety  never  permitted  her  to 
doubt  the  divineness  of  their  mission,  while  she  ascribed  to 
human  frailty  the  manner  in  which  they  exercised  it. 

The  papal  bulls,  and  other  documents  which  have  been 
handed  down  to  us,  prove  that  even  the  worst  popes,  judged 
from  their  conduct   as  men  and    princes,  were  dogmatically 


WHO   WERE    THE    RIARIO  ?  47 

irreproachable  with  regard  to  their  guardianship  of  the 
Church's  traditions.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  ecclesiastical 
corruption  could  not  undermine  the  Christian  conscience  :  the 
evil  times  of  Sixtus  IV.,  Innocence  VIII.  and  Alexander  VI. 
passed  like  a  summer  storm  which  every  one  knows  to  be 
circumscribed  within  our  terrestrial  sphere,  while  overhead 
remains  the  peace  and  the  eternal  light  of  heaven. 

In  the  reign  of  Sixtus,  there  appeared  with  the  secularization 
of  the  papacy  a  new  phenomenon,  a  new  disease  :  Nepotism  ; 
the  outcome  of  an  alliance  between  celibacy  and  that  family 
instinct  which  prompted  the  popes  to  found  a  nepotistic 
dynasty.  The  popes,  being  debarred  from  conquest  or  coloniz- 
ation, could  only  establish  a  family  State  by  plundering  the 
Church,  and  therefore  elected  to  alienate  from  her  possessions 
the  province  of  Romagna,  which  long  misrule  and  ferment 
had  fitted  more  or  less  for  new  methods  of  government. 

Sixtus  IV.  was  the  first  of  a  line  of  popes  in  whom  the 
princely  prevailed  over  the  sacerdotal  character.  "  This 
pontiff,"  says  Machiavelli,  "  was  the  first  who  revealed  the  full 
extent  of  pontifical  power,  and  how  many  things,  which 
hitherto  have  been  regarded  as  errors,  may  be  hidden  under 
its  authority."'  During  the  reign  of  Sixtus,  the  papacy  fell 
into  great  discredit.  The  number  of  pilgrims  had  dwindled 
in  the  jubilee  of  1475,  and  the  few  who  came  found  the  curia 
given  up  to  usury,  simony  and  traffic  in  office.  A  garment  of 
paganism  at  once  profaned  and  adorned  the  Holy  City. 

At  the  time  of  the  election  of  Francesco  Rovere,  Italy 
civilized,  or  at  least  vivified,  by  classical  reminiscence,  had 
feared  that  she  might  be  thrust  back  into  the  barbarism  of 
the  past  by  the  monkish  austerity  of  this  poor  Franciscan  : 
a  false  alarm  !  for  the  new  Pope  was  too  ambitious  not  to  be 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  his  time.  He  built  the  bridge  of 
San  Sisto,  the  churches  of  Santa  Maria  della  Pace  and  Santa 
Maria  del  Popolo  ;  the  Hospital  and  Tower  of  Santo 
Spirito  ;  the  Sixtine  Chapel ;  restored  the  equestrian  statue 
of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  for  the  decoration  of  the  new  edifices 
summoned  to  Rome  Mantegna,  Perugino,  Botticelli,  Ghirlan- 
daio,  Melozzo  of  Forli,  Filippo  Lippi,  Luca    Signorelli  and 


48 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 


others,  uniting  them  in  the  confraternity  of  St.  Luke.  He 
founded  the  library  of  the  Vatican,  patronized  letters  and 
furthered  the  triumph  of  humanism. 


rilK    I.IliKAKIAN    I'l.ATlNUS    liEFORE    SIXTUS    IV. 
The  figure  behind  tlie  kneeling  Platinus,  ivitli  Iiamis  hidden,  is  Ciiivldinn  Riario. 

In  1495.  King  Ferdinand  of  Naples  advised  the  Pope  to 
widen  the  streets  and  pull  down  the  towers,  loggias,  balconies 
and  other  projections  likely  to  facilitate  disturbances.     "You 


WHO    WERE    THE    RIARIO  ?  49 

will  never,"  he  said,  "  be  master  of  Rome  while  the  women, 
by  throwing  down  stones,  can  put  to  flight  your  best  soldiers  ;  " 
and  the  Pope  decided  to  follow  this  advice,  if  only  to  abolish 
the  cause  of  much  pestilence.  But  Sixtus  IV.  did  not  attempt 
this  great  undertaking  until  five  years  later,  when  he  created 
a  magistracy  of  public  works,  with  power  to  purchase  and 
pull  down  houses  wherever  it  might  be  necessary  to  enlarge 
the  streets,  some  of  which  were  too  narrow  for  two  horsemen 
to  ride  abreast.  When  Catherine  entered  Rome,  it  was  dark 
and  uninhabitable.  During  her  sojourn,  it  became  gradually 
transformed  into  the  splendid  and  artistic  capital  of  Christen- 
dom. The  pontificate  of  Sixtus  IV.  was  glorious  in  the  annals 
of  art.  With  a  change  in  politics  came  a  change  in  the  social 
life  of  Rome  :  banquets,  sumptuous  hunts,  and  nightly  revels 
which,  under  the  predecessors  of  Sixtus,  would  have  been  the 
cause  of  scandal,  became  the  habitual  recreations  of  high 
ecclesiastics  and  an  acceptable  spectacle  to  the  populace. 
Sixtus  was  wont  to  say  that  the  hand,  ink  and  paper  of  the 
Pope  sufficed  to  procure  any  given  sum  of  money,  and  was 
so  forgetful  of  his  sacerdotal  character  as  to  be  called  the  first 
pope-king. 

For  many  years  there  had  been  no  princess  on  the  steps 
of  the  papal  throne,  and  the  Riario  were  too  unpolished,  the 
curia  too  corrupt  to  be  influenced  by  the  charm  of  a  daring, 
honest  and  beautiful  woman.  Catherine's  influence  was  very 
limited  during  the  lifetime  of  Sixtus  IV.,  whatever  later 
historians  may  say  to  the  contrary.  The  harsh  and 
discourteous  Pope  cannot  have  inspired  her  with  any 
sympathy,  nor  could  the  descendant  of  famous  condottieri 
delight  in  Girolamo,  her  husband,  who,  cowardly  as  he  was 
violent,  was  always  surrounded  by  ruffians,  being  too  much 
hated  to  trust  himself  in  the  streets  of  Rome  alone.  A  certain 
proud  conception  of  her  personal  dignity  saved  her  from 
being  corrupted,  and  the  dreams  of  an  ever-soaring  ambition 
enabled  her  to  endure  the  moral  filth  which  surrounded  her. 
Her  ambition  bound  her  to  her  husband  :  she  would  have 
preferred  him  valorous  and  popular,  yet  found  consolation  for 
his  baseness  in  his  power  and  the  fear  it  inspired. 


50  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

One  of  the  most  important  factors  in  the  hfe  of  Girolamo 
Riario  was  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi,  which  ended  in  the 
tragedy  of  Santa  Reparata.  This  conspiracy  which  was,  in 
a  measure,  an  imitation  and  consequence  of  the  one  in  which 
Galeazzo  Maria  had  perished,  was  headed  by  Sixtus  IV.  in 
alHance  with  the  King  of  Naples,  at  the  instigation  of 
Girolamo  Riario,  and  formed  in  opposition  to  the  Lega.  This 
league  included  the  powers  of  Milan,  Venice  and  Florence, 
where  the  Medici  were  no  less  hostile  to  the  Pope's  transform- 
ation of  the  States  of  the  Church  into  an  absolute  monarchy. 
Girolamo  Riario  who  had  acquired  the  State  of  Imola 
without  the  sanction  of  Lorenzo  Medici  could  not  feel  secure 
in  its  possession  so  long  as  the  latter  lived.  The  thread  of 
the  conspiracy  was  spun  in  the  Vatican,  the  plan  of  the 
assassination  being  probably  withheld  from  the  Pope,  who 
would  naturally  refrain  from  inquiring  into  matters  that 
could  not  obtain  sacerdotal  sanction,  while  he  was  ready  to 
absolve  his  nephew  of  the  consequences  of  the  means  he 
might  employ.  In  this  conspiracy,  which  like  the  one  against 
Galeazzo  ended  in  a  church,  Giuliano  Medici  was  murdered 
and  Lorenzo  wounded. 

The  youthful  Cardinal  Raphael  Riario,  nephew  to  Girolamo, 
and  the  Pope's  legate  in  Florence,  was  suspected  of  the  murder. 
Imprisoned  in  the  palace,  he  was  not  set  at  liberty  until 
June  5.  Andrea  Bernardi,  a  contemporary,  ascribes  the 
unnatural  pallor  which  ever  after  distinguished  this  young 
prelate  as  an  effect  of  the  fear  of  death  by  torture  during 
his  imprisonment.  The  fact  remains  that  the  Pazzi  were 
the  emissaries  chosen  by  Girolamo  Riario.  The  effects 
of  this  conspiracy  were  the  humiliation  of  its  originators,  the 
exaltation  of  the  family  it  aimed  at  exterminating,  and  a 
two  years'  war  between  the  Florentines  and  their  allies,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Naples,  on  the 
other. 

Undaunted  by  this  result,  and  more  than  ever  determined 
to  wrest  Morcncc  from  the  Medici,  so  that  the  Pope  might 
bestow  it  on  himself,  Girolamo  resorted  to  a  curious  fiction. 
By  agreement  with  a  priest  of  Imola,  he  sent  the  latter  to 


WHO   WERE   THE    RIARIO  ?  51 

Florence,  with  instructions  to  affect  great  hatred  of  him 
(Girolaino),  and  to  offer  to  poison  him  on  condition  that 
Lorenzo  should  provide  the  poison.  Once  in  possession  of 
the  poison,  Girolamo  would  have  produced  it  before  the  Pope 
and  the  Consistory  as  a  proof  that  Lorenzo  sought  his  death. 
For  this  service  the  priest  had  been  promised  the  custody  of 
one  of  the  gates  of  Imola.  But  the  priest  was  taken  and 
put  to  torture  on  his  arrival  in  Florence,  so  that  Girolamo 
was  again  baulked  of  his  hopes. 

Later,  Riario  planned  with  certain  Florentine  exiles,  who 
were  enemies  of  the  Medici,  to  remove  Lorenzo  by  any 
means  in  their  power.  The  day  appointed  for  his  assassina- 
tion was  May  30.  It  was  postponed  for  repairs  to  some 
armour.  Meanwhile,  on  June  i  one  of  the  accomplices  was 
taken,  and  having  named  the  others  all  were  hanged  from 
the  windows  of  the  Bargello, 

It  is  scarcely  credible  that,  in  her  sixteenth  year,  Catherine 
can  have  had  any  part  in  these  conspiracies.  Perhaps  an 
echo  of  the  terrors  and  bloody  consequences  of  the  great 
design  may  have  reached  her  after  the  birth  of  Bianca,  her 
eldest  child,  in  1478,  when  she  was  absorbed,  not  by  political 
cares,  but  by  the  first  maternal  ones. 

In  1479,  in  the  midst  of  the  turmoil  of  the  rumours  of  war, 
and  of  the  furious  excommunication  of  the  Florentines, 
Sixtus  feasted  the  birth  of  the  eldest  son  of  his  favourite 
nephew,  to  whom  Catherine  gave  birth  September  i.  He 
was  christened  Octavian,  and  was  held  to  the  font  by  Rodrigo 
Borgia,  a  Spanish  cardinal.  Yet  a  few  years  and  this 
cardinal  would  occupy  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  and  rob 
Catherine  of  throne  and  State. 

Meanwhile  Duchess  Bona,  who  ruled  Lombardy  for  her 
little  son,  Gian  Galeazzo,  had  weakly  reposed  all  her  con- 
fidence in  a  certain  Antonio  Tassino,  a  Ferrarese  of  humble 
origin,  but  elegant  and  attractive  appearance.  To  him  the 
Duchess  referred  all  the  deliberations  of  the  council  and 
every  act  and  word  of  Cicco  Simonetta,  the  experienced 
and  trustworthy  Secretary  of  State,  who,  conscious  of  having 


I 


52  CATHERINE   AM)    THE   RIARIO 

saved  the  State  for  Bona,  refused  to  bend  the  knee  to  the 
new  favourite.  Tassino,  in  hatred  of  and  opposition  to 
Simonetta,  brought  about  a  reconciHation  between  Ludovico 
il  Moro,  the  young  Duke's  ambitious  uncle,  and  the  Duchess. 
This  sudden  and  unauthorized  return  of  Ludovic  and  his 
gracious  reception  at  the  Castle  of  Milan  surprised  and  offended 
Cicco.  Nor  was  he  disarmed  by  the  deference  with  which 
Ludovic  affected  to  treat  so  valued  and  trustworthy  a  servant 
of  the  House  of  Sforza.  No  sooner  was  he  alone  with  the 
Duchess  than  he  expressed  his  strong  disapproval  of  what 
had  happened,  concluding  with  :  "  Most  illustrious  Duchess, 
I  shall  lose  my  head  and  you  will  lose  your  State." 

Three  days  later  Ludovic  coerced  the  Duchess  into  granting 
a  decree  for  the  incarceration  of  Cicco  at  Pavia.  Two  letters 
of  Catherine,  dated  September  i8,  one  to  Battista  Calco 
and  the  other  to  Duchess  Bona,  express  the  writer's  satisfac- 
tion in  the  occurrence.  She  assures  her  stepmother  that: 
"  Next  to  the  consolation  of  seeing  her  father  resuscitated 
she  could  have  none  greater  than  knowing  all  the  fire 
(discord)  in  Italy  was  ended  by  the  imprisonment  of  that 
villainous  Cicco  .  .  .  the  homicide  of  our  House  and  of  his 
own  flesh  .  .  ."  ^  "  God  be  praised  !  now  she  could  venture 
on  visiting  her  mother  at  Milan."-  A  letter  of  Sixtus  IV.  of 
the  same  date  ^  not  only  expresses  his  approval  but  his  regret 
that  his  advice  on  this  matter  had  not  been  acted  on  sooner. 
Catherine,  who  had  been  informed  by  letters  from  Milan, 
and  by  her  Roman  advisers,  that  Cicco  was  a  traitor,  was 
too  young  to  suspect  the  deception  practised  on  her.  She 
could  neither  refuse  to  write  as  she  was  bidden  by  the  Pope 
nor  divine  the  tragic  end  of  the  unfortunate  minister,  who 
after  torture  that  drove  his  wife  (a  Visconti)  to  despair  and 
madness,  was  decapitated  at  the   Castle  of  Pavia  on  October 

30,  1480. 

The  omnipotence  of  Tassino  dates  from  the  death  of  Cicco. 

The  Duchess's  favour  made  him   so  arrogant  that  he  often 

kept   Ludovic   Sforza  and  other   personages  waiting    in   his 

anteroom  while   his  hair  was  dressed.     But    he   overreached 

1  ijoc.  137.  -■  I>oc.  13S.  •'  Doc.  139. 


WHO    WERE    THE    RIARIO  ?  53 

himself  when  he  tried  to  fjive  his  father  the  command  of 
Porta  Giovia,  and  was  exiled  from  Lombardy,  whence  he 
departed  with  a  great  quantity  of  money  and  pearls.  Ludovic 
took  this  opportunity  of  investing  the  Duke,  who  was  then 
twelve  years  old,  with  the  government,  requesting  the  Duchess 
'•'  to  occupy  herself  henceforward  with  her  devotions."  "  Bona 
was  so  enraged,"  writes  Corio,  "  that  forgetful  of  her  honour 
and  dignity,  she  determined  also  to  cross  the  mountains  ; 
nor  could  she  be  dissuaded  from  this  unwise  plan,  but  regard- 
less of  her  children's  love,  abandoned  them  to  the  guardianship 
of  Ludovic  Sforza." 

Ratti,  after  minute  research,  affirms  the  innocence  of  Bona's 
relations  with  Tassino.  Her  whole  life  is  a  protest  against 
this  calumny,  invented  to  serve  the  designs  of  Ludovic,  who 
seized  the  unhappy  Duchess  on  her  way  to  take  refuge  in 
Piedmont,  and  confined  her  for  the  rest  of  her  life  in  the 
fortress  of  Abbiategrosso,  where  some  historians  say  she  died 
from  poison  administered  by  him  in  1494.  It  would,  how- 
ever, appear  from  a  letter  in  the  archives  of  Mantua  that 
Bona  was  alive  in  France  about  the  year  1500.  Meanwhile 
the  fortunes  of  the  Riario  grew  day  by  day.  The  Pope's 
chief  care  was  to  give  them  a  State,  and  the  papal  army 
fought  only  on  their  behalf. 

The  chronicles  of  Forli  narrate  how,  on  the  death  of  Pino 
degli  Ordelaffi  on  I'ebruary  ii,  1480,  the  dominion  of  the 
city,  amid  the  clash  of  factions  and  rumours  of  intrigue, 
amours,  and  poison,  was  lost  by  the  Ordelaffi,  who  had  reigned 
over  it  for  a  hundred  and  fifcy  years,  and  had  been  from  the 
earliest  times  the  most  valiant  and  heroic  family  of  Romagna, 
A  quarrel  between  the  two  lines  of  the  ancient  house  of 
Ordelaffi  was  a  pretext  for  Sixtus  to  seize  their  dominion  in 
the  name  of  the  Church,  and  give  it  to  his  favourite  nephew. 
Sinibaldo,  the  infant  heir,  was  dead  of  poison  ;  the  fortress 
had  surrendered  to  the  representatives  of  the  Pope,  who, 
delighted  to  have  won  the  game  so  easily,  invested  Girolamo 
Riario,  his  wife  Catherine  and  their  heirs,  until  the  line  should 
be  extinguished,  with  the  possession  of  Forli,  from  which 
Antonio  and   P'rancesco  Maria  Ordelaffi  were  deposed,  "  for 


54  CATHERINE   AND   THE    RIARIO 

having  used  violence,  killed  and  wounded  the  soldiers  of  the 
Church,  and  attacked  the  fortress  with  bombs  and  cannon." 
In  Count  Girolamo,  as  vicar  of  the  Church,  were  vested  all 
the  civic  rights  of  the  city,  subject  to  a  yearly  tribute  of 
1000  florins. 

The  acquisition  of  Forli,  combined  with  that  of  Imola, 
became  of  political  importance.  These  two  cities,  sufficiently 
fortified,  might,  under  given  circumstances,  conduce  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  balance  of  power  between  the  northern 
and  meridional  powers  of  Italy.  P'or  there  were  only  two 
roads  from  the  States  of  Milan  and  Venice  to  the  States  of 
the  Church  and  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  one  of  these  was 
the  Tuscan  and  the  other  that  of  the  Romagna,  which  passed 
through  Imola  and  Forli.  This  position,  despite  its  danger, 
entailed  the  support  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  powers,  so 
that  the  first  step  of  Girolamo  Riario  was  to  commission 
Maestro  Giorgio  Fiorentino  to  strengthen  the  fortress  of 
Ravaldino,  and  add  to  it  a  citadel,  where  the  whole  Court 
could  take  refuge  in  case  of  rebellion  or  invasion.  The  first 
stone  was  laid  June  i,  148 1.  Festivities  followed  one  upon 
the  other,  and  on  the  day  after  the  dispatch  of  the  brief  of 
investiture  the  new  I.ady  of  Forli  gave  birth  to  a  second  son. 

The  citizens  of  Forli  were  happy  and  full  of  confidence. 
Since  it  was  written  that  the  city  must  have  a  master,  that  it 
should  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  Pope's  favourite  nephew 
seemed  a  guarantee  of  many  advantages  in  the  future.  Four 
orators  left  for  Rome  to  tender  thanks  to  the  pontiff  and 
homage  to  the  new  lord,  who  annulled  the  odious  tax  on  flour 
and  those  hitherto  levied  on  the  division  of  jjroperty,  dowries 
and  provisions.  He  summoned  to  Rome  many  citizens  of 
Forli,  who  each,  according  to  their  desires  and  capabilities, 
were  provided  with  lucrative  office.  He  added  that  he  wished 
to  visit  his  subjects,  but  how  could  he  abandon  His  Holiness 
in  the  midst  of  such  terrible  anxieties  ? 

Tiie  moment  was  one  of  great  danger.  The  Pope  was  on 
the  worst  of  terms  with  tiic  Duke  of  Milan  and  the  King  of 
Naples,  who  had  sent  his  son  Alfonso  to  invade  the  States 
of  the    Church.      News    had    arrived   of  the   occupation    of 


WHO    WERE    THE    RIARIO  ?  55 

Otranto  by  15,000  Turks.  Where  would  these  barbarous 
heretics  stop  ?  Italy  was  entirely  open  to  their  attacks. 
There  were  those  who  advised  the  Pope  to  take  refuge  in 
France,  while  others  opined  that  the  expedition  a^^ainst  the 
Turks  should  proceed  from  the  Holy  See,  not  only  in  defence 
of  its  own  States,  but  of  the  whole  of  Christendom.  These 
terrors  hung  over  Italy  until  May  3,  148 1,  when  the  Sultan 
died,  and,  as  if  by  enchantment,  the  Turkish  fleet  disappeared 
from  the  shores  of  Italy.  Then  only  did  Girolamo  and 
Catherine  obtain  the  papal  sanction  to  visit  their  subjects  in 
Romagna. 


CHAPTER   VI 

CATHERINE  IN  THE  ROMAGNA  AND  VENICE  (JULY- 
AUGUST    1881) 

ROMAGNA  had  been  for  two  centuries  the  most  unhappy 
of  the  many  disturbed  and  unhappy  provinces  of  Italy.  In 
the  place  of  their  old  nominal  suzerainty,  the  popes  had 
succeeded  in  establishing  a  real  dominion  which  they  had 
sought  to  render  ever  more  direct  and  immediate.  This 
policy,  and  the  action  and  rebellion  it  evoked,  had  been 
accompanied  by  intrigue,  fraud,  treason  and  bloody  wars  ; 
the  character  of  the  Romagnole  population,  and  especially  of 
the  papal  Court,  had  fallen  into  extreme  discredit.  The 
perennial  instability  of  the  papacy  in  which,  as  in  all  elective 
monarchies,  everything  was  subject  to  change  with  the  person 
of  the  piince,  increased  the  evil.  The  distance  moreover 
which  separated  the  Romagna  from  Rome,  to  which  it  was 
bound  by  political  and  traditional,  but  not  by  natural,  ties, 
necessitated  a  separation  of  the  administrative  government 
from  the  sovereign  rule  ;  each  individual  pope  had  made  it 
over  for  an  annual  tribute  to  one  of  the  more  influential 
families  in  each  city,  or  had  even  sold  it  outright.  The 
Ghibclline  and  Guclph  factions  and  personal  and  dynastic 
ambitions  brought  about  civil  war,  internal  broils  and  fratri- 
cide among  these  papal  vicars  who  were,  more  or  less,  the 
autonomous  tyrants  of  every  Romagnole  city.  The  populace 
was  a  minor  factor,  for  civic  liberty,  at  first  suppressed  by 
individual  tyrants  and  later  by  the  centralizing  action  of 
papal  rule,  had  never  obtained  in  Romagna. 

After  their  flight  to  Avignon,  the  popes  determined  at  any 
cost  to  possess  a  State  in   Italy,  their  craving  for  temporal, 

56 


CATHERINE    IN    THE    ROMAGNA   AND    VENICE         57 

having  increased  with  their  loss  of  spiritual,  power.  They 
spent  untold  treasure  in  the  attempt  to  reconquer  Romagna, 
to  the  scandal  of  Christendom.  More  than  once  they  flooded 
this  most  rebellious  of  provinces  with  blood,  and  abandoned 
it  to  the  fire  and  sword  of  ferocious  mercenaries,  led  by 
avaricious  and  inhuman  prelates.  More  often  than  any  other 
province,  Romagna  had  been  laid  waste  by  bands  of  French, 
Germans,  Gascons  and  Bretons,  whose  excesses,  instead  of 
subduing  her,  had  aroused  the  spirit  of  military  honour  and 
jealous  love  for  the  glory  of  Italian  arms,  which,  combined 
with  cupidity  and  ambition,  had  given  to  Italy  the  first  of  her 
great  coiidotticri.  The  Romagna,  at  the  time  with  which  we 
arc  concerned,  was  already  the  brawling  province  of  forty 
years  later,  that  has  been  described  by  Guicciardini.  Corrup- 
tion and  party  violence  were  the  rule  in  all  her  cities,  and  this 
lamentable  condition  lasted  till  1590,  when  the  first  century 
of  the  new  era  had  nearly  come  to  an  end. 

The  approaching  solemn  entry  of  Girolamo  and  Catherine 
was  announced  at  Forli  and  Imola.  Such  changes,  not 
unfrequent  in  those  unhappy  communities,  always  awakened 
new  hopes  and  were  marked  by  great  festivities.  During 
eight  days,  long  lines  of  mules,  whose  burdens  bound  with 
silken  cords  were  covered  with  cloths  on  which  the  Serpent 
of  the  Visconti,  quartered  with  the  rose  of  the  Riario,  were 
broidcred  in  gold  and  silver,  and  carts  laden  with  chests  and 
trunks  that  contained  costly  household  utensils,  were  seen  to 
enter  the  town.  Then  came  the  long  file  of  members  of  the 
household  and  servants  and,  at  last,  Catherine's  little  children. 
The  Count  and  Countess  did  not  arrive  until  eight  days  later, 
on  July  15.  Triumphal  arches  were  erected  and  tapestries 
hung  in  the  streets,  where  the  first  to  receive  them  were  a 
company  of  white-clad  youths,  bearing  palm-branches.  The 
Riario  descended  from  their  litter,  thanked  them  for  the 
peaceful  augury,  and  continued  on  their  way,  the  Count  on 
foot,  the  Countess  riding  a  white  palfrey  whose  trappings 
were  of  cloth-of-silver  embroidered  with  pearls.  The  young 
nobles   in    white   and    gold   received    them   under   a   stately 


58  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

canopy,  which  they  had  carried  for  a  mile  from  the  town. 
The  clergy  were  headed  by  the  Bishop  Alexander  Numai, 
with  whom,  after  an  exchange  of  compliments,  the  Riario 
proceeded  to  the  Porta  Cotogni,  Here  they  were  received 
by  the  magistracy,  whose  chief  presented  the  keys  of  the  city 
on  a  silver  shield.  The  sounds  of  music,  the  ringing  of  bells, 
the  neighing  of  horses  and  clamorous  cries  of  the  people 
made  it  impossible  for  any  one  of  those  present  to  hear  a 
word  of  the  magniloquent  discourse,  but  it  was  remarked  that 
the  manner  in  which  the  Signori  replied  to  the  magistrate 
left  no  room  for  doubt  that  they  had  appreciated  every  word 
of  it.  They  continued  on  their  way,  accompanied  by  Giordano 
and  Paolo  Orsini,  Girolamo  Colonna,  Gabriello  Cesarini,  and 
many  other  Roman  noblemen,  and  followed  by  all  who  had 
already  met  them.  The  ever-increasing  crowd  was  presently 
parted  by  a  triumphal  car  full  of  prettily-adorned  children 
representing  the  Graces,  who  declaimed  verses,  while  a  genius 
saluted  the  new  rulers.  Riario,  who  had  by  this  time  mounted 
a  powerful  bay  charger  covered  entirely  with  cloth-of-gold,  was 
surrounded  by  twenty-four  guards  habited  in  green  silk,  with 
stockings  broidered  with  his  "  device "  and  bearing  halberds 
and  Castilian  blades.  Women  and  maidens  pressed  close  to 
the  horses,  holding  out  their  hands  to  Girolamo  and  Catherine, 
who  smilingly  gave  theirs  in  return.  Then  followed  other 
amenities,  after  which  the  pageant  reached  the  piazza,  where 
an  artificial  "  giraffe,  ugly  but  very  cleverly  constructed, 
performed  many  wonders,"  says  an  anonymous  chronicler. 
On  arriving  at  Santa  Croce,  the  Count  was  carried  from  his 
horse  b}'  men  dressed  in  white  and  deposited  on  the  high 
altar.  Priests  intoned  the  Tc  Deuni.  On  approaching  the 
palace,  he  passed  under  an  arch  where  three  women,  who 
represented  Justice,  Moderation  and  Power,  raised  their  voices 
in  song.  At  the  entrance  to  the  palace,  Girolamo,  turning  to 
the  men  who  were  waiting  to  lift  him  from  his  saddle,  said  : 
"  T(j  your  arms  I  commend  myself,  save  my  horse  for  me 
and  I  will  do  my  duty."  It  was  the  custom  for  the  populace 
to  take  possession  u{  the  prince's  horse,  for  whose  recovery  he 
paid  a  ransom. 


CATHERINE    IN    THE    ROMAGNA    AND    VENICE         59 

When  Catherine  was  preparing  to  dismount,  she  was 
suddenly  seized  by  some  young  men  who  carried  her  up  the 
palace  staircase.  Others  fought  and  even  wounded  each 
other  in  the  piazza  for  the  possession  of  her  horse,  whose  gold 
harness  was  broken  and  divided  in  a  thousand  pieces. 
Catherine  ransomed  her  palfrey  by  giving  in  exchange  her 
cloak  of  cloth-of-silver. 

Meanwhile  the  nobles  and  their  ladies  awaited  the  Count 
and  Countess  in  the  palace,  where,  after  an  exchange  of 
courtesies,  they  took  their  places  on  a  sort  of  throne  under  a 
canopy  and  listened  to  an  eulogy  delivered  in  their  honour  by 
Dr.  Guido  Pepi,  a  scholar  learned  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  in 
Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew.  The  reply  of  Riario  was  prompt 
and  happy.  Impatient  to  prove  his  good-will,  he  confirmed 
the  exemptions  he  had  granted  from  Rome,  to  which  he 
added  other  immunities,  assuring  them  that  in  future  he  would 
do  still  more  for  the  public  weal. 

After  the  speeches,  refreshments  were  served,  and  a  pro- 
digious quantity  of  sweetmeats  and  pastry  thrown  out  of  the 
windows  to  tiie  populace.  At  the  ball  on  the  same  evening, 
Catherine — then  in  her  twentieth  }ear,  wearing  her  most 
precious  jewels  and  a  turban  whence  depended  a  long  veil 
wrought  with  the  device  Diversoruni  operuin,  and  a  rising  sun 
piercing  the  clouds  in  silver  and  pearls — was  more  beautiful 
than  ever.  Leoni  Cobelli,  painter,  musician,  dancing-master 
and  chronicler,  was  among  the  musicians  ;  words  fail  him  to 
describe  her  grace  and  the  beauty  of  the  whole  scene.  After 
the  ball,  envoys  from  the  various  castles  of  the  little  State 
made  their  obeisance  to  Girolamo,  presenting  him  with  "  fowls, 
calves,  wax,  sweets,  forage,  and  other  household  necessaries."  ^ 
On  the  following  da}',  the  moneys  coined  for  this  occasion 
were  thrown  to  the  people  from  the  balcony  of  the  palace. 
There  was  a  tournament  in  which  the  Orsini,  Colonna, 
Tolentino  and  other  gentlemen  took  part,  and  a  wooden 
castle  which  had  been  erected  at  the  Crocetta  v/as  taken  by 
assault.  This  castle,  which  was  an  allusion  to  the  burning 
topic  of  the  day,  represented  Otranto  besieged  by  the  Turks 

'  Marches!. 


6o 


CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 


in'the  preceding  year.  It  was  painted  in  red  and  white,  the 
ancient  colours  of  the  town.  The  tower  was  adorned  by  a 
prodigious  rose  encircled  by  a  serpent  with  the  motto : 
Servabit  odor  em. 

The  Riario  immediately  began  to  adorn  the  interior  of  the 
palace.  The  chronicles  describe  great  cupboards,  ten  feet 
high,  filled  with  precious  plate  and  china,  that  were  placed  in 
the  great  hall.     The  citizens,  courteously  admitted  to  view 


t'll.NS    S'I'RL'CK    1!Y    Tllli    RlARlo. 

this  unusual  magnificence,  estimated  its  value  at  not  less 
than  100,000  ducats,  Catherine  often  appeared  in  public, 
her  garments  and  those  of  her  maids  of  honour  were 
more  splendid  every  day ;  she  displayed  daily  a  new  dress 
during  her  stay  in  Forli.  ]5y  these  and  other  apparently 
futile  means,  the  Riario  succeeded  in  convincing  the  people 
of  l-'orli  that  the  wealth  of  the  new  rulers  was  boundless  ;  and 


CATHERINE    IN    THE    ROMAGNA   AND    VENICE 


6 1 


that  there  was  no   fear  of  their  demanding  money — on  the 
contrary,  they  had  come  to  enrich  them. 

Despite  the  warmth  of  his   reception,  Girolamo,  who  felt 


PALACE    BUn.T    liV   THE    RIARIO-SFORZA,    I484. 

that  the  people  hated  him,  shut  himself  up  in  his  own  house. 
This   reserve  was  looked    upon   with  suspicion.     "  Since    his 


62  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

arrival,  he  has  hardly  ever  left  his  room,  so  that  the  men  of 
Forli  are  beginning  to  murmur,"  wrote  the  Milanese  orator. 

On  August  12,  the  Riario,  with  an  escort  chosen  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Forli,  rode  to  Imola,  which  had  then  been  in 
their  possession  for  several  years.  The  Sassatelli  and  Vaini 
rode  to  meet  them  with  so  many  friends  and  retainers  that 
they  might  have  been  taken  for  a  well-ordered  army.  The 
nobles  awaited  them  at  the  river  Santerno  and  accompanied 
them  under  a  canopy  to  the  gates,  where  they  were  received 
by  the  clergy  and  the  magistracy,  who  presented  the  keys  of 
the  city.  Imola  had  been  greatly  rebuilt  and  adorned  by 
Riario,  who  had  spent  large  sums  in  pulling  down  old  hovels 
built  of  mortar  and  replacing  them  by  .better  buildings,  in 
paving  the  muddy  streets,  mending  the  walls,  adding  towers 
and  bastions  to  the  gates,  and  completing  the  fortress  which 
had  been  built  by  Catherine's  father.  In  the  opinion  of 
Philip  of  Bergamo,  Riario's  munificence  had  converted  "the 
dregs  of  Romagna  into  one  of  its  most  beautiful  cities." 

Yet  Girolamo  was  not  loved  in  any  part  of  his  dominions, 
and  it  was  commonly  said  that  he  might  be  obliged  to  cede 
Forli  to  the  Venetians.  He  employed  a  hundred  workmen, 
with  master-builders  and  carpenters,  in  the  erection  of  his 
new  palace  at  Imola,  yet  the  Milanese  envoy  found  the  whole 
country  ready  to  turn  against  him. 

There  is  ample  proof  that  Girolamo,  who  was  hated  as  a 
prince  throughout  Romagna,  was  harsh  in  his  relations  to  his 
wife,  and  that  Catherine  was  afraid  of  him.  "  Madama  sent 
her  chancellor  to  me,"  wrote  the  Milanese  envoy  (Appiani) 
from  Forli  in  July  i48i,"to  inform  me  that  Her  Ladyship 
had  tried  to  obtain  permission  to  go  to  Milan,  but  that  My 
Lord  the  Count,  her  Consort,  had  refused  it,  not  without 
some  anger.  Therefore  if,  as  she  suspected,  I  had  come  with 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  this  j^ermission  for  Her  Ladyship, 
she  begged  me  not  to  ask  it ;  for  this  would  make  a  breach 
between  herself  and  her  Lord,  who  would  believe  that  she 
had  been  the  cause  of  my  coming."  ....  To  the  urgent  appeal 
of  Appiani,  the  Count  had  opposed  excellent  reasons  for 
refusing  the  invitation.     "Then   I  suggested  that  he  should 


CATHERINE    IN    THE    ROMACNA   AND    VENICE         63 

send  his  Illustrious  Consort,  with  her  august  children.  He 
replied  that  he  could  not  live  without  her  ....  The  aforesaid 
Madama  Contessa  has  two  children  and  is  five  months 
pregnant.  She  is  beautiful,  splendid  in  her  apparel,  and 
well-adorned  with  jewels."  He  adds,  in  conclusion,  that  he 
had  given  a  gold  ducat  "to  two  drummers  in  the  apartment 
of  the  Countess,  who  play  while  Her  Ladyship  is  at  table." 
About  this  time  Catherine  wrote  to  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara 
for  some  greyhounds,  "good  runners  for  hunting  the  fleet 
mountain  goats  in  the  Roman  Campagna,  a  couple  of  good 
setters  and  a  couple  of  falcons." 

On  September  2  Girolamo  and  Catherine  left  for  Venice. 
The  official  pretext  for  the  journey  was  to  bring  about  an 
alliance  between  the  Signoria  and  the  Pope  against  the 
infidels.  The  Turks  still  held  Otranto,  and  all  over  Italy 
fear  prevailed  that  they  might  suddenly  invade  the  peninsula. 
This  danger  had  always  been  a  favourite  pretext  of  the  popes 
for  levying  soldiers,  hiring  mercenaries,  demanding  money 
and  imploring  the  help  of  the  Powers. 

There  was  no  Italian  capital  where  this  was  believed  to  be 
the  true,  or  at  least  the  only  reason  for  the  journey.  The 
Turk's  name  was  ever  on  the  Pope's  lips,  but  in  his  heart  was 
the  aggrandizement  of  the  Riario.  And  besides  all  the  rest, 
Riario  was  really  sent  to  Venice  to  perorate /rc)  domo  sua. 

In  the  war  between  the  Pope  and  the  Florentines,  con- 
sequent on  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi,  Duke  Hercules  of 
Ferrara,  although  a  vassal  of  the  Church,  had  been  one  of  the 
condotticri  of  the  Florentine  army.  He  was  excommunicated 
and  declared  to  be  deposed.  But  the  rebel  had  laughed  at 
his  deposal  and  his  excommunication,  and  vowed  that  by 
virtue  of  his  sword  he  would  continue  to  be  Duke  of 
Ferrara. 

The  Venetians  were  violently  opposed  to  him,  especially 
since  his  marriage  with  Eleonora,  daughter  of  King  Ferdinand 
of  Naples,  their  chief  enemy,  who  might  avail  himself  of  his 
son-in-law's  fortresses  to  carry  the  war  into  the  heart  of  their 
possessions  on  the  mainland.     Venice,  having  established  her 


64  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

confines  as  far  as  the  duchy  of  Milan,  would  fain  liave 
extended  her  territory  as  far  as  the  Florentine  State.  To  do 
this,  it  was  needful  to  find  a  pretext  for  invading  the  duchy  of 
Ferrara. 

The  Pope,  who  hoped  to  dispose  of  the  House  of  Este  as  he 
had  done  with  the  Ordelaffi,  seized  this  opportunity  of  allying 
himself  with  the  Venetians  against  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  and 
invading  the  States  of  this  excommunicated  rebel  ;  and  as 
these  States  were  in  part  tributaries  of  the  Church  and  partly 
of  the  Empire,  it  had  been  agreed  between  the  Pope  and  the 
Venetians  that  Venice  should  take  the  imperial  cities,  Modena 
and  Reggio,  while  Ferrara  should  return  to  the  Church,  to  be 
given  by  the  Pope  to  Girolamo  Riario. 

It  was  to  confirm  this  agreement  and  revive  the  zeal  and 
friendship  of  his  new  allies  that  the  Pope  had  sent  Girolamo 
and  Catherine  to  V^enice.  Besides  Dr.  Ludovico  Orsi,  who 
accompanied  them  in  the  capacity  of  assessor,  and  others, 
the  Riario  chose  a  certain  Matteo  Menghi,  Archdeacon  of 
Forli,  who,  unknown  to  them,  was  a  spy  of  Lorenzo  Medici. 
All  along  the  road,  from  Ravenna  to  Chioggia,  they  were 
met  by  Venetian  noblemen,  and  received  by  forty  of  the 
leading  citizens  on  their  arrival  at  Malamccco,  At  the  island 
of  San  Clemente,  the  Doge,  Giovanni  Mocenigo,  accompanied 
by  "  115  noble  ladies,  for  attendance  on  Madonna  Contessa," 
came  to  meet  them  on  the  Bucentaur.  Among  them  shone 
the  youthful  daughter-in-law  of  the  Doge  "habited  all  in 
gold."  ^  "  They  entered  the  city  amid  the  joyous  acclamations 
of  the  people,  and  the  Doge,  with  all  his  following  of 
gentlemen  and  ladies,  accompanied  the  Riario  to  their  house. 
When,  on  the  following  morning,  the  Count  visited  the  Doge, 
the  latter  met  him  at  the  foot  of  the  palace  stair."  Another 
day  "he  took  him  to  visit  the  arsenal."  "They  have  made 
him,"  writes  Menghi  to  Lorenzo  Medici,  "a  patrician  of 
Venice,  and,  to  show  him  how  their  Council  was  organized, 
they  summoned  the  Supreme  Council  in  his  presence.  Certain 
electors  having  to  be  chosen  from  among  them  by  lot,  the 
Count,  to  do  liim  greater  honour,  was  chosen  by  acclamation, 

'  .Samito,  Croiiaca  J'eitcla. 


CATHERINE    IN    TllK    RoMACxNA   AND    A'ENICE         65 

and  when  he  had  designated  Mcsser  Bernardo  Bembo  as 
Podesta  of  Ravenna  (which  had  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
Council)  it  was  immediately  agreed  upon.  In  fact,  if  he  had 
been  the  Emperor,  I  do  not  think  they  could  have  done  him 
greater  honour." 

Some  of  the  Venetian  festivities  on  this  occasion  are 
described  by  Giacomo  da  Volterra,  who  says  that  on  Sunday, 
September  9,  in  the  great  hall  of  the  Doge's  palace,  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  noble  maidens,  radiant  in  gold,  gems, 
and  pearls,  presented  a  spectacle  as  magnificent  as  it  was 
delightful.  The  crowd  of  nobles  and  citizens  was  so  great 
that  Giacomo  avers  he  had  never  seen  so  great  a  concourse, 
except  in  Rome  at  the  time  of  the  jubilee. 

The  Doge,  wearing  his  mantle  of  cloth-of-gold,  took  his 
seat  between  Girolamo  and  Catherine,  then  the  others  accord- 
ing to  their  rank.  The  dances  were  rather  confused,  because 
of  the  great  multitude.  At  sunset  a  banquet  was  served  to 
the  princes,  the  magistracy,  and  the  people ;  "  wax  candles 
made  the  night  lighter  than  day  .  .  .  and  the  dress  of  the 
women  represented  a  value  of  300,000  gold  coins  {iiwncte 
doroY 

But  the  political  triumph  of  the  Riario  was  far  from 
complete.  Girolamo  could  not  but  recall  the  experience  of 
his  brother,  the  splendid  cardinal,  who  had  been  overwhelmed 
with  honours,  but  to  whom  a  deaf  ear  had  been  turned,  or 
worse.  The  Venetians  flattered,  fascinated,  and  dazzled  their 
guests  with  feasting  and  homage,  without  yielding  an  inch 
to  them,  and  sent  them  away  deluded  in  the  principal  object 
of  their  coming.  Menghi,  the  Archdeacon  of  Forli,  ends  his 
letter  to  Lorenzo  Medici  with  the  assurance  that  after  all  he 
need  not  feel  aggrieved  by  the  honours  of  which  Girolamo 
had  been  the  recipient :  "  inasmuch,  when  all  is  said  and 
done,  this  his  journey  has  not  produced  aught  that  can  be 
displeasing  to  Your  Magnificence  and  to  our  other  friends. 
Therefore  I  do  not  regret  it,  for  it  has  given  His  Lordship 
the  opportunity  of  seeing  more  things  displeasing  than  pleasing 
to  him."  According  to  Burriel,  the  Venetian  Signori,  con- 
sidering that  the  Pope  was  held  to  be  the  weakest  prince  in 


66  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

Italy ;  that  his  States  lay  in  the  midst  and  were  open  to  the 
attacks  of  so  many  others,  and  that  the  re-acquisition  of 
Ferrara  would  be  his  ruin  and  that  of  his  allies,  informed 
Girolamo  that  their  republic  would  neither  sanction  nor 
co-operate  in  it. 

At  last  the  Riario,  having  tendered  the  Signori  their 
thanks  for  the  reception  that  had  been  accorded  to  them, 
left  Venice  discontented  and  disillusioned,  and  travelling 
again  by  the  Comacchio  road,  to  avoid  j^Ferrara,  arrived  at 
Ravenna  on  September  22.  Immediately  after  their  depart- 
ure, news  reached  Venice  that  the  Duke  of  Calabria  had 
taken  Otranto,  and  the  Pope,  unwilling  to  continue  the  war 
against  the  Turks,  although  the  civil  wars  among  them 
rendered  the  moment  opportune,  had  recalled  his  vessels. 
He  preferred  to  keep  his  influence  for  the  internal  affairs  of 
Italy  ;  he  wanted  to  give  the  whole  of  Romagna  to  Girolamo. 
War  was  declared  against  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  but  the  Pope  deserted  and  excommunicated  the 
Venetians,  the  alliance  was  broken  and  the  Riario  never 
obtained  possession  of  Ferrara. 

From  Ravenna,  the  Riario,  with  part  of  their  escort,  went 
to  Imola,  where  fresh  trouble  was  brewing  during  their 
absence.  Two  conspiracies  had  been  suppressed  between 
the  time  of  their  investiture  in  the  preceding  year  and  their 
recent  state  entry,  and  had  ended  in  the  execution  of  some 
of  the  culprits,  and  the  hanging  of  their  bodies  from  the 
palace  windows.  The  Riario  had  believed  these  dangers  to 
have  been  surmounted,  and  were  ingenuously  awaiting  the 
expression  of  tiicir  subjects'  gratitude  for  the  exemptions 
granted  to  them,  when  tiicy  were  informed  of  the  existence 
of  a  conspiracy  among  the  lower  orders  to  reinstate  the 
Ordclaffi,  and  to  put  the  Count  and  Countess  to  death  on 
their  arrival  at  Forli.  "  What  think  you  of  our  subjects  at 
T'orli  .<* "  (jucricd  Girolamo  of  the  governor  of  that  city.  Count 
Gian  Francesco  Mauruzzi,  surnamed  Tolentino,  whom  he 
had  summoned  in  haste  to  Imola.  "Is  this  my  reward  for 
the  immunilics  I  have  given  them?     But  for  the  love  of  God,. 


CATHERINE    IN    THE    ROMACNA   AND    VENICE         67 

hold  thy  peace,  and  tell  no  one  of  this  thing  until  after  my 
departure."  ^ 

Hemmed  in  by  men-at-arms,  Girolamo  and  Catherine  rode 
into  Forli,  and,  on  the  following  day,  attended  mass  at  St. 
Mercurial,  surrounded  by  three  hundred  armed  retainers. 
There  was  no  feasting  nor  public  rejoicing  on  this  occasion. 
The  Signori  were  rarely  seen,  and  never  unless  protected  by 
their  men-at-arms.  On  the  14th  they  left  for  Rome,  impatient 
to  escape  from  danger,  and  to  leave  the  governor  free  to 
deal  with  the  culprits. 

Girolamo  took  with  him  some  Imolese  and  many  more 
citizens  of  Forli,  ostensibly  to  provide  them  with  office  in 
Rome,  but  in  reality  as  hostages.  Catherine  went  to  Imola, 
where,  before  joining  her  husband,  she  deposited  her  children 
and  all  her  valuables.  They  were  met  within  two  miles  of 
Rome  by  the  Milanese  orators,  who  wrote  their  duke  that 
"His  Lordship's  Illustrious  Consort  had  journeyed  in  two 
baskets,  on  a  mule,  because  of  her  advanced  pregnancy.'' 
At  Forli  no  punishment  was  inflicted  until  ten  days  after 
the  departure  of  the  Riario  ;  on  November  15  five  bodies 
were  seen  to  hang  from  the  palace,  while  some  persons  were 
fined  or  exiled.  But  soon  the  Count  ordered  their  return, 
and  assigned  the  sums  accumulated  by  the  fines  to  the 
completion  of  the  Dome.  Girolamo  had  risen  to  power  by 
the  help  of  the  nobles,  but  the  Ordelaffi  were  deeply  rooted 
in  the  heart  and  traditions  of  the  people,  who  were  easily 
induced  to  conspire  on  their  behalf.  And  because  the 
Ordelaffi  sought  to  undermine  the  power  of  the  Riario  where 
it  was  weakest,  the  conspiracies  of  Forli  were  always  hatched 
among  the  populace  and  peasantry. 

It  was  remarked  that  Catherine,  who  showed  neither  fear 
nor  resentment  at  what  had  occurred,  did  not  open  her  lips 
on  the  subject.  It  was  surmised  that  this  reserve,  unusual 
in  a  character  untempered  by  age  and  experience,  was  im- 
posed upon  her  by  her  husband,  who  looked  upon  silence  and 
dissimulation  as  his  only  safeguards.  But  Catherine  could 
find  no  peace,  knowing  as  she  did  the  part  taken  by  Lorenzo 

1  Cobelli. 


68  CATHERINE   AND    THE   RIARIO 

Medici  in  this  conspiracy  and  her  husband's  part  in  the  cause 
of  his  enmity.  Nor  was  she  reassured  by  a  letter  written  by 
Lorenzo  in  reply  to  Girolamo's  inquiry,  in  which  the  former 
deprecated  recent  occurrences  without  absolutely  denying  his 
share  in  them.  Both  the  Riario  had  trembled  on  receiving 
this  letter,  but  Girolamo,  preoccupied  with  the  condition  of 
Rome  and  the  affairs  of  Italy  in  general,  soon  forgot  it. 
Catherine,  by  reason  of  that  political  acumen  and  strength 
of  purpose  with  which  she  was  endowed  even  at  the  age  of 
nineteen,  realized  the  necessity  of  initiating  a  personal  policy 
by  w^hich,  without  ceasing  to  aid  and  defend  her  husband  with 
all  her  power,  she  might  win  for  herself  and  her  children  the 
indispensable  friendship  of  Lorenzo.  In  the  event  of  Girolamo's 
perishing  in  the  struggle  with  the  untiring  vengeance  of  the 
astute  Florentine,  the  latter  would  be  bound  by  the  ties  of 
the  old  friendship  w^hich  had  subsisted  between  himself  and 
her  father,  Galeazzo,  and  her  uncle  Ludovic  ;  and  so  com- 
pelled to  defend  and  protect  the  rights  of  the  daughter  and 
niece  of  his  allies,  and  withheld  from  wresting  the  States  of 
Imola  and  Forli  from  the  children  of  Girolamo  Riario. 


CHAPTER   VII 

CATHERINE,    THE    RIARIO,    ORSINI    AND   COLONNA 

On  their  return  to  Rome  the  Riario  found  the  Pontiff  aged 
and  irritated.  The  King  of  Naples  had  demanded  right  of 
way  through  the  papal  States,  for  the  troops  he  was  sending 
to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  to  fight  the  Venetians.  The  Pope 
refusing,  the  King  sent  the  Duke  of  Calabria  to  attack  the 
States  of  the  Church.  On  June  6  Girolamo  advanced  with 
the  standard  of  the  Church  on  Grottaferrata,  where  the  Duke 
was,  and  halted  at  San  Giovanni  in  Laterano. 

Here  he  passed  the, day  casting  dice  on  the  altars  with 
Virginio  Orsini  and  his  captains,  or  astride  on  the  shrines 
that  held  the  sacred  relics.  The  faithful  turned  and  fled 
with  horror  from  the  threshold  of  the  Basilica.  Such  was  the 
respect  in  which  the  Pope's  nephew,  the  Defender  of  the 
Church,  held  holy  things  and  places !  He  gambled  away 
the  money  confided  to  him  by  the  Pope  and  the  Venetian 
Republic,  until  he  had  none  left  wherewith  to  pay  his  men, 
who  plundered  the  houses  and  stole  the  grain  in  the  Cam- 
pagna  while  the  peasants  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who  promised 
to  indemnify  them.  Meanwhile  they  ground  their  corn  in  the 
city.  But  in  this  they  were  thwarted  by  Count  Girolamo, 
who  ordered  his  soldiers  to  seize  and  sell  it,  and  retain  the 
proceeds  in  lieu  of  pay. 

The  Pope  lost  confidence  in  his  nephew,  and  asked  the 
Venetian  Republic  to  contribute  a  contingent  under  Robert 
Malatesta  of  Rimini,  son  of  the  famous  Sigismund,  who  was 
in  their  service.  The  Venetian  senate  sent  him  at  once,  and 
Malatesta,  with  a  company  of  foot,  immediately  attacked  the 
Duke,  on  which  the  latter  retreated.     While  in  the  Lateran 

69 


70  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

Girolamo  spent  his  time  in  drinking,  swearing,  and  losing  the 
money  of  the  faithful,  and  while  his  soldiers  were  maltreating 
and  contaminating  the  population  of  Rione  Monti,  a  young 
and  beautiful  woman,  followed  by  the  loving  reverence  and 
the  blessings  of  the  people,  haunted  the  churches  and  sanctu- 
aries of  Rome.  In  the  garb  of  a  penitent,  she  knelt  for  hours 
at  the  tombs  of  the  apostles  and  gave  alms  to  the  poor, 
while  her  pallor  and  emaciation  told  of  nights  spent  in  prison, 
of  fasting,  and  of  penance.  This  woman  was  Catherine 
Sforza,  wife  of  the  Captain-general,  who  awaited  the  issue  of 
the  impending  battle  with  a  harrowing  anxiety.  It  transpires 
from  several  documents  that  Catherine  knew  her  husband  to 
be  wanting  in  courage.  She  trembled  lest  he  should  be  held 
up  to  the  contempt  and  derision  of  the  camp.  The  instinct 
which  causes  every  woman  to  despise  a  coward  and  glory  in 
a  hero  was  strongest  in  Catherine  Sforza,  and  by  means  of 
ministrations  to  the  poor  and  afflicted,  nightly  vigils  and  the 
torments  of  corporeal  penance,  Catherine  strove  to  become 
the  creditor  of  heaven,  demanding  as  her  reward  the  triumph 
of  Girolamo  Riario. 

On  August  21,  the  Duke  of  Calabria  was  at  last  forced  into 
an  encounter  in  a  desolate  spot  which  to  this  day  is  known 
as  Campo  IMorto,  where  he  sustained  a  crushing  defeat. 
Providence  would  appear  to  have  taken  pity  on  Catherine, 
for  although  her  husband  did  not  appear  on  the  field,  he 
succeeded  in  monopolizing  the  honours  of  victory,  the  news 
of  which  was  dispatched  to  the  Pope  by  a  mounted  courier. 
That  same  night  Catherine,  in  the  ecstasy  of  her  joy,  wrote 
as  follows  to  the  Signory  of  Sienna — 

"  Magiiifici  Viri  tauquitui  patrcs  Jionorandi.  At  this  sixth 
hour  (jf  the  night,  the  Illustrious  Lord  my  consort  informs 
His  Holiness  by  one  of  his  equerries  that  at  the  sixteenth 
hour  he  gave  battle  to  the  Duke  of  Calabria.  The  battle 
lastcfl  until  the  twenty-third  hour,  when,  to  our  utmost 
honour  and  glor)-,  the  enemy  was  annihilated.  I  write  only 
this  to  Yf)ur  Magnificences  because  I  have  no  other  news. 
I    felt    it  incumbent  on   me  to  </ive  Your   Magnificences  this 


CATHERINE,    THE    RIARIO,    ORSINI    AND    COLONNA     71 

information    for    your    consolation    and    as    a   proof    of    niy 
good-will. 

"Rome  die  XXL  Aiigusti  MCCCCLXXXIJ,  at  the  sixth 
hour  of  the  night.     E.M.V. 
"Catherina  Vicecomes  de  Riario  Forlivij  ac  Imole,  etc."  ^ 

But  the  real  hero  of  the  day  was  Malatesta,  who  at  the 
head  of  his  infantry  had  led  the  assault  on  the  enemy's 
trenches  and  had  put  them  to  flight,  while  Girolamo  had 
been  seen  to  retire  to  the  tents  in  the  rear.  By  thus  exposing 
his  colleague's  life  he  had  hoped  to  revenge  himself  on  him 


/  //  —  tr*"/^  'XviH.  1-^^.  /*»'»y  ^-"^  •     /^  *  *^/fc  v.rt'* 


'•       4»    -»V>y<»    •     it 


rv»    /»*Mv» 


i'     Ll^      ^Ur^     ^,.^^f,    l.j^,4U.        ^^^,,,^    ^  ^p(/     -^ 


5  i'^ 

AUTOGRAPH    LETTER    OF   CATHERINE   SFORZA   TO   THE    KIGNORV   OF    SIENNA. 

for  having  favoured  a  conspiracy  to  reinstate  the  Ordelaffi 
in  1480 ;  he  had  never  ventured  to  attack  Malatesta  openly, 
but  in  the  event  of  his  death  had  determined  to  seize  Meldola 
and  the  whole  State  of  Rimini. 

The  Pope  had  won  a  great  victory,  but  his  nephew  had 
been  defeated.  Malatesta  had  returned  unharmed  from  the 
battle  and  his  hopes  were  at  an  end.  Moreover,  the  truth 
leaked  out,  and  the  Pope  commanded  that  Malatesta  should 
make  a  triumphal  entry  into  Rome,  with  a  cardinal  to  hold 
his  horse's  bridle.     Then  on  the  29th  Malatesta  suddenly  fell 

^  Archives  of  Siena,  Atti  del  Coiichloro. 


73  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

ill  of  dysentery  and  expired  on  September  lo,  in  the  house  of 
his  kinsman,  Cardinal  Nardini.  Thither  hastened  Sixtus  IV. 
to  administer  the  Sacrament,  but  to  his  apparent  profound 
grief  he  found  him  already  dead,  according  to  popular  rumour 
of  poison,  at  the  instigation  of  Girolamo  Riario,  and  to  official 
report,  of  fever  contracted  in  the  pestilential  plains  of  Campo 
]\Iorto.  After  ordering  solemn  obsequies  for  the  dead  hero 
and  a  monument  in  St.  Peter's,  the  Pope  dispatched  Girolamo 
Riario  to  Rimini  to  seize  the  heritage  of  the  infant  heir  of 
Malatesta,  in  which  he  was  thwarted  by  the  Florentines,  who 
protected  the  widow  and  child  of  Malatesta. 

In  Rome  Girolamo  Riario  and  his  nephew  the  Cardinal 
could  do  anything  with  impunity;  "the  Pope  has  given  up 
the  government,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  and  moneys 
and  everything  else  to  the  Count  and  San  Giorgio  (Cardinal 
Raphael;,  and  there  are  not  wanting  judges  who  give  sentences 
according  to  their  pleasure,"  wrote  Lanti,  the  Siennese  Orator 
to  the  Signory.  Girolamo,  who  was  now  feared  as  much  as 
he  was  hated,  invaded,  in  conjunction  with  the  Orsini,  the 
possessions  of  the  Colonna,  and  cast  the  Cardinals  Colonna 
and  Savelli,  whose  wealth  he  appropriated,  into  prison  in 
chains. 

One  of  the  most  piteous  episodes  of  Girolamo's  reign  of 
terror  is  the  capture,  torture,  and  execution  of  the  Protonotary, 
Lorenzo  Colonna.  The  Pope's  mercenaries  sacked  all  the 
churches  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Quirinal,  and  the  whole 
quarter  in  which  stood  the  houses  of  the  Colonna.  The 
council  of  the  people  sent  deputies  to  make  peace  between 
Sixtus  and  the  Colonna,  but  Count  Girolamo,  tyrant  of  the 
Pope  and  people,  would  not  consent  to  it.  Dismayed  by 
the  excesses  of  which  they  knew  Girolamo  to  be  capable, 
the  Colonncsi  promised  the  Pope  Marino,  Rocca  di  Papa 
and  Ardea,  leaving  to  his  mercy  the  life  of  the  unhappy 
I'rotonotary. 

I'ut  Girolamo  i)ut  to  death  the  ambassador  who  carried 
this  message,  and  replied  that  he  would  not  be  content  with 
a  few  of  the  Colonna  castles,  he  would  have  them  all,  and  he 


CATHERINE,    THE    RIARIO,   ORSINI    AND    COLONXA     73 

would  take  them  by  force,  with  cannon  and  bombs.  He 
insisted  on  the  execution  of  Lorenzo  Colonna,  whose  trial 
was  relegated  by  the  Pope  to  a  special  tribunal.  On  June  30, 
1484,  at  daybreak,  Lorenzo,  who  had  surrendered  to  Virginio 
Orsini,  was  dragged  into  a  courtyard  of  the  Castle  of  Sant 
Angelo.  He  heard  his  sentence  with  calmness  and  resigna- 
tion, and  retracting  the  confessions  that  had  been  torn  from 
him  by  torture,  protested  his  innocence.  After  a  reverent 
and  resigned  salutation  of  the  Pontiff  who  had  condemned 
him  to  death,  he  placed  his  head  on  the  block,  calling  three 
times  on  the  name  of  Jesus.  "At  the  third  time  his  head 
was  severed  from  his  shoulders."  ^ 

His  body  was  deposited  in  Santa  Maria  Transpontina, 
whence  none  of  his  friends  and  partisans  ventured  to  remove 
it,  until  some  priests  and  monks,  sent  by  the  mother  of  the 
murdered  man,  carried  it  to  the  church  of  the  Santi  Apostoli. 
The  unhappy  lady  caused  the  coffin  to  be  opened,  and  gazing 
upon  the  body,  crushed  by  torture  to  a  single  wound,  held 
the  severed  head  by  the  hair  so  that  the  people  might  see  it, 
crying — "This  is  the  head  of  my  son!  This  the  faith  of 
Pope  Sixtus,  who  promised  that  if  we  gave  up  Marino  to 
him,  he  would  have  given  me  back  my  son  ! "  A  week  later 
the  unhappy  mother  died  of  grief. 

The  blind  obstinacy  with  which  Sixtus  insisted  on  the 
annihilation  of  the  Colonna  had  no  other  motive  than  to 
enrich  his  nephew  Girolamo  with  that  of  which  they  were 
despoiled.  "  No  one  has  moved  in  the  matter,"  wrote  Lanti 
to  the  Signori  of  Sienna  on  June  30.  "  The  populace  boils 
over  a  little  at  first,  and  then  is  silent.  ...  I  know  not  what 
will  happen  next.  Marino  is  in  the  power  of  the  Pope.  The 
plague  is  ravaging  Rome." 

At  the  Court  of  Rome,  the  luxury,  which  surpassed  even 
that  of  Milan,  so  deadened  and  cloaked  everything  else  that 
it  would  have  sapped  the  moral  energy  of  Catherine  had  this 
not  been  sustained  by  her  ambition.  In  the  aspiration,  the 
determination  to  rise  to  higher  power,  Catherine,  imbued  with 
^  Infessura,  R.I.S.P.,  c.  1173-75. 


74  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

the  idea  common  to  the  poHticians  of  her  time — which  was 
that  a  strong  will  combined  with  astuteness  might  vanquish 
any  obstacle  in  the  attainment  of  a  given  end — was  at  one 
with  her  husband.  Yet  she  did  not  abandon  herself  to  the 
current  of  folly  and  crime  which  subsequently  led  to  the  ruin 
of  both  Sixtus  and  Girolamo.  Despite  the  cares  of  her 
household,  her  children,  the  Court  and  State,  she  appears  to 
have  found  time  for  much  reading,  chiefly  of  historical  and 
devotional  books,  and  without  affecting  the  erudition  which 
had  become  the  fashion  among  the  ladies  of  her  time,  to  have 
delighted  in  the  society  of  the  cultured  and  learned.  It  may 
be  read  between  the  lines  of  contemporary  history  how  a 
feeling  of  disgust  and  loathing  stirred  her  strong  soul  against 
her  husband's  baseness,  and  that  sometimes  she  reproached 
him  for  the  vileness  of  his  acts :  to  which  Girolamo  retorted 
by  such  brutal  and  personal  violence  that  Catherine  confided 
later  to  a  Milanese  envoy  she  "had  often  envied  those  who 
died,"  because  of  the  treatment  she  endured  at  her  husband's 
hands.  Either  frightened  by  the  corruption  of  the  papal 
Court,  or  to  show  that  she  had  no  share  in  her  husband's 
atrocities,  or  to  escape  from  his  violence,  she  seized  the 
opportunity  of  his  absence  on  July  7,  1484,  and,  accompanied 
by  a  strong  escort,  fled  to  Frascati. 

It  cannot  have  been  long  before  these  clouds  were  dis- 
persed, for  soon  Catherine  was  back  in  Rome  under  her 
husband's  roof  ^  at  the  Lungara,  where,  without  participating 
in  his  crimes,  she  again  co-operated  in  his  ambitious  schemes. 

'   Now  I'alazzo  Coisini. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
CATHERINE  IN  THE  CASTLE  OF  ST.  ANGELO 

Meanwhile  the  affairs  of  Italy  assumed  a  new  aspect. 
The  Pope,  in  his  terror  of  the  Venetians,  under  pretext  of 
preventing  them  from  acquiring  Ferrara,  declared  a  "  Most 
Holy"  league  with  the  other  Italian  powers  on  January  6, 
1483,  and  on  May  25  excommunicated  the  Venetian  senate. 
This  act  reversed  the  state  of  the  various  parties.  The  King 
of  Naples  was  now  the  Pope's  ally,  the  Duke  of  Calabria  came 
to  Rome  to  kiss  his  foot  and  showed  great  friendliness  to 
Girolamo  Riario,  his  late  conqueror.  Towards  the  end  of 
February,  a  congress  was  held  at  Cremona  to  decide  the  plan 
of  war  and  nominate  the  captains-general.  Among  these  was 
Girolamo  Riario. 

On  June  16  Catherine  arrived  with  Count  Girolamo  at 
Forli,  from  Rome.  The  Count  went  to  Imola  to  assume  the 
command  of  the  troops  encamped  in  that  district,  and  having 
placed  the  fortress  on  a  war  footing,  went  on  to  Bertinoro  for 
the  same  purpose,  returning  to  Forli  in  August,  where  he  was 
present  with  his  wife  during  the  great  earthquake  of  Santa 
Chiara.  Houses  were  destroyed  and  bells  tolled  lugubriously 
for  a  month.  Catherine  and  Girolamo  inhabited  a  tent 
pitched  within  the  precincts  of  the  fortress.  The  cloister  of 
St.  Francis,  which  was  being  built  at  their  expense,  being 
partly  destroyed,  they  restored  and  enlarged  it.  Catherine 
gave  the  example  of  public  prayer  and  penance  and,  to 
appease  the  Divine  wrath,  the  Riario  made  a  vow  to  visit  the 
shrine  of  St.  Clara  every  }'ear,  with  the  chapter  of  the  dome 
and  the  magistracy,  on  the   name-day  of  that  saint,  to  pray 

75 


76  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

for  her  intercession  with  the  Almighty,  so  that  a  hke  calamity 
might  henceforward  be  averted  from  the  city. 

Meanwhile  Sixtus  wrote  to  his  nephew  and  niece,  informing 
them  that  he  did  not  feel  safe  in  Rome  in  the  confusion  caused 
by  the  war  between  the  Orsini  and  Colonna,  and  that  he 
needed  soldiers,  money  and  friends.  He  needed  the  support 
of  their  presence.  They  therefore  returned  to  Rome  at  the 
end  of  August,  a  weightier  reason  having  conduced  to  hasten 
their  departure.  Letters  from  the  Ordelaffi  to  certain  monks 
had  been  intercepted,  revealing  a  widespread  conspiracy  to 
assassinate  Girolamo  and  Catherine,  who,  alarmed  by  the 
discovery  of  so  much  treachery,  and  convinced  of  the  necessity 
of  secrecy,  were  glad  to  escape  the  risk  of  becoming  the 
victims  of  the  plot  or  of  being  hated  for  retaliating  on  their 
assailants.  They  therefore  left  for  Rome,  after  enjoining  on 
the  governor  not  to  shed  more  blood  than  was  necessary. 
Yet  when  the  trial  was  ended,  the  bodies  of  two  women  (one 
of  whom  was  a  nurse  of  the  Ordelafifi),  a  man,  and  all  the 
monks  were  seen  hanging  from  the  windows  of  the  palace 
throughout  November  2,  1483.  The  year  1484  began  with 
a  repulsive  spectacle  for  the  people  of  Forli.  The  body  of 
one  Landi,  a  man  of  low  condition,  whose  crime  had  never 
been  divulged,  was  exhibited  hanging  from  one  of  the  palace 
windows.  It  was  rumoured  that  despite  recent  warnings,  he 
too  had  been  found  guilty  of  conspiring  with  the  Ordelafifi. 

In  the  course  of  the  year,  the  Pope's  chronic  gout  became 
acute.  He  was  embittered  by  the  failure  of  his  policy  ;  for 
Ludovic  Sforza  had  left  the  league  and  gone  over  to  the 
Venetians,  whose  alliance  he  needed  in  his  designs  on  the 
throne  of  Milan.  The  Pope  felt  his  loss  of  prestige  and  that 
he  was  no  longer  master  of  Rome :  many  more  soldiers  and 
much  more  money  were  needful  for  his  security,  and  more 
than  once  he  had  thought  of  leaving  it.  In  the  midst  of  these 
terrible  anxieties  he  learned  that  despite  earlier  successes,  a 
disadvantageous  peace  had  been  concluded  at  Bagnolo.  This 
fell  as  a  thunderbolt  on  the  Pope,  whose  gout  flew  to  the 
chest.  On  the  evening  of  August  12  he  received  the  envoys, 
who  read   to  him   the  conditions  of  the  treaty.     "  This,"  he 


CATHERINE    IN    THE   CASTLE    OE    ST.    ANCiELO         ^^ 

exclaimed,  "  is  an  ignominious  peace !  My  sons,  I  can  neither 
give  it  sanction  nor  blessing."  The  envoys,  perceiving  that 
the  agitated  old  man  was  losing  strength,  and  that  his  speech 
was  becoming  inarticulate,  replied  that  they  hoped  to  find  His 
Holiness  calmer  on  a  future  occasion,  meanwhile  they  prayed 
him  to  give  his  blessing  to  a  peace  that  could  not  be  revoked. 
Then  the  Pope,  withdrawing  a  gouty  hand  from  its  enveloping 
bandage,  raised  it  in  a  gesture  that  was  interpreted  by  some 
as  a  contemptuous  refusal,  by  others  as  a  blessing  on  the 
envoys  and  the  peace.  He  never  spoke  again,  and  expired 
in  the  night. 

"  On  the  following  morning,"  wrote  Infessura,  "the  body  of 
Pope  Sixtus,  wrapped  in  a  ragged  chasuble,  was  carried  with 
only  twenty  torches  and  but  a  small  following  to  St.  Peter's. 
His  corpse  was  black  and  disfigured  .  .  .  nor  was  there 
any  one  who  blessed  his  memory,  save  only  a  certain  monk  of 
St.  Francis,  who  watched  alone  by  the  body  and  endured  its 
fearful  exhalations." 

Like  many  another,  who,  abandoned  and  deceived  by  the 
world  in  his  declining  years,  concentrates  his  affection  on  a 
few,  Pope  Sixtus,  disillusioned  and  tired  with  every  one, 
centred  in  the  Riario  his  whole  life  and  ambition.  It  was 
natural  that  he  should  take  pleasure  in  the  society  of 
Catherine,  who  day  by  day  developed  fresh  beauties  of  mind 
and  person.  So  marked  an  admiration  for  the  fair  Milanese 
seemed  unbecoming  to  the  age  and  dignity  of  the  old  Francis- 
can pope,  and  was  the  cause  of  wonder,  and  perhaps  some 
scandal.  But  the  Pope,  to  whom  this  was  indifferent,  put  less 
restraint  as  time  wore  on  in  the  cordiality  of  his  relations  to 
his  niece,  or  rather  his  daughter-in-law.  A  picture  by  a 
young  Roman  painter  represented  the  siege  of  Cavi  by  the 
papal  forces,  with  Count  Girolamo,  as  chief  of  the  expedition, 
in  the  foreground.  The  Pope,  who  wished  to  see  this  faithful 
presentment  of  the  siege,  discovered  therein  the  figures  of  a 
Franciscan  and  a  woman.  In  the  Franciscan  he  recognized 
himself,  in  the  woman  he  divined  an  allusion  to  Catherine. 
Both  the  allusion  and  the  satire  were  terrible.  The  artist  was 
thrown  into  prison,  beaten  and  tortured,  and  his  house  sacked. 


78 


CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 


He  was  condemned  to  be  hanged,  and  only  escaped  with  his 
life  on  being  declared  insane.  Twenty  days  later  the  Pope 
was  no  more. 

This  incident  proves  that  Catherine's  reputation  was  un- 
justly contaminated  by  her  relations  with  the  Pope,  although 
they  were  imposed  upon  her  by  duty  and  necessity.     None 


could  be  reputed  innocent  who   stood   near   to  the  shameless 
okl  man. 


News  of  the  I'ope's  death  reached  the  Captain-general  at 
I'aliano,  wlicrc  he  was  encamped  with  the  Orsini,  and  Cather- 
ine, who  with  her  three  clvidren  shared  with  her  husband 
the    rigours   of  camp   life.     Girolamo  was  at  the  same  time 


CATHKRIXE    IX    THE    CASTLE    OF    ST.    AN(;EL0 


79 


ordered  by  the  Sacred  College  to  return  to  Rome  with  the 
troops  and  testation  himself  on  the  other  side  of  Ponte  Molle. 
Each  chose  the  most  congenial  part  ;  Girolamo  obeyed  the 
mandate  of  the  Sacred  College,  and,  accompanied  by  Virginio 
Orsini,  brought  his  troops  to  Ponte  Molle  on  the  evening  of 
the  14th,  while  Catherine,  accompanied  by  Paolo  Orsini, 
resolutely    pursued    her    way    and    entered    the    P^ort    of   St. 


CASTLE    OF   ST.    ANGEl.O    BEFORE   THE    DEMOLITIONS    OF    1S92. 

Angelo.  The  Romans,  who  had  never  been  permitted  by 
Catherine  to  forget  that  she  was  a  Sforza,  revered  in  her  the 
personification  of  the  power  and  influence  of  the  duchy  of 
Milan.  They  crowded  the  narrow  streets  in  expectation  of 
the  coming  conclave,  crying,  " Diica  !  Duca !  Viva  il  Diica  !  "  on 
her  passage.  On  her  arrival  at  the  castle,  some  doubted  her 
right  to  enter,  others  were  of  opinion  that  they  must  await 


8o  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

the  orders  of  the  Sacred  College,  but  everything  yielded  to 
the  imperious  presence  of  Catherine,  who,  entering  as  the 
barred  gates  were  opened,  declared  that  she  would  hold  the 
fortress  for  Count  Girolamo,  and  ordered  the  entrance  of  the 
staircase  which  connected  it  with  the  Vatican  to  be  strongly 
barricaded.  The  garrison  trembled  at  a  sign  from  her  !  Soon 
the  cardinals,  knowing  her  within,  must  tremble. 

Innocenzo  Cordrochi  of  Imola  was  vice-governor  of  the 
fortress.  Catherine  suspected  him  and  sent  him  away,  with 
other  Imolese.  Cardinal  Riario  sent  an  envoy  to  inform  the 
Countess  that  he  wished  to  see  her,  but  Catherine,  who  had  at 
that  moment  little  confidence  in  cardinals,  even  when  they 
were  near  relations,  replied  that  he  could  not  enter  the  Castle 
of  St.  Angelo  at  his  pleasure,  but  that  if  he  came  with  an 
escort,  she  would  receive  him  in  the  presence  of  a  witness. 
She  was  told  that  the  envoy  raged  and  stormed.  "  Ah  ! "  she 
exclaimed,  "  this  man  would  match  his  wits  with  mine ! 
Does  he  not  know  that  I  have  the  brain  of  Duke  Galeazzo, 
and  am  as  headstrong  as  he  .'' " 

These  are  the  first  indications  of  that  militant  and  wilful 
humour,  that,  displayed  in  supreme  moments,  was  later  to 
make  Catherine  so  famous  throughout  Italy.  And  it  is  in  the 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo  that  she  first  appears  to  us  as  she  is 
described  by  Cerretani :  "  Wise,  brave,  great,  with  a  full, 
beautiful  face ;  speaking  little.  She  wore  a  tan  satin  gown 
with  two  ells  of  train,  a  large  black  velvet  hat  in  the  French 
mode,  a  man's  belt  whence  hung  a  bag  of  gold  ducats  and  a 
curved  sword  ;  and  among  the  soldiers,  both  horse  and  foot, 
she  was  much  feared,  for  that  armed  lady  was  fierce  and 
cruel." 

Meanwhile,  Rome  was  a  prey  to  extreme  disorder.  The 
anarch)'  thai  always  followed  upon  the  death  of  a  pope  was  a 
festival  for  the  populace,  for  murderers,  thieves,  and  assassins 
of  every  degree,  while  (luict,  decent  people  bent  before  the 
storm,  and  those  in  high  places  cither  sallied  forth  to  attack 
their  rivals  or  entrenched  themselves  within  their  towers  to 
resist  them.  Rome  rang  with  the  cries  of  victims,  uncounted 
and  uncared  for.     Jkit  the  worst  was  reserved  for  the  favour- 


CATHERINE    1\    THE    CASTLE    OE    ST.    ANXELO         Si 

ites  and  nephews  of  the  late  Pope,  so  that  popular  fury  first 
vented  itself  on  the  house  of  the  Riario  on  the  Lungara^  close 
to  what  is  still  known  as  the  Vicolo  de  Riario.  This  palace  or 
villa  had  been  furnished  by  Catherine  with  great  magnificence, 
according  to  the  fashion  of  her  time,  in  which  the  most 
important  article  of  furniture  was  a  credetiza  or  high  cupboard 
that  contained  vases,  glass,  majolica  and  silver  reserved  for 
the  use  and  adornment  of  banquets.  In  the  house  of  the 
princes  and  nobles  there  were  many  chests  and  cupboards, 
the  largest  of  which  stood  in  the  entrance  hall  and  contained 
the  household  linen.  Along  the  walls  stood  heavy  tables  and 
wooden  chairs,  generally  covered  with  leather  with  clamps  of 
bright  metal  ;  if  without  leather,  the  wood  was  covered  with 
movable  cushions  ;  the  great  wide  beds  were  surmounted  by 
a  canopy.  The  flooring  w'as  of  cold,  bare  tiles  ;  in  princely 
houses  the  woodwork  was  carved,  gilt  and  painted  with  the 
arms  of  the  family.  In  the  houses  of  private  persons,  even  of 
the  rich,  the  walls  were  simply  whitewashed  ;  in  the  palaces 
of  great  personages  they  were  covered,  on  solemn  occasions, 
with  figured  tapestry.  A  reliquary  and  the  image  of  a  saint, 
especially  of  the  Madonna,  before  which  a  lamp  w^as  ever 
burning,  completed  the  internal  decoration  of  a  fifteenth- 
century  house. 

The  riotous  populace,  possibly  led  by  an  enemy  of  the 
Riario,  sacked  and  ruined  the  contents  of  their  house,  even  to 
the  wooden  galleries  where  carved  arms  of  the  Sforza  and  the 
Riario  were  emblazoned  and  painted.  Windows  were  broken, 
doors  torn  from  their  hinges,  even  the  stables  were  so  com- 
pletely ruined  that  no  horses  could  stand  in  them.  In  the 
garden  the  trees  were  cut  down,  and  fire  would  have  been  set 
to  everything,  to  the  cries  of  *' Colonna  !  Colonna!"  if  the 
conservators  and  other  officials  had  not  arrived  on  the  spot. 

Yet,  after  all,  the  enraged  populace  did  not  succeed  in 
destroying  every  trace  of  the  Riario,  for  two  hundred  and 
fifty-four  years  later,  when  the  nephews  of  Pope  Clement  XII. 
rebuilt  the  palace  in  its  present  form,  they  discovered  human 
bones  in  the  subterranean  passages. 

1  Now  Palazzo  Corsini. 

G 


CHAPTER  IX 
CATHERINE  LEAVES  ROME.     THE  NEW  POPE 

In  a  letter  of  Guidantonio  Vespucci  to  Lorenzo  Medici, 
dated  August  i8,  the  Florentine  Orator  writes  that  he  had 
visited  Girolamo  Riario,  who  had  told  him  that  on  "no  account  " 
would  he  tolerate  the  election  of  Cardinals  San  Marco,  Savelli, 
nor  Molfetta  (Cibo  who,  after  all,  was  elected  under  the  name 
of  Innocent  VIII.)  to  the  papacy.  "He  should  keep  on  his 
guard,  for  if  it  happened  that  one  of  these  were  elected,  he 
would  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  give  a  turn  that  suited 
him  to.  the  affair."  The  Florentine  Orator  adds  that  he  had 
tendered  the  offices  of  Lorenzo  to  Girolamo,  in  the  protection 
of  the  latter's  State  in  such  wise  "  as  to  bring  tears  to  the 
eyes  of  the  Count."  ^ 

It  is  difficult  to  believe  in  the  sincerity  either  of  Lorenzo's 
offer  or  of  Girolamo's  gratitude.  They  had  been  deadly 
enemies  for  years.  The  means  employed  by  Catherine,  who 
had  appealed  to  Milan,  were,  as  usual,  more  efficacious.  "  I 
know  from  a  good  source,"  wrote  the  Siennese  Orator,  "  that 
the  State  of  Milan  is  protecting  the  States  of  the  Count,  and 
has  furnished  him  with  soldiers  for  his  safety.  Whether  or 
no  it  has  intervened  in  the  affairs  of  Rome,  I  do  not  under- 
stand. Every  one's  procedure  is  underhanded  and  silent.  If 
treason,  dissimulation  and  treachery  were  lost  arts,  they 
might  be  re-discovered  here  in  these  days."  "  God  grant  us 
a  good  change !  "  wrote  Lanti  in  another  letter  on  the  pre- 
liiiiiiiar}'  intrigues  of  the  election  ;  "  we  cannot  do  worse  than 
heretofore." 

The    obsequies    oi    Pope  Sixtus,    on    the    17th,    had  been 

'   .lii/iivio  McUiceo  avanii  il  Priiuipato  Fi/za,  39. 
82 


CATHERINE    LEAVES    ROME  83 

attended  by  only  eleven  cardinals.  The  Cardinals  Cibo,  Savclli, 
Delia  Rovere  (related  to  Girolamo),  and  Ascanio  Sforza 
(related  to  Catherine)  had  refused  to  attend  them,  rather  than 
pass  under  the  Fortress  of  St.  Angelo  while  Catherine  held  it. 
They  said  that  unless  the  Sacred  College  found  means  to 
seize  the  castle  from  that  woman,  and  to  deprive  the  partisans 
of  the  Orsini  from  the  guardianship  of  the  Vatican,  they 
should  refuse  to  attend  the  conclave.  Then  began  the  trea- 
ties to  obtain  a  short  truce  and  the  opening  of  the  conclave. 
The  Orsini  promised  to  retire  to  Viterbo  for  a  month,  the 
Colonna  to  Lazio,  while  to  induce  Girolamo  to  give  up  St. 
Angelo,  and  retire  to  his  States,  the  Sacred  College  promised 
him  8000  ducats,  with  a  continuation  of  all  the  stipends 
granted  him  by  the  late  Pope,  and  the  title  of  Captain- 
general  of  the  Church,  and  also  that  the  new  Pope  should 
confirm  him  in  the  possession  of  Imola  and  Forli,  and  pay 
him  an  indemnity  for  the  destruction  of  his  house. 

The  cardinals,  on  the  security  of  the  silver  and  other  pro- 
perty of  Sixtus,  contributed  a  loan  of  7000  ducats,  which 
was  handed  to  Girolamo  for  the  pay  of  his  men-at-arms 
on  the  22nd.  Girolamo,  accompanied  by  two  prelates,  was 
to  leave  on  the  24th.  "  The  monies  were  paid  on  Monday," 
wrote  Lanti ;  "the  Countess  is  still  in  the  castle,"  How  could 
they  get  her  out  of  it  ?  The  Count  had,  as  usual,  yielded  to 
threats  and  money,  but  there  was  no  means  of  corrupting  nor 
frightening  her,  whose  evident  intention  was  to  hold  the 
castle  until  the  election  of  the  new  Pope,  and  then  only  yield 
to  him  when  her  claims  had  been  satisfied.  According  to  the 
agreement  with  Girolamo,  the  castle  should  have  been  sur- 
rendered on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  but  the  sun  went  down 
and  she  had  not  moved.  "  The  Countess  is  reported  to  be 
ill,"  wrote  Lanti,  "  and  therefore  her  departure  has  been  post- 
poned." Her  advanced  pregnancy  lent  probability  to  this 
rumour,  but  in  any  case  the  indisposition  was  very  oppor- 
tune, and  if  she  were  ill  Catherine  cannot  be  said  to  have 
been  irractive.  In  the  night,  between  August  24  and  25, 
Catherine,  having  previously  revictualled  the  castle,  secretly 
admitted  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  her  husband's  soldiers,  whom 


84  CATHERINE   AND    THE   RIARIO 

she  and  the  garrison  received  with  great  demonstrations  of 
joy.  But  this  time  she  had  gone  too  far.  The  Sacred  Col- 
lege, suddenly  acquiring  a  courage  born  of  fear,  affected  a 
clamorous  indignation  at  the  violation  of  the  contract,  and 
threatened  to  repudiate  its  obligations  with  regard  to  the 
Count's  revenue  and  safe-conduct  unless  the  castle  were  imme- 
diately surrendered.  When  Catherine  saw  the  game  was  lost, 
that  she  was  betrayed  by  her  husband,  who  had  taken  the 
money,  and  was  herself,  perhaps,  really  suffering  from  her 
condition  and  the  pestilential  air  of  Rome  at  that  hot  season, 
she  was  obliged  to  yield.  On  the  evening  of  the  25th,  eight 
cardinals  presented  themselves  at  the  castle  in  the  name  of 
the  Sacred  College  ;  the  Countess,  hearing  that  among  them 
was  her  uncle,  Ascanio  Sforza,  ordered  them  to  be  admitted. 

The  cardinals  courteously  assured  Catherine  of  their  pro- 
tection of  herself  and  family,  but  determined  to  rid  them- 
selves, once  and  for  all,  of  so  dangerous  a  woman,  were 
unanimous  in  insisting  on  her  immediate  departure.  Lanti, 
the  Siennesc  Orator,  rode  to  the  castle  and  witnessed  the 
departure  of  Catherine,  who,  mounted  on  her  palfrey,  sur- 
rounded by  the  pikes  and  halberds  of  her  men-at-arms,  and 
followed  by  her  household,  looked  pale  and  weary.  Her 
husband,  in  allowing  himself  to  be  bought,  had  prevented  her 
from  holding  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  to  the  last,  but  fortune 
held  in  store  for  her  another  opportunity  of  showing  the  world 
how  to  defend  a  fortress,  and  how  not  to  leave  it  by  any  other 
way  than  a  breach  in  its  walls. 

Ik'forc  leaving  Rome,  Count  Girolamo  made  a  clear  state- 
ment of  his  accounts  to  the  Apostolic  Chamber,  with  a  result 
that  left  enormous  sums  to  the  credit  of  the  Captain-general 
of  the  Church.  This  wise  and  provident  step  proved,  after 
his  death,  of  great  service  to  Catherine  and  his  children. 

On  the  road  to  Forli,  news  reached  the  Riario  of  the  elec- 
tion of  Cardinal  Cibo  (Molfetta)  to  the  papacy,  under  the 
name  of  Innocent  VIII.  The  news  was  unwelcome,  for  Cibo 
had  been  an  o|)p()nent  of  Riario,  who  was  well  aware  that  no 
new  ])opc  had  any  tenderness  for  the  nephews  of  his  predc- 


CATHERINE    LEAVES    ROME  85 

cesser;  and  the  chief  author  of  this  election  had  been  his 
cousin  Giuliano  Rovere.  The  characteristics  of  this  handsome 
pope — amiable,  gentle  to  irresolution,  dissolute  in  his  private, 
and  not  blameless  in  his  political  life — are  indicated  by  Ves- 
pucci in  his  letter  of  the  2gth  to  Lorenzo  Medici.  "  When  he 
was  a  cardinal  his  nature  was  humane  and  benevolent.  He 
has  not  much  statecraft,  nor  literature,  yet  is  not  wholly 
ignorant.  He  has  always  been  devoted  to  S.  Pier  in  Vincula 
(Giuliano  Rovere).  He  is  very  tall,  and  full  in  the  face,  about 
fifty-five  years  old,  has  one  brother,  at  least  one  bastard  son, 
and  several  daughters  married  here.  When  he  was  cardinal, 
he  did  not  agree  with  the  Count.  S.  Pier  in  Vincula  ^  may 
now  be  looked  upon  as  Pope,  and  he  will  maintain  his 
influence  better  than  under  Sixtus." 

The  Riario  entered  P'orli  on  September  4.  On  the  7th 
they  received  the  much-coveted  papal  sanction  of  the  investi- 
ture of  Imola,  Forli,  and  their  other  fiefs,  the  confirmation  of 
Girolamo's  title  of  Captain-general  of  the  Church,  and  thirdly, 
the  permission,  despite  this  ofiice,  to  live  in  the  Romagna 
instead  of  Rome,  which  last  ironical  concession  seemed  almost 
to  annul  the  first.  All  had  been  the  work  of  their  cousin 
Giuliano  Rovere,  who  led  the  inexpert  and  volatile  Innocent 
according  to  his  will.  Though  with  minds  ill  at  ease,  the 
Riario  affected  the  utmost  satisfaction,  which  they  celebrated 
in  Forli  and  Imola  by  bell-ringing,  fireworks  and  other  public 
rejoicing  for  three  days. 

There  were,  indeed,  in  Rome  and  Florence,  those  who  had 
been  long  awaiting  the  election  of  a  new  pope  to  suppress 
the  malefactor  who,  under  the  cloak  of  Sixtus,  had,  with 
impunity,  committed  so  many  atrocious  crimes,  who  had  been 
the  tyrant  of  Rome,  had  originated  the  Conspiracy  of  the 
Pazzi  and  persecuted  the  Colonna  and  Savelli.  It  had  even 
been  determined  to  whom  the  States  of  Imola  and  Forli 
should  be  given  after  the  removal  of  Girolamo  Riario.  Lorenzo 
Medici,  secure  in  the  unbounded  confidence  of  the  new  Pope, 
most  of  all  fanned  this  flame.  "  Lorenzo  shall  learn,"  said 
Innocent   VIII.   to   Pandolfini,   the   P'lorentine   legate,   "that 

'  Cardinal  della  Rovere,  later  Pope  Julius  II. 


86  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

never  was  a  pontiff  who  loved  him  and  his  house  as  I  do. 
And  having  learnt,  by  experience,  the  extent  of  his  faith, 
integrity  and  prudence,  I  shall  be  governed  by  his  memory 
and  opinion."^ 

And  Lorenzo,  who  remembered  how  narrowly  he  had 
escaped  the  daggers  of  Girolamo's  emissaries,  was  terrible  in 
counsel.  There  were  besides  Cardinal  Savelli,  whom  Girolamo 
had  offended,  and  whose  election  to  the  papacy  he  had  there- 
fore opposed,  and  the  Manfredi,  lords  of  Faenza,  who  knew 
that  the  Riario  coveted  their  State,  and  who  hated  them 
accordingly.  All  these  intrigues  to  remove  Riario  by  giving 
full  scope  to  individual  revenge,  were  conducted  by  the  Pope 
with  great  prudence  and  mystery,  for  he  was  fearful  lest 
Catherine  should  bring  down  upon  himself  and  Lorenzo  the 
reprisals  of  the  Duke  of  Milan. 

The  Riario  had  returned  to  their  dominions,  hampered  with 
the  occult  and  insidious  enmity  of  Innocent  VI  n.  and  Lorenzo 
Medici. 

Encompassed  by  so  many  dangers,  the  Riario  realized  the 
necessity  of  striking  deeper  root  in  their  Romagnole  pro- 
vinces, by  conciliating  the  affection  of  the  people. 

There  had  been  a  bad  harvest,  and  corn  was  dear.  The 
Count  imported  it  by  sea,  and  on  learning  that  his  ships  had 
been  wrecked  sent  for  others,  whereby  he  was  able  to  sell  it 
at  four  lire  per  measure,  while  the  landowners  of  Forli  sold 
theirs  at  seven.  The  league  had  ravaged  the  territory  they 
occupied  ;  the  most  able-bodied  labourers  had  been  recruited, 
and  the  peasantry  were  in  desperate  case.  The  Count  re- 
mitted the  meat  tax  for  the  whole  of  the  following  year. 
On  October  30,  in  the  midst  of  the  rejoicing  for  these  remis- 
sions, Catherine  gave  birth  to  a  son,  who,  in  honour  of  Forli, 
was  christened  Giovanni  Livio.-  The  Fortress  of  Ravaldino 
was  completed,  and  close  to  it  arose  a  princely  palace  for 
the  Riario  and  their  Court ;  barracks  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  2000  men  were  built,  store-houses  for  provisions  and 
ammunition,  and  the  fortress  was  surrounded  by  a  moat  so 

'    Letter  of  l'nn<!i>iriiii  to  Lorenzo  Medici,  Sept.  4,  1484.        -   He  died  in  1496. 


CATHERINE    LEAVES    ROME  Zj 

deep  and  wide  as  to  render  it  impregnable.  The  churches, 
began  both  at  ForH  and  Imola,  were  completed,  and  the 
convents  enlarged  ;  nothing  was  denied  to  monks  and  nuns. 
Thus  Riario  strove  to  win  the  favour  of  the  people,  save  him- 
self from  his  enemies  and  win  God's  pardon  for  the  sacri- 
legious spoliation  of  Rome. 

Instead  of  this,  the  effects  of  the  designs  of  his  enemies 
became  apparent.  The  Zampeschi — whose  castles  of  San 
Mauro,  Giovedio,  and  Talamello  had  been  seized  by  Sixtus 
in  favour  of  Girolamo — encouraged  by  Lorenzo,  the  new 
Pope  and  others,  attacked  and  took  San  Mauro,  slaying  the 
governor,  and  also  recaptured  Giovedio  and  Talamello. 

Girolamo  was  for  dispatching  Tolentino  to  recapture  the 
castles  immediately,  but  Catherine  said:  "Hector  Zampeschi 
is  in  the  pay  of  the  Church;  herein  I  see  the  finger  of  the 
Pope;  no  Roman  tribunal  will  decide  in  our  favour.  Besides, 
the  Zampeschi,  in  the  execution  of  their  design,  must  needs 
have  passed  through  Florence,  therefore  with  the  sanction  or 
knowledge  of  Lorenzo  Medici.  Let  us  not  move  in  the  dark, 
but  rather  fortify  ourselves  at  home.  In  that  we  can  never 
be  mistaken."  According  to  Catherine's  advice  the  fortress 
was  provisioned  and  ammunitioned  as  for  a  siege  ;  the  city 
was  surrounded  by  troops,  and  the  palace  so  filled  with  them 
that  it  was  proof  against  any  attack. 

The  advice  was  good,  for  they  were  tired  of  waiting  in 
Rome,  and  had  decided  to  kill  the  Count  before  the  fortress 
could  be  ready  for  his  habitation,  or,  should  he  enter  it,  the 
Pope  had  promised  the  funds  for  a  siege.  But  the  rumour  of 
these  armaments  discouraged  them  from  an  attempt  that 
might  fail.  Enemies  of  Riario  at  Forli  warned  Lorenzo 
Medici  and  Savclli  that  it  would  be  useless,  for  the  Riario 
were  hemmed  in  by  soldiers.  Lorenzo,  far  from  desisting, 
then  encouraged  Taddeo  Manfredi  to  seize  Imola.  The  latter, 
with  a  few  men-at-arms,  crossed  the  States  of  Lorenzo,  and 
arriving  at  Faenza,  planned  the  assassination  of  the  Vice- 
Governor  of  Imola,  who  discovered  the  plot  in  time  to  catch 
the  spies  and  scouts  of  Taddeo,  who  then  took  to  flight. 

Of  the  thirteen  spies,  who  were  all  Imolese,  two  were  ex- 
posed hung  by  the  neck,  one  by  the  feet,  and  two  were  tied 


88  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

to  a  horse's  tail  and  dragged  round  the  city.  The  Riario 
were  consoled  by  the  knowledge  that  all  the  conspirators  had 
been  of  the  humblest  class,  unaided  by  any  of  the  nobles.  A 
year  later,  on  December  i8,  1485,  a  year  of  apparent  peace 
and  festivity,  but  of  real  and  insidious  danger,  Catherine 
gave  birth  to  another  child,  who  was  christened  with  stately 
ceremonial  at  St.  Mercurial  on  January  18,  i486,  by  the 
name  of  Galeazzo.  The  presence  of  the  representative  of 
Lorenzo  Medici  among  those  of  the  other  Italian  princes, 
which  created  some  surprise,  was  a  result  of  that  personal 
policy  initiated  by  Catherine  without  detriment  to  her  co- 
operation with  that  of  her  husband,  against  the  consequences 
of  whose  excesses  guards  and  coats-of-mail  might  not  always 
prevail.  Were  he  to  succumb  in  the  struggle  with  Lorenzo, 
Catherine,  who  had  constrained  the  latter  to  an  exchange  of 
courtesies,  chose  that  in  a  possible  future  Lorenzo  should 
rather  regard  herself  as  the  sister  of  his  ally  than  as  the 
widow  of  Girolamo.  Lorenzo  might  well  have  combined  with 
his  hatred  of  Girolamo  a  sentiment  of  affection  and  admira- 
tion for  the  fair  and  sagacious  lady  of  Forli,  and  sent  a 
representative  to  the  christening  of  her  son. 

Catherine  had,  meanwhile,  perceived  that  the  policy  of  the 
Pope  and  the  Florentine  was  not  solely  dictated  by  venge- 
ance. The  downfall  of  Girolamo  Riario  would  spring  from 
the  principle  to  which  he  owed  his  fortune.  Among  the  sons 
whom  Pope  Innocent  did  not  trouble  to  represent  as  nephews 
was  the  evil,  stunted  P^ranceschetto,  to  whom  the  Pope  des- 
tined those  States  which  Sixtus  had  not  been  able  to  bestow 
on  Girolamo.  In  furtherance  of  this  design,  the  nuptials  of 
PVanccschetto  with  Maddalena,  daughter  of  Lorenzo  Medici, 
were  celebrated  in  the  Vatican  on  January  20,  1488.  This 
connection  rendered  indissoluble  the  alliance  between  Riario's 
worst  enemies  ;  the  daggers  for  his  heart  were  sharpened,  but 
how  to  drive  tlicm  home.''  lie  lived  in  an  impregnable 
fortress,  or  travelled  surrounded  by  armed  men.  J^>very  at- 
tempt at  sedition  had  miscarried,  and  every  intrigue  patiently 
prci)ared  in  Morence  and  Rome.  Patience  to  his  enemies  ! 
Led  by  an  unlucl<y  star,  he  himself  would  pave  the  way  for 
their  vengeance. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE   TAXES   OF   FORLI 

Splendour  and  careless  gaiety  continued  to  prevail  at 
the  Court  of  Forli.  But  Count  Girolamo,  although  he  had 
achieved  his  ideal,  which  was  to  be  regarded  as  a  generous, 
magnificent  and  renowned  prince,  became  every  day  more 
grim  and  silent.  Priests,  monks  and  nuns  saw  their  churches 
rebuilt,  and  their  convents  enlarged.  The  pay  of  the  soldiers 
was  (by  an  exception  rare  among  the  little  principalities  of 
the  time)  not  only  paid  punctually,  but  increased  ;  the  pre- 
lates and  great  warriors,  who  had  been  received  with  almost 
regal  hospitality,  had  divulged  that  few  of  the  Courts  of  Italy 
could  vie  with  the  splendour  of  the  Riario.  But  despite  the 
smiles  of  fortune,  Girolamo  became  more  grim  from  day  to 
day.  The  fact  was,  that  he  was  short  of  money,  and  did  not 
know  where  to  turn  for  the  expenses  attendant  on  his  dignity. 
He  no  longer  held  the  keys  of  the  treasure  of  the  Church,  and 
all  the  money  that  he  had  brought  from  Rome  was  gone. 

Catherine,  the  secret  spring  of  counsel  to  her  husband,  is 
credited  with  causing  a  renewal  of  the  old  taxes,  and  thereby 
causing  a  bloody  catastrophe.  Cobelli  relates  how  the  people 
of  Forli — with  the  exception  of  certain  citizens  accustomed 
to  live  on  public  stipends — had  triumphed  in  their  immunities, 
of  which  one  effect  had  been  to  abolish  public  offices,  with  the 
exception  of  the  charge  of  castellane  or  governor,  to  which 
the  Count  appointed  his  relations,  personal  friends,  and 
servants.  There  were  a  few  others  in  the  guards  and  the 
customs  on  merchandise  and  those  payable  by  foreigners. 
Some  clamoured  for  office,  and  others  for  arrears  of  pay. 
"What  is  to  be  done.'"  said  the  Count.    "I  have  no  revenue  from 

89 


90  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

Forli."  And  they  had  gone  back  dissatisfied  and  menacing, 
leaving  the  Count  agitated  and  confused.  At  this  stage  the 
narrative  of  Cobelli  assumes  the  form  of  dialogue,  gaining  in 
verisimiHtude  by  his  frequent  quotation  of  names. ^  Nicolo 
Panzechi  proposed  the  re-establishment  of  those  taxes  that 
had  been  abolished  at  the  suggestion  of  Sixtus.  "  And  what 
of  my  vow?  "  queried  Girolamo.  "What  will  be  said  of  me, 
who  am  cavalier  and  count  ? "  "  Leave  it  to  me,"  replied 
Panzechi.  "  It  will  suffice  to  put  the  matter  before  the  council." 
In  the  evening  Panzechi  returned,  and  the  Count  ended  by 
accepting  his  advice.  Yet  in  the  morning  he  summoned  the 
chief  magistrate,  Dr.  Andrea  Chelini,  and  explained  the 
difficulties  of  his  position.  Chelini  dissuaded  him,  with  some 
warmth,  from  tampering  with  the  liberties  of  the  people.  As 
for  himself,  he  would  never  give  his  bean"  against  their 
interests.  The  Count  turned  his  back  on  him,  Chelini  went 
away  ill  and  soon  after  died,  it  was  thought,  although  none 
dared  to  say  it,  from  the  poison  of  Girolamo.  Then,  perhaps 
goaded  to  it  by  his  daring  wife,  the  Count  disclosed  his  intention 
to  his  favourite,  Ludovic  Orsi. 

"  Abstain,"  cried  Ludovic,  "  for  the  love  of  God  !  Why  did 
>'ou  swear  (to  these  remissions)  ?  The  people  are  poor  and,  I 
fear  me,  capable  of  some  rash  act!"  The  Count  turned 
away  from  him,  and  again  summoned  Panzechi,  to  whom  he 
confided  the  obstinate  opposition  of  Orsi. 

"  Oh,  you  are  afraid  !  "  replied  Panzechi.  "  You  are  afraid 
of  these  people  of  Forli— the  vilest  rabble  of  Romagna  !  The 
Lord  Pino  (Ordelaffi)  would  not  have  been  foiled  by  them. 
They  are  as  cowardly  as  cur-pups." 

"We  have  honour,  and  could  not  endure  blame." 

"  Summon  the  council  and  leave  the  rest  to  me,"  replied 
Panzechi. 

"Of  whom  arc  you  afraid.?"  said  Catherine."'  "Are  the 
people  of  h'orli  to  be  the  only  ones  in  the  world  who  do  not 
pay   taxes.'     Shall  we   govern   and   defend  them  and,   alone 

'  Cobelli,  p.  2S5. 

'•*  The  vote  of  the  council  vv:is  cist  willi  white  .ind  l)]acl<  beans. 
•'  IJcrnanli,  baste  448. 


THE    TAXES    OF    FORLI  91 

among  princes,  give  our  own  substance  to  our  subjects,  who 
give  us  nothing?  Who  can  reproach  you  with  }^our  vow,  if 
they  for  whose  good  you  made  it  absolve  you  of  it  ?  The 
poor  citizens  clamour  for  office,  because  they  are  in  want ;  the 
officers  claim  their  arrears  of  pay,  and  you  have  nothing  to 
give  them.  Is  every  one  to  die  of  hunger  because  of  your 
vow  ?  "  And  Catherine  was  to  her  husband  as  a  sword  that 
drove  him  to  hasten  his  decision. 

The  council  met  on  December  27.  "  Now  I,"  writes 
Cobelli,  who  on  that  day  enjoyed  the  privileges  that  now 
belong  to  representatives  of  the  Press,  "desiring  to  hear  and 
record  the  truth,  entered,  in  spite  of  great  difficulty,  which 
was  only  permitted  to  me  by  the  ministers  of  him  (the  Count), 
who,  knowing  that  I  wrote  chronicles,  were  content,  and  so  I 
entered  and  heard  everything." 

On  entering  the  hall,  he  saw  the  Count  seated  in  the  midst 
of  the  doctors  and  knights  who  formed  the  Magistracy  of  the 
Ancients  (Upper  House),  in  all  forty  councillors.  Nicolo 
Panzechi  spoke  first,  in  the  name  of  the  Count,  described  his 
position,  and  recalled  the  tribulations  of  the  people  under 
Pino  Ordelaffi,  "who  ate  our  hearts  and  tore  our  entrails  from 
our  bodies  ;  and  persecuted  us  like  dogs."  "  But  now,"  he 
continued,  "we  have  here  our  lord  the  Count  Girolamo,  who 
is  an  angel  sent  by  God  :  a  benign  and  clement  lord,  and  a 
lamb  without  flaw.  From  him  we  have  had  many  exemptions, 
and,  but  that  the  revenue  of  Forli  is  insufficient  for  his  office 
and  the  State,  he  would  fain  confirm  us  in  them.  It  has  never 
sufficed  ;  that  which  he  has,  he  brought  with  him  from  Rome, 
and  he  will  not  spend  it  in  our  stead.  Yet  must  he  live  as  our 
lord.  Therefore,  let  us  restore  the  ancient  taxes  to  the 
Count,  here  present."  At  these  words  Girolamo  rose  to  his 
feet  and  said  with  other  things  that  "  if  the  prince  owed  help 
to  his  subjects,  justice  willed  that  the  subjects  should  help  the 
prince  in  his  need,"  concluding  by  reminding  them  that  when 
they  "had  no  better  entertainment  his  house  had  at  all  hours 
been  free  and  open  to  welcome  them,  nor  had  his  purse  been 
ever  closed  in  avarice."     More  generous  than  provident,  he  was 


92  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

now  reduced  to  the  absolute  necessity  of  providing  a  remedy 
for  his  embarrassment,  and  after  much  thought  could  find  none 
better,  howsoever  painful  to  him,  than  the  modification,  in 
times  that  had  so  sadly  changed,  of  those  concessions  made 
in  a  time  of  opulence  and  boundless  prosperity. 

He  said :  and  sadly  turned  to  leave  the  hall.  But  his 
words,  none  of  which  had  been  lost,  had  seemed  so  sincere, 
and  his  bearing  so  dignified,  that  a  sense  of  compassion  per- 
meated the  council,  so  that  when  he  would  have  left,  the 
councillors,  with  gentle  violence,  detained  him.  Others  spoke 
who  queried  :  "  Why  should  they  deny  to  the  Riario  that 
which  had  alwa)'s  been  given  to  the  Calboli,  Orgogliosi  and 
Ordelaffi  .^  If  the  council  renounced  its  privileges,  the 
Count  could  no  longer  be  bound  by  his  vow."  "  Then," 
continues  Cobelli,  "  Ser  Nicolo  Panzechi  did  cry  Hor  sii! 
Gentlemen,  say  yes  or  no :  who  wills  that  it  shall  be,  and  who 
wills  it  not.  Hor  su,  ola!'  The  council  appeared  to  be 
stupefied  and  all  those  present :  and  Ser  Nicolo  again  asked, 
saying  "  Su !  with  one  accord.  To  your  feet!"  Then 
all  rose  to  their  feet,  and  somewhat  unwillingly  made  their 
renunciation  in  favour  of  the  Count.  Panzechi  at  once 
requested  the  notary,  who  stood  by  his  side,  to  obtain  the 
signatures  of  the  assembly,  after  each  member  had  been  sworn. 
"  Oh,  reader,  for  certain,  many  did  sign  with  tears  and  sighs. 
God  alone  knows  how  willingly  they  renounced ! "  adds 
Cobelli.  The  Count  then  thanked  each  orator  respectively, 
and  having  thanked  the  council  collectively,  left  the  hall. 

On  January  i,  i486,  the  tribute  became  due.  The  eldest 
son  of  Nicolo  Panzechi  was  appointed  notary  to  the  com- 
mune, the  younger  writer  to  the  customs,  and  later  head 
factor.  And  every  man  who  went  to  the  toll  said:  "Accursed 
be  tliy  soul,  oh  Nicolo  Panzechi!"  And  they  who  carried 
the  wood  cried,  when  they  entered  the  gate,  "  Oh,  Ser  Nicolo 
Pan/.cchi,  may  your  end  be  evil !  "  "  Oh,  Ser  Nicolo  Panzechi," 
said  others,  "you  have  three  offices  this  year,  and  the  enmity 
of  all  these  people!"  And  all  wondered  at  his  impudence. 
At  first  the  general  hatred  vented  itself  on  Panzechi,  without 
reaching    the    Cuuul    and   Catherine,  on    whom,  indeed,  the 


THE    TAXES    OF    FORLl  93 

benefits  of  the  revenue  from  the  taxes  had  not  yet  rained  Hkc 
manna  from  heaven.  A  way  was  yet  to  be  found  to  levy 
them  with  certainty  and  the  least  possible  vexation.  At  last 
the  taxes  were  farmed  out  for  a  year,  during  which  the  factors 
would  have  nothing  to  pay  ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  year  they 
were  bound  to  deposit  the  whole  sum  in  the  Count's  treasury. 
These  transactions  neither  entailed  danger  nor  mystery,  for 
an  innate  sense  of  justice  and  gratitude  led  the  citizens  to 
pity  and  excuse  the  difficulties  of  the  Riario,  who  could  not 
be  said  to  have  fattened  on  their  subjects,  or  to  have  given 
cause  for  complaint  to  any  class  among  them. 

The  first  difficulty  came  from  the  peasants,  once  more  sub- 
jected to  the  tax  known  as  balia.  As  in  other  parts  of 
Romagna,  the  county  of  Forii  was  divided  into  ville :  each 
vi//a  being  taxed  according  to  its  size  and  produce  by 
persons  who  rode  from  I'/V/a  to  I'/Z/a,  and  were  appointed  by 
the  peasantry  to  levy  their  tithes,  and  pay  them  into  the 
treasury.  As  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  collect  the  taxes 
in  years  of  dearth,  the  peasantry  had  created  a  deposit  that 
sufficed  for  the  dues  of  the  treasury,  without  subjecting  them- 
selves to  any  annoyance.  The  prince  in  return  pledged 
himself  to  protect  the  land  and  all  the  harvests.  This  pro- 
tection and  surveillance  were  carried  out  by  a  corps  of  mounted 
yeomen,  who  went  about  from  one  place  to  another  obliging 
those  who  caused  any  damage  to  indemnify  the  losers.  In 
doubtful  cases,  they  laid  the  matter  before  the  da/ia  (a  sort 
of  tribunal  composed  of  a  few  nobles),  whose  judgments  were 
enforced  by  a  commissioner. 

When  the  peasants  heard  that  the  Riario  were  impoverished 
and  about  to  impose  the  old  tribute  on  them,  they,  fearing 
that  it  would  be  worse  for  them  than  before,  and  that  they 
would  suffer  more  than  the  citizens,  began  to  murmur  and 
threaten.  Tiie  Count  wished  to  pacify  them,  and  at  last  it 
was  settled  that  they  should  be  exempt  from  the  tax  and  the 
expense  attendant  on  the  charges  of  the  county,  of  which 
they  would  henceforward  be  themselves  in  charge  on  payment 
to  him  of  1200  lire.  This  freed  the  Count  from  the  obligation 
of  maintaining  the  yeomanry,  and  the  auditor  and  the  /w/m 


94  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

from  a  number  of  appeals  and  intricate  and  wearisome  law- 
suits. On  the  other  hand  the  peasants  preferred  to  defend 
themselves,  rather  than  be  defended  by  venal  swashbucklers, 
who  had  fallen  upon  them  when  and  how  they  pleased,  eaten 
and  drunk  their  substance,  and  in  return  for  tyranny  had 
exacted  bribes  and  presents. 

It  was  Good  Friday,  and  the  Count  looked  down  into  the 
square  from  a  window  of  the  palace  ;  with  him  was  a  citizen, 
who,  pointing  with  his  finger,  said  : 

"  Do  you  see  that  man  who  is  carrying  a  lamb  on  his 
shoulders  ?  He  is  Antonio  Butrighelli  of  Forlimpopoli,  and 
your  enemy,  a  bad  and  dangerous  man — -seize  him  at  once." 

Butrighelli  was  taken,  and  on  him  was  found  a  letter  from 
Antonio  Ordelafifi  to  his  partisans.  He  confessed  that  on 
that  day  Ordelaffi  was  to  have  entered  Forli  with  six  hundred 
men,  kill  the  guard  at  the  Gate  of  San  Pietro  and  the 
Riario,  and  take  possession  of  the  city.  Butrighelli  was 
hanged  at  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter  on  the  3rd,  but  none  of  the 
accomplices  he  had  named,  or  those  to  whom  the  letter  was 
addressed,  were  molested. 

In  September  i486,  Alfonso  of  Aragon,  Duke  of  Calabria, 
arrived  at  Forli,  with  the  flower  of  the  Neapolitan  army,  in 
pursuit  of  Robert  Sanseverino,  who  had  been  sent  by  the 
Venetians  to  fight  for  the  Pope.  In  the  peace  which  had 
been  concluded  between  the  King  of  Naples  and  the  Pope,  on 
August  15,  the  former  had  pledged  himself  not  to  attack 
Sanseverino  within  the  papal  States.  The  Duke  was  there- 
fore waiting  to  throw  himself  upon  him  as  soon  as  he  passed 
the  border  ;  but  Sanseverino  crossed  the  Ronco,  and  retired 
on  Ravenna.  The  Duke  had  followed  him  as  far  as  Imola, 
returning,  after  three  days,  to  P'orli.  His  arrival  enlivened  the 
people,  and  the  Riario,  courteously  inclined  to  the  loser  of  the 
glorious  day  of  Campo  Morto,  pressed  their  hospitality  upon 
him.  But  he  had  fallen  upon  evil  times  ;  plague  and  famine, 
despite  the  succour  of  Catherine,  had  left  sad  traces  behind 
them,  and  the  Count,  whose  [)ecuniary  embarrassments  had 
been  common  talk,  was  ill  in  bed.     The  Duke  thanked  them; 


I 


BIANCA   MAKIA   SFORZA. 
From  the  painting  ly  Leonardo  da  Vinct. 


95 


96  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

he  preferred  to  put  up  at  a  hostelry  close  to  the  Bologna 
Gate,  with  his  suite,  but  chivalry  impelled  him  to  accept  the 
invitation  of  the  Countess  to  supper  on  the  13th.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Virginio  Orsini,  Giangiacomo  Trivulzio, 
Antonio  della  Mirandola  and  the  Florentine  commissioner. 
The  Count  left  his  bed  to  receive  his  illustrious  guests.  A 
frugal  supper,  without  music  or  decoration,  awaited  them  in 
the  Hall  of  the  Nymphs  (so  called  from  the  paintings  on  its 
walls).  It  would  seem  as  if  the  Riario,  who  with  lavish 
magnificence  had  catered  for  popularity,  had  become  almost 
ostentatiously  penurious  to  excuse  the  recent  taxation.  No 
invitations  had  been  issued,  for  the  Duke,  desirous  of  avoiding 
trouble  to  his  hosts,  had  informed  them  that  he  would  take 
his  leave  soon  after  supper,  so  that  he  might  depart  at  dawn, 
with  the  troops. 

Catherine  loved  to  recall  the  modest  feast  that  had  been 
graced  by  such  distinguished  guests,  and  the  pleasure  she  had 
in  receiving  the  great  warrior  who  had  suffered  defeat  on  the 
day  when  her  husband  usurped  the  name  of  conqueror.  Nor 
could  the  Duke  and  his  companions  forget  Catherine,  whose 
interest  in  military  matters  bore  witness  to  her  enjoyment  of 
their  society.  She  was  simply  dressed  and  wore  no  jewels, 
but  to  those  present  appeared  more  beautiful  than  ever.^  On 
returning  to  his  hostelry,  the  Duke  was  surrounded  by  a 
friendly  multitude  bearing  so  many  torches,  that  with  the 
many  illuminated  windows,  they  made  "  night  brighter  than 
day." 

In  the  following  November  the  Milanese  Orator,  Francesco 
Visconti,  brought  Catherine  an  invitation  to  the  marriage  of 
her  sister,  Bianca  Maria,  who  was  then  betrothed  to  the 
son  of  the  King  of  Hungary,  but  who  eventually  married 
Maximilian,  Fmperor  of  Germany.  Riario  was  penniless, 
and  he  and  his  wife  shed  tears  in  the  presence  of  the  Orator. 
Visconti  writes  further,  that  the  Countess  had  gone  secretly 
to  his  room,-'  and  there  said  to  him  :  "  You  cannot  imagine 

'  .She  liad  refused  lo  .appear  at  tlie  Court  of  Milan  without  her  jewels,  whieh 
were  in  pawn. 

'■*  .State  Arcliives  of  Milan  (Foreign  Powers). 


THE    TAXKS    OK    FORLI  97 

the  life   I  lead  with  my  husband.     It  has  often  caused  me  to 
envy  those  who  die." 

In  January  1487,  the  nuptials  of  Hannibal  Bcntivoglio  with 
a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  were  celebrated.  The 
Riario,  lords  of  a  neighbouring  State,  could  not  absent  them- 
selves from  a  ceremony  at  which  the  importance  of  the  re- 
spective powers  was  gauged  by  the  strength  of  their  men  anc 
horses,  the  number  and  sumptuousness  of  the  suite.  Thc) 
were  represented  by  a  commissioner,  with  seventy  horses  anc 
eighty  "  mouths."  No  other  .State,  except  those  of  Milan  anc 
Florence,  sent  so  many.  The  Riario  relied  on  the  taxes  for 
this  unexpected  and  extraordinary  expenditure.  But  there 
were  serious  disturbances  at  Forii,  where  some  honest  folk 
paid  their  dues  without  murmuring,  while  others  not  only 
refused  to  pay,  but  spread  calumny  and  disaffection  among 
the  populace.  Girolamo  alternately  feared  the  evil  that  might 
accrue  from  indulgence  and  impunity,  and  the  bitterness  that 
would  be  caused  by  repression.  As  usual,  he  fled  from  the 
centre  of  sedition,  leaving  the  governor  to  administer  justice, 
and  bear  the  brunt  of  reprisals.  Before  the  tumult  had  caused 
any  bloodshed,  Girolamo  left  for  Imola  with  Catherine. 
Domenico  Ricci,  his  brother-in-law,  was  sent  to  Forli,  where 
his  prudence  and  honesty  enabled  him  to  levy  the  taxes,  and 
to  obtain  a  sort  of  truce.  Riario,  when  he  found  he  could 
no  longer  maintain  his  favourite  character  of  a  liberal  and 
splendid  prince,  out-stepped  the  bounds  of  decency.  He 
raised  the  tax  on  flour  from  six  to  ten  qiiattrini  per  hundred- 
weight, at  Imola,  and,  what  was  worse,  he  mulcted  each 
citizen  of  twenty  bologjiiiii  for  the  maintenance  of  four 
hundred  horse,  whereas  he  only  kept  a  hundred,  so  that  the 
Imolese  were  fain  to  perceive  that  by  means  of  this  deception 
their  lord  extorted  from  them  about  looo  ducats.  He 
coveted  some  mills  that  belonged  to  one  Astorgio  Bonmercati, 
forced  him  to  sell  them  to  him  for  a  nominal  price,  and  com- 
mitted other  acts  of  violence  by  means  of  decrees,  threats, 
confiscations  and  condemnations  ;  so  that  many  lips  formu- 
lated the  words  tyrant  and  death:  words  that  are  apt  to  follow 
each  other  in  formidable  succession. 

H 


CHAPTER  XI 

CATHERINE  AND  INNOCENZO  CODRONCHI 

Lorenzo  DEI  Medici  exulted  in  the  ever-increasing  dan- 
gers that  encompassed  Girolamo  :  at  last  he  was  certain  of  the 
ruin  of  the  Riario  ;  the  course  of  events  did  but  second  his 
vengeful  design.  Catherine  convinced  herself  that,  despite 
the  amicable  nature  of  their  relations,  she  could  no  longer 
hope  that  Lorenzo  would  renounce  his  vengeance  in  deference 
to  her.  A  more  potent  factor  was  needful  to  attain  that  end, 
such  counsel  as  might,  should  he  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  it,  be 
converted  into  menace.  She  therefore  went  to  Milan  to 
obtain  the  co-operation  of  her  brother,  Duke  Gian  Galeazzo, 
and  of  her  powerful  uncle,  Ludovico  il  Moro,  giving  as  an 
ostensible  reason  for  her  departure  her  desire  to  revisit  her 
family  and  her  birthplace,  in  which  there  had  been  so  many 
changes  since  she  left  it,  as  a  maiden  of  fifteen,  ten  years  ago, 
and  also  to  see  her  mother  Lucrezia  Landriani,  and  her  sister 
Stella.  She  added  that  she  hoped  to  bring  them  back  to  live 
with  her  in  Romagna,  so  that  she  might  have  some  of  her 
own  people  about  her.  In  the  beginning  of  April  she  arrived 
at  Milan,  with  a  numerous  escort.  In  May  she  heard  that 
Girolamo  had  fallen  ill  at  Imola.  Catherine  did  not  hesitate 
a  moment  in  leaving  Milan  and  the  dear  delights  of  the 
Court.  Neither  the  persuasions  of  her  relations,  nor  the 
weakness  inherent  on  her  condition,  could  dissuade  her  from 
hurriedly  riding  back  to  Imola.  She  was  at  her  husband's 
bedside  on   May  31. 

The  Count  had  been  given  up  by  the  doctors.     "  But,"  says 

Bernardi,  "  no  sooner  had  her  ladyship  arrived,  (although)  it 

appeared  that  nothing  had  been  left  undone,  (than)  she  sent 

98 


CATHERINE   AND    INNOCENZO    CODRONCHI  99 

all  over  Italy  for  the  best  physicians,  who  came  from  Bologna, 
Milan  and  Ferrara." 


The  castcllane  of  the  Fortress  of  Rivaldino  at  Forli  was 
one  Melchior  Zocchcjo  of  Savona,  an  old  ex-pirate  and  perse- 
cutor of  poor  Christians,  whom  the  Count,  his  countryman 
and  creditor,  had  placed  there  because  he  had  no  other  means 
of  repaying  him.  This  castellane  was  an  incubus  to  Girolamo, 
who  therefore  resorted  to  the  daring  of  his  wife  to  rid  himself 
of  him.  One  night,  when  the  Count  was  still  ill,  Catherine 
mounted  her  horse,  rode  to  Forli  and  approaching  the  fortress, 
called  the  castellane. 

The  castellane  came  to  the  battlements  and  cried,  "  Oh, 
Madonna,  what  is  your  will?" 

Madonna  replied,  saying,  "Misser  Marchonne,"  [the  spell- 
ing is  Cobelli's]  "  I  come  on  behalf  of  my  lord,  that  you 
may  surrender  the  fortress  to  me.  Here  is  the  countersign. 
I  would  enter." 

Replied  the  castellane  :  "  And  what  of  the  Count  ?  I  have 
heard  that  he  is  dead." 

Said  Madonna:  ''Mo  (sic),  that  is  not  true.  I  left  him  of 
good  courage." 

Replied  the  castellane :  "  Report  hath  it  that  he  is  dead. 
If  he  be  dead,  I  will  hold  the  fort  for  his  sons  ;  if  alive,  I  will 
give  it  up  to  him  ;  if  he  would  turn  me  out  to  put  another  in 
my  place,  I  would  that  he  should  give  me  my  money  that  I 
lent  unto  him,  and  then  I  will  give  up  the  fort  according  to 
my  will  and  pleasure."  Without  another  word  he  turned  and 
left  the  battlements,  and  Catherine  "  rode  sadly  back  to 
Imola," 

In  those  days  there  abode  in  Forli  that  same  Innocenzo 
Codronchi  who,  in  the  reign  of  Sixtus,  had  been  constable  of 
St.  Angelo,  whence  he  had  been  dismissed  by  Catherine. 
The  Count  had  restored  him  to  favour,  appointed  him  Captain 
of  his  guard  and  Castellane  of  Ravaldino  until  the  threats  and 
importunities  of  Melchior  Zocchejo  induced  Girolamo  to  re- 
place him  by  the  ex-pirate.  By  order  of  the  Count,  Codronchi 
still  came  and  went  within  the  fort,  never  losing  sight  of  the 


loo  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

castellane,  with  whom  he  often  dined,  supped  and  threw  dice. 
The  castellane,  unconscious  of  this  surveillance,  had  the 
utmost  confidence  in  Innocenzo,  one  of  whose  relations  lived 
with  him  in  the  fort.  On  August  lO,  Codronchi,  according 
to  his  wont,  dined  with  the  castellane,  and  threw  dice  for 
the  dinner  of  the  following  day,  Codronchi  being  purposely 
the  loser.  Next  morning  he  sent  quails,  partridges  and 
capon  to  the  fort  by  a  soldier  named  Moscardino,  to  whom  he 
also  gave  certain  secret  instructions.  When  the  castellane 
saw  Moscardino  coming,  he  caused  the  doors  of  the  fortress 
to  be  opened  to  him,  and  while  the  game  was  being  plucked 
Moscardino  "  did  as  he  had  been  bidden." 

At  the  appointed  hour  Codronchi  entered  the  fort  and  dined 
with  the  castellane.  After  dinner  the  castellane  rose  to  his 
feet.  Codronchi,^  springing  up  suddenly,  clutched  him  by  his 
middle.  A  slave  (probably  a  Turk  captured  by  Zocchejo  on 
the  high  seas)  stabbed  him  two  or  three  times,  while  Moscar- 
dino aimed  at  his  head.  Then  Codronchi  left  hold  of  him 
and  finished  him  with  a  blow  from  a  scimitar.  Then  with  his 
kinsman,  the  slave  and  Moscardino  (who  told  the  story  to 
Cobelli),  Codronchi  took  possession  of  the  watch-tower,  and 
raising  the  draw-bridges,  remained  isolated  therein.  Calling  on 
the  soldiers  and  household  of  the  murdered  castellane,  who 
were  in  the  court  below,  he  cried — "  Away  with  you  !  away ! 
or,  by  my  troth,  we  shall  cut  you  in  pieces."  When  they  had 
all  fled  before  a  sudden  shower  of  stones  and  other  missiles, 
Codronchi  carefully  closed  the  fort,  and  with  the  help  of  his 
accomplices  threw  the  body  down  a  well,  within  a  dungeon  by 
the  draw-bridge. 

Meanwhile  the  terrified  guards  and  servitors  ran  to  the 
governor,  and  in  a  moment  the  city  rang  with  the  news, 
which  reached  the  Riario  just  as  Girolamo  was  convalescent 
and  Catherine  near  to  child-bed.  "  On  that  same  day,"  says 
Cobelli,  "  Madonna  mounted  her  horse,  and  by  dint  of  spur 
and  bit,  was  at  Forli  by  midnight,  and  rode  through  the  city, 
to  the  foot  of  the  fortress,  and  called  Nocentc.  .  .  .  Then 
Nocentc  came  to  the  battlements  and  saw  Madonna,  and  said, 

'  Cobelli. 


CATHERINE   AND    INNOCENZO    CODRONCIII  loi 

"  O  Madonna,  whom  do  you  seek  ?  "  Said  Madonna,  "  O 
Nocentc,  for  whom  do  you  hold  this  fort  ?  "  Replied  Nocente, 
"For  the  Lord  Octavian."  Said  Misscr  Domenico  Riccio,^ 
"  Then  is  Octavian  lord  and  not  the  Count  ?  "  "  Dead  or  alive, 
I  hold  this  fort  for  the  Count  and  his  sons."  Then,  according 
to  Bernardi,  Catherine  asked  why  he  had  killed  the  castellane. 
"  Madonna,  the  fort  should  be  confided  to  a  man  of  brains, 
and  not  to  drunkards."  He  here  repeated  what  he  had  said 
to  the  governor.  Then  Catherine  implored  him  to  surrender 
the  fort.  Codronchi,  full  of  pity  for  her  condition,  replied, 
gently,  "  Dear  Madonna,  for  the  present  I  can  give  you  no 
other  reply.  .  .  .  O  Madonna,  go  and  take  your  rest  and  fear 
nothing.  There  was  no  need  for  Your  Ladyship  to  come 
hither  on  this  errand.  I  pray  you  to  dine  here  with  us 
to-morrow."  Then  Catherine  returned  to  the  city,  and 
having  ordered  a  guard  to  watch  the  fort,  entered  her  palace. 
Simulating  prudence,  for  fear  of  poison,  she  ordered  a  dinner 
to  be  carried  to  the  fort  for  her  on  the  morrow  and  went  to 
bed  at  dawn.  "  They  that  were  with  her  do  aver  that 
Madonna  did  not  sleep  that  night,"  says  Cobelli.  Next  day 
Codronchi  intimated  that  the  Countess  could  only  be  attended 
by  one  maid  of  honour.  Catherine,  showing  no  sign  of  fear 
and  followed  by  the  maid  of  honour  carrying  her  food,  entered 
the  fort.  Codronchi  is  said  to  have  told  every  detail  of  the 
story  at  table,  where  together  they  concerted  a  mock  surrender 
and  Catherine  left  the  fort,  whither  she  returned  after  three 
days,  with  Tommaso  P"eo  of  Savona.  To  him  Codronchi 
surrendered  the  fort,  and  Catherine  leaving  Feo  within,  passed 
out,  followed  by  Codronchi.  The  courtyard  was  crowded  with 
an  impatient  populace.  At  last  Catherine  appeared.  "  The 
fort,"  she  said,  "  was  lost  to  me  and  you,  in  the  hands  of 
this  man,  from  whom  I  have  taken  it,  leaving  in  his  stead  a 
castellane  of  my  own  choosing."  The  citizens  would  willingly 
have  learnt  more,  but  tiiat  was  not  vouchsafed  to  them.  The 
Countess  rode  away  with  Codronchi  at  her  side,  and  behind 
her  a  long  line  of  horsemen. 

This    cruel    and    ingenious    comedy    faithfully  reflects    the 
^  Domenico  Gentile  Ricci,  husband  of  Violaiitina  Riaiio  and  Governor  of  Forli. 


I02  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

spirit  of  the  policy  of  a  time  that  has  been  defined  by 
Machiavelli  in  the  words:  "A  statesman  must  know  how  to 
play  the  fox  and  the  lion."  Catherine,  one  of  the  hardest- 
headed  politicians  of  her  day,  would  not  be  deterred  by  any 
scruple  from  the  suppression  of  her  castellane,  if  he  displeased 
her,  nor  from  having  him  treacherously  assassinated  if  that 
means  assured  the  end.  As  for  the  consummate  strategy  of 
this  betrayal,  we  must  remember  that  the  end  and  aim  of 
human  action  was  enjoyment  by  means  of  beauty.  The 
sense  of  beauty  had  become  the  sole  factor  and  criterion  of 
the  Italian  conscience,  whether  manifested  in  art,  pleasure, 
resistance,  government,  or  rascaldom.  The  people  of  that 
day  did  not  understand  that  a  crime  can  never  be  beautiful. 
The  ferocity  of  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  in  the  conspiracy  of  his 
barons,  seemed  to  them  horribly  beautiful  ;  the  perfidy  of 
Caesar  Borgia  at  Sennigallia,  is  represented  as  a  masterpiece 
by  Machiavelli,  and  as  iin  bcllissimo  inganno  by  Monsignor 
Paolo  Giovio. 

There  is  no  mention  anywhere,  after  this  event,  of  Innocenzo 
Codronchi.  Did  he  meet  his  death  by  the  hand  of  an  enemy 
or  of  Riario,  whose  secret  would  thus  be  buried  with  him  .-' 
Even  that  was  then  possible. 

On  the  morning  after  her  return  to  Imola,  the  sun  having 
risen  on  August  17,  Catherine,  who  on  the  previous  day 
had  ridden  ten  miles  (and  more,  if,  as  was  her  wont,  she 
avoided  1^'acnza  and  took  the  long,  rugged  mountain  road), 
gave  birth  to  a  boy,  who  was  named  Francesco  Sforza  and 
afterwards  surnamcd  Sforzino. 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE  CONSPIRACY   OF   THE    ROFFI 

In  the  following  September,  Count  Girolamo,  who  was  of 
a  heavy,  lymphatic  temperament,  and  had  not  completely 
recovered  from  his  illness,  had  again  taken  to  his  bed,  when 
a  messenger  arrived  from  the  Governor  of  Forli.  Ordclaffi 
had  struck  another  blow,  by  means  of  certain  Roffi,  sturdy 
peasants  of  Rubano,  who  had  great  influence  and  many 
adherents  among  its  rural  population.  They  had  taken  the 
Cotogni  Gate,  which  had  been  retaken  :  five  rebels  had  been 
hanged  and  others  lay  in  chains  in  the  fortress.  Catherine, 
who  was  recovering  from  childbirth,  could  not  be  held  back 
from  hurrying  to  the  spot ;  she  sprang  into  her  saddle,  threw 
the  rein  on  her  horse's  neck  and  reached  Forli  in  an  incredibly 
short  time.  Domenico  Ricci,  ex-governor  of  Forli,  a  man 
of  mature  age,  but  a  bold  and  skilful  rider,  could  scarcely 
keep  up  with  the  Countess.  Giuliano  Feo,  the  new  governor, 
who  rode  to  meet  her  "  neither  dead  nor  alive  from  fear,"  ^ 
accompanied  her  to  the  palace  and  gave  an  account  of  what 
had  happened.  The  Countess  said  that  she  should  without 
delay  proceed  to  further  inquiry,  but  not  on  that  day,  as  it 
was  Sunday.  Early  next  morning  she  entered  the  fort 
and  cross-examined  the  rebels.  They  confessed  everything. 
"  Why,"  said  Catherine,  "  did  you  cry  '  San  Marco,  Church 
and  Ordelaffi  '  ?  "  "  Because,"  they  replied,  "  we  thought  that 
part  of  the  people  would  have  risen  to  that  cry."  Nino,  one 
of  the  Rofifi,  related  that  on  a  certain  day  he  had  met  another 

^  Cobelli,  who  with  Bernardi  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  events  narrated  in  this 
chapter. 


I04  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

peasant,  named  Passi,  to  whom  he  had  divulged  the  plot,  and 
that  the  same  Passi  had  entered  into  it.  Catherine  remanded 
the  accused  and  ordered  Passi  to  be  brought  into  the  fort. 
On  the  following  day  the  poor  w^-etch  was  caught,  bound  and 
brought  into  Forli.  In  the  presence  of  Catherine,  Nino 
recognized  him  and  repeated  the  accusation.  "  Now  do  you 
lie  in  your  throat,"  said  Passi,  "  ribald  glutton  that  thou  art. 
I  have  not  set  eyes  on  you  for  eight  months.  And  this  I  am 
wilhng  to  prove  by  the  test  of  the  rope."  The  Countess  at 
once  ordered  Nino  to  be  hung.  Nino  gave  himself  up  for 
lost,  and  not  daring  to  address  the  Countess,  retracted  to 
the  podesta  his  statement,  adding,  "  Madonna,  for  the  sake 
of  the  relations  (of  Passi,  who  were  many  and  influential),  will 
pardon  him  and  me,  who  have  accused  him.  .  .  .  The 
drowning  man  catches  at  a  straw\"  At  these  words  the 
Countess  rose  from  her  seat,  and  with  smiles  and  some 
emotion  approached  Passi,  whom  she  led  by  the  hand  out 
of  the  fort,  saying  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
people,  "  Go,  return  in  peace  to  your  wife  and  children. 
And,"  adds  Bernardi,  "she  gave  him  her  blessing  for  a  true 
and  faithful  servant."  Catherine  sent  a  written  account  of 
the  second  trial  to  her  husband,  whose  answer  was  delayed 
for  three  days  ;  at  last  he  wrote,  sa)'ing  that  as  he  had  sent 
her  in  the  interests  of  true  justice  she  might  do  as  it  seemed 
best  to  her.  That  was  enough  for  this  woman  of  twenty- 
five,  convinced  as  she  was  of  her  duty  in  the  dispensation  of 
divine  justice,  which  had  been  pressed,  so  to  speak,  into  the 
service  of  her  political  needs.  Part  of  this  duty  was  the 
punishment  of  those  w^ho  attacked  the  rights  of  the  House 
of  Riario,  "And  then  in  the  name  of  God,"  said  Bernardi, 
"  the  Countess  had  the  heads  of  six  malefactors  struck  off 
in  the  square,  and  their  bodies  quartered."  Much  against 
his  will,  and  to  his  infinite  mortification,  the  corporal  who 
had  lost  the  Cotogni  Gate  to  the  rebels  was  made  their 
executioner.  The  mutilated  corpses  were  left  on  the  ground 
until  evening,  when  three  of  the  heads  were  raised  on  lances 
and  the  bodies  hung  fiom  the  Cotogni  Gate,  and  three 
others   from  the  Gates  of  San  IMetro  and  Ravaldino.     When 


THE    CONSIMRACY    OF    THE    ROFFI  105 

this  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Countess,  she  ordered  that  the 
horrid  sight  be  at  once  removed  from  the  eyes  of  the 
populace  and  showed  herself  as  lenient  in  her  treatment  of 
the  lesser  culprits  as  she  had  been  inexorable  to  the  ringleaders. 
Many  were  set  free,  but  the  kinsmen  of  the  Roffi  were  for- 
bidden the  city. 

Count  Girolamo  did  not  recover  until  the  beginning  of 
November.  He  was  so  weak  physically,  and  so  weighed 
down  mentally,  that  for  many  months  none  but  Catherine 
entered  his  room.  The  report  of  his  death,  which  was 
supposed  to  be  kept  secret  for  political  reasons,  gained  such 
credence  that  as  soon  as  he  could  sit  his  horse,  he  rode  all 
over  Imola,  to  show  himself,  and  for  this  purpose  went  to 
Forli  on  November  3.  There  he  soon  perceived  that  his 
presence  inflamed  the  general  dissatisfaction  with  the  taxes. 
Since  he  had  no  longer  the  means  to  be  generous,  he  made 
another  bid  for  popular  favour  by  solicitude  for  the  public 
weal,  and  this  gave  rise  to  a  singular  episode. 

On  the  evening  of  November  18,  a  young  hermit,  blond 
and  haggard,  holding  in  his  hand  an  iron  cross,  arrived  at 
Forli.  He  was  from  Sienna,  and  was  called  Giovanni 
Novello.  He  halted  in  the  burying-ground  of  St.  Mercurial 
and  began  to  preach,  recommending  the  building  of  a 
Monte  dl  Pieta,  a  house  where  the  poor  might  pledge  their 
things  for  money.  He  was  soon  surrounded  by  a  crowd. 
While  he  preached.  Count  Girolamo  stood  at  a  window  of 
the  palace  with  the  Milanese  Orator.  At  another,  Catherine, 
with  her  children,  her  eye  fixed  on  the  preacher,  listened 
attentively.  By  order  of  the  Riario,  all  the  shops  had  been 
closed  ;  silence  reigned  and  the  voice  of  the  hermit  filled  the 
vast  square.  The  Count  ordered  the  hermit  to  preach  a 
second  time  at  the  church  of  San  Francesco  and,  through  him, 
announced  that  he  would  contribute  three  hundred  gold 
ducats  towards  the  erection  of  the  Monte  di  Pieta.  He  also 
sent  him  to  the  council  to  renew  the  offer,  and  his  auditor 
to  speak  in  praise  of  it.  But  the  council  received  these 
overtures  as  an  attempt  to  coerce  them,  and  the  proposal  was 


io6 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 


not  accepted.  The  Count  was  more  embittered  by  this 
repulse  than  he  would  have  been  by  a  rebellion,  while 
Catherine  recognized  in  it  a  discourteous  manifestation  of 
civic  independence,  intended  to  teach  the  Count  that  they 
were  not  to  be  won  over  by  his  liberality. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  GIROLAMO  RIARIO 

In  January  1488,  the  peasantry,  instigated  by  the  emissaries 
of  Lorenzo  Medici,  came  in  troops  to  Forli  and  demanded  of 
the  Count  that  they  should  be  reheved  from  the  taxes  requir- 
ing that  each  villa,  or  parish,  should  furnish  a  certain  number 
of  cartloads  of  wood,  barley,  forage  and  straw  for  the  use  of 
the  lord  and  the  soldiers  of  his  guard.  When  he  heard  that 
they  had  sold  their  lands  to  the  citizens,^  and  that  they  neither 
owed  nor  owned  the  wherewithal  to  pay,  he  said — "  This  is  a 
just  demand  ;  you  cannot  pay  for  what  you  do  not  own  ;  I 
will  do  the  best  I  can  to  set  the  matter  right."  And  he  cast 
about  for  advice,  but  the  councillors  and  the  city  were  divided 
among  themselves. 

"  He  who  persuades  you  to  listen  to  the  peasants  is 
prompted  by  the  devil  to  lead  you  to  break  your  neck  and 
ours  and  bring  about  a  revolution.  Give  no  heed  to  him. 
Your  lordship  has  it  all  your  way  ;  what  do  you  want  more  } 
The  populace  is  quiet,  asking  no  more  than  its  daily  bread, 
and  to  be  your  friends  and  partisans.  Do  not  mind  the 
peasants,  for  so  long  as  the  citizens  and  artisans  agree,  the 
others  will  dree  their  weird.  Let  those  pay  who  are  accus- 
tomed to  pay,  give  them  good  words,  and  take  no  further 
heed.  .  .  ." 

"O,  Messer  Ludovico,"  replied  the  Count,  "  there  never  was 
a  wash  but  that  you  soiled  it  ;  God  help  us  !  I  believe  that 
you  grudge  me  my  life."  And  having  said  this,  he  turned 
upon   his  heel  and  went   into    his  chamber.     Ludovico  Orsi 

^  The  citizens  were  divided  into  two  classes,  nobles  and  artisans,  there  being  no 
middle-class. 

107 


io8  CATHERINE   AND    THE    RIARIO 

hastened  home,  where  (in  the  presence  of  Cobelli,  who  was 
giving  a  dancing  lesson  to  the  youthful  daughter-in-law  of 
Checco)  he  repeated  this  conversation  to  his  brother.  In  Lent 
Girolamo  summoned  Checco  Orsi  and  asked  him  for  the  two 
hundred  gold  ducats  due  from  him  on  the  meat  tax  of  the  pre- 
ceding year.  Orsi  replied  that  he  had  lost  by  it,  and  after  a 
violent  altercation,  went  home  in  a  rage,  which  he  communicated 
to  liis  brother  Ludovic,  who  was  still  smarting  under  his  own 
grievance.  "  The  flea  was  ah'eady  in  their  ears,"  says  Cobelli, 
who  here  interpolates  a  series  of  serio-comic  anecdotes  on  the 
growing  disquietude  of  the  Orsi,  to  whom  the  agents  of  Medici 
interpreted  every  word  that  fell  from  the  Count's  lips  as  por- 
tending their  death.  One  day,  Checco  Orsi  ventured  out  of 
doors  and  whom  should  he  meet  in  the  square  but  the  Count, 
who  was  returning  from  mass. 

"  Don't  you  think  it  is  time  .''  "  said  the  latter,  alluding  to 
the  debt. 

"I'm  expecting  the  money  from  day  to  day,"  replied 
Checco. 

Then  the  Count  flew  into  a  violent  passion,  and  crying, 
"  Checco,  Checco,  you  will  drive  me  to  commit  an  act  of  folly," 
angrily  turned  into  the  palace. 

Soon  after,  Giacomo  Ronchi,  captain  of  a  squadron,  pre- 
sented himself,  and  begged  for,  at  least,  a  part  of  his  pay, 
adding  that  his  family  was  dying  of  hunger.  The  Count,  who 
had  not  }'et  recovered  from  the  recent  meeting  in  the  square, 
replied — "  Get  out  of  my  sight,  or  I  will  have  thee  hanged." 

"  My  Lord,"  retorted  the  soldier,  "  thieves  and  traitors  are 
hanged,  of  whicli  I  am  neither.  I  deserve  to  die  sword  in 
hand,  like  the  valiant  man-at-arms  that  I  am." 

Some  time  passed,  when  a  certain  Ludovico  Panzechi,  a 
captain  of  infantry,  who  had  been  employed  by  Girolamo  in 
the  conspiracy  of  the  I'azzi,  came,  in  ignorance  of  the  storm  in 
the  air,  and  also  asked  the  Count  for  some  arrears  of  his  pay. 
"  Ah  !  >'ou  want  to  levy  blackmail,"  said  the  Count,  thinking 
that  they  had  agreed  among  themselves  to  coerce  him. 
J'anzcclii  did  not  reply,  but  went  away  biting  his  lips. 

The  narrow  social  margin  of  the  little  city  soon  brought 


THE    ASSASSl NATION    OF    (}lROLAMO    RIARIO         109 

about  a  meeting  Ijctween  the  two  officers  and  the  Orsi. 
And  the  devil  in  hell  rejoiced  to  sec  his  design  inarching 
to  its  end,  says  the  "eye-witness."  ^  Each  told  his  tale  to 
the  others  and  caught  fire  from  one  another  ;  individual 
fear  and  tremors  melted  into  the  common  terror.  "That 
man  will  hang  us,"  said  the  two  soldiers,  who  regretted, 
Panzechi  to  have  left  the  Florentine,  and  Ronchi  the  Calab- 
rian  service,  for  that  of  Riario,  who  threatened  them  with  the 
gallows  when  they  asked  for  their  pay.  Checco  Orsi  had  even 
more  cause  for  complaint.  "  He  had  served  Riario,  with  horse 
and  foot,  without  pay  ;  he  had  leased  that  cursed  meat  tax 
to  right  himself,  was  ruined  by  it  .  .  .  and  the  Count  wanted 
money  into  the  bargain." 

"  O  Checco,"  said  Panzechi,  with  a  significant  gesture, 
"  shall  we  give  him  the  money  that  he  needs  .'' "  And  so,  with 
few  words,  they  agreed  to  kill  him,  and  the  three,  arm-in-arm, 
went  to  seek  Ludovico  Orsi,  who  had  not  dared  to  leave  his 
house.  Ludovic,  who  at  first  was  like  one  dazed  with  horror, 
at  last  ejaculated — "  And  if  w^e  fail .'' " 

"  Better  to  die  sword  in  hand  than  by  hanging, "  replied  the 
other  three.  "  It  is  better  to  do  so  to  him  than  that  he  should 
do  it  to  us." 

"  Onward  then  !  "  said  Ludovic,  "  and  success  attend  us  !  " 

"  I  am  sure  of  the  result,"  said  Ronchi.  ..."  The  people 
hate  the  Count  because  of  the  taxes.  .  .  .  Arm  your  friends 
in  secret.  Watch  and  wait.  We  will  hasten  the  matter. 
When  all  is  ready,  we  will  come  out  with  your  following  to 
the  cry  of  '  Liberty  !  Liberty  ! '  We  will  sack  the  palace  and 
you  will  take  the  square.  At  that  cry  all  will  join  us,  and  we 
shall  have  won  the  day." 

The  four  conspirators  were  anxious  to  strike  the  blow 
before  their  adherents  had  time  to  cool  down,  or  the  secret  to 
leak  out,  and  to  that  end  kept  an  eye  on  the  Count  from  the 
following  morning  (Sunday  /;/  albis,  April  13),  but  without 
success.  On  April  14,  at  dinner-time,  Ronchi  parted  from  his 
friends  and  went  to  see  his  nephew,  Gasparino,  a  youth  in  the 

^  Leone  Cobelli. 


no  CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 

household  of  the  Count.  "  Gasparino,"  he  said,  "you  know- 
how  often  we  have  wanted  to  talk  to  the  Count  about  our  own 
affairs  and  how  we  have  ahvays  been  withheld  by  the  presence 
of  one  or  the  other.  At  what  hour  could  I  speak  to  him 
without  witnesses  to  talk  over  our  grievances  ?  "  "  To-night," 
replied  Gasparino,  "after  supper  the  Count  will  be  alone,  the 
household  and  the  equerries  will  be  at  supper;  I  shall  be  on 
guard  at  the  door  of  his  chamber.  So  you  can  comiC  to-night 
to  talk  over  matters  with  the  Count."  "  Good.  But  how  shall 
I  know  when  ?  "  "I  will  signal  to  you  when  the  time  comes; 
be  ready  in  the  square." 

Ronchi  informed  the  others  of  his  appointment.  Towards 
sunset  armed  partisans  made  their  way  one  by  one  to  the 
square.  Checco  Orsi,  captain  of  the  guard,  stationed  them  as 
he  pleased,  without  fear  of  opposition,  and  sent  his  cousin, 
Deddo,  to  occupy  the  staircase  that  led  to  the  tower  com- 
municating with  the  apartments  of  Catherine.  Doctor 
Ludovico  Orsi  was  stationed  at  the  foot  of  the  grand  stair- 
case. The  fatal  hour  had  struck.  The  Count  w^as  still  at 
supper  with  his  wife ;  the  three  assassins  (Checco  Orsi, 
Panzechi  and  Ronchi),  armed  to  the  teeth,  paced  forwards  and 
backwards  in  the  square  without  showing  themselves  to  those 
in  the  palace  window,  yet  keeping  an  eye  on  it.  At  last 
Gasparino,  waving  his  beret,  signed  to  Ronchi  to  come.  The 
three  companions  moved  resolutely  towards  the  palace  door, 
climbed  the  stairs  and  stood  at  the  door  of  the  Hall  of  the 
Nymphs  ;  the  Count  was  within.  The  Orsi,  foremost  among 
the  citizens  and  intimates  of  the  Count,  had  a  right  to  enter 
unannounced,  ihey  held,  according  to  the  phrase  of  the  day, 
the  gilded  key.  Checco,  leaving  his  two  companions  to  listen 
outside,  boldly  opened  the  door.  The  Count,  with  his  back  to 
the  open  window,  his  elbow  resting  on  the  sill  that  looked 
towards  Ravenna,  was  enjoying  the  cool  of  the  evening,  with 
his  kinsman,  Corradino  Feo,  of  Savona,  his  chancellor, 
Girolamo  of  Casale,  and  Nicolo  of  Cremona,  who  was  in 
waiting.  The  Count  was  chatting  with  his  friends  and  was 
unarmed,  his  countenance  merry  and  jovial.  ...  It  would 
have  been  tlic  right  moment  to  ask  a  favour  of  him,  so  well 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    OIROLAMO    RIARIO         iir 

disposed  did  he  seem  to  listen  and  to  grant  it.  Indeed,  as 
soon  as  he  perceived  that  Chccco  had  entered  tlie  room,  he 
stretched  out  his  right  hand  to  him,  saying  with  cordiahty — 
"  How  goes  it,  my  Checco  ? "  "  I  have  a  letter  that  I  would 
show  you,"  replied  Checco;  "we  shall  soon  have  the  money 
.  .  .  and  I  shall  be  able  to  pay  Your  Lordship.  .  .  ."  While 
he  was  speaking,  Orsi  grasped  the  dagger  that  he  had  hidden 
about  his  person,  and  the  Count  felt  his  blade  in  the  left 
breast,  which,  in  offering  his  hand,  he  had  exposed  to  the 
blow. 

"  Ha,  traitor ! "  cried  the  wounded  man,  who  would  have 
sought  refuge  by  dragging  himself  to  Catherine's  chamber,  but 
that  the  two  listeners  behind  the  door,  hearing  his  cry,  broke 
into  the  room  and  seizing  the  victim  by  the  hair,  dragged  him 
back  to  the  spot  where  the  first  blow  had  been  struck.  The 
wound  was  not  mortal,  but  in  his  horror  and  dismay,  Checco 
was  incapable  of  striking  another.  The  two  soldiers  who 
knew  their  business  better,  and  that  in  these  affairs  it  is  not 
well  to  stop  midway,  crushed  him  to  the  ground  between  door 
and  window  and  barbarously  finished  him  with  murderous 
blows  on  his  head  and  every  vital  part.  Not  a  word  could 
escape  the  lips  of  the  wretched  man,  who  struggled  for 
escape  for  a  (e\v  seconds,  until  his  dying  eyes  were  fixed  upon 
the  assassins;  while,  more  ferocious  and  savage  than  Ronchi, 
Ludovico  Panzechi  still  steeped  his  blade  in  the  blood  of  the 
victim.  Ten  years  earlier,  in  that  same  month  of  April, 
Girolamo  Riario,  who  was  hatching  the  famous  conspiracy  of 
the  Pazzi,  had  paid  money,  and  made  promises  to  Ludovico 
Panzechi  to  plunge  that  same  dagger  into  the  heart  of  Lorenzo 
Medici.  This  was  the  end,  at  the  age  of  forty-five,  of  Girolamo 
Riario,  who  in  the  lifetime  of  Sixtus,  while  he  was  yet  the 
omnipotent  nephew  of  the  Pope  and  master  of  the  armies  and 
treasure  of  the  Church,  had  been  a  villain,  yet  whose  rule 
in  Romagna  must,  on  the  whole,  be  considered  a  mild  and 
beneficent  one.  Danger  had  taught  him  prudence;  prudence 
had  taught  him  humanity.  Yet  all  his  greatness  was  the 
devil's  harvest  ;  he  had  sown  too  much  evil  to  reap  anything 
but  thorns  and  tribulations.     All  his  efforts  were  tardy  and 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    RIARIO 


unavailing  ;  the  agents  of  the  new  Pope — who,  Hke  Sixtus,  had 
a  nephew  of  whom  he  would  have  made  a  prince — represented 
him  to  the  people,  whose  fidelity  Riario  had  wooed  by  his 
benevolence,  in  the  most  odious  colours.  Besides,  the  Medici 
still  coveted  Imola  ;  above  all  they  would  have  wrested  it 
from  Riario  who  had  sought  to  compass  their  annihilation 
when  he  coveted  Florence  for  himself.  His  State  had  teemed 
with  Florentine  spies  and  emissaries,  sent  to  prepare  the 
vengeance  of  Lorenzo  Medici.  Generosity,  which  was  then 
considered  necessary  to  the  art  of  government,  had  brought 
about  the  financial  ruin  of  Girolamo,  of  which  the  question 
of  the  taxes  was  the  inevitable  consequence,  as  well  as 
the  opportunity  awaited  by  his  enemies.  Even  as  the  Pazzi, 
in  1478,  had  been  the  emissaries  of  Riario  in  the  plot 
against  the  Medici,  so  on  the  evening  of  April  14,  1488,  the 
Orsi,  with  Panzechi  and  Ronchi,  became  the  emissaries  of  the 
Medici  in  the  assassination  of  Girolamo  Riario. 


BOOK  IV 

CATHERINE'S   WIDOWHOOD 


CHAPTER  XIV 

CATHERINE    AND   THE   ASSASSINS 

The  murder  was  committed  in  a  few  seconds.  The 
suspicions  of  the  chancellor  and  of  Nicolo  of  Cremona  were 
not  awakened  by  the  entrance  of  Orsi,  but  when  the  two 
others  broke  into  the  room  they  realized  what  was  happening 
and  took  to  flight.  Nicolo  ran  to  the  apartment  of  Catherine 
and  in  a  choking  voice  told  her  that  Orsi,  Panzechi,  and 
Ronchi  had  murdered  the  Count.  There  was  no  time  to  lose 
in  tears.  There  was  no  doubt  that  they  meant  to  exterminate 
the  whole  family  .  .  .  they  must  save  themselves. 

Catherine  sprang  to  her  feet,  succeeded  in  blocking  the 
door  with  chests,  arm-chairs,  and  cabinets  of  prodigious 
weight,  and  ordered  all  the  servants  to  arm  themselves  and 
pursue  the  assassins,  so  that  none  of  them  might  escape  with 
his  life.  And,  counting  on  help  from  the  people,  she  placed 
the  women,  children,  and  defenceless  people  at  the  windows, 
to  cry  :  "  Help  !  Help  !  They  have  murdered  the  Count ! 
They  are  trying  to  murder  Madonna  !     Help  !  Help  ! " 

While  the  widow  of  the  murdered  man  gave  such  evidence 
of  promptness  and  foresight,  the  murderers,  dazed  and  con- 
fused, had  not  left  the  body.  Corradino  Feo,  son  and 
lieutenant  of  the  castellane  of  Ravaldino,  heard  the  Count's 
cry  from  the  room  next  to  the  Hall  of  the  Nymphs  and 
returned  to  it,  but  lost  his  voice  when  his  eyes  fell  upon  the 
dreadful  sight.  As  soon  as  he  recovered,  he  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  four  servants  of  the  Countess,  and  calling  to 
arms,  prepared  to  attack  the  assassins.     The  palace  was  full 

115 


ii6  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

of  rushing  sounds,  cries  and  the  clank  and  clash  of  arms. 
Gasparino,  who,  in  his  ignorance,  had  given  the  fatal  sign, 
first  realized  its  meaning  when  he  saw  his  uncle,  fully  armed, 
place  himself  outside  the  Count's  door.  At  the  same  moment 
he  heard  the  cry  of  the  victim,  and  Ronchi,  before  he  entered, 
told  him  to  inform  Ludovico  Orsi,  who  was  waiting  at  the 
foot  of  the  stairs,  that  the  Count  had  been  dispatched.  In 
blind  obedience,  Gasparino  had  descended  the  stair  and  with 
terror  and  amazement  said  to  Ludovico :  "  They  are  killing 
him  !  ....  he  must  be  dead  already ! "  Then  came  the 
cries  of  Catherine.  The  blow  had  been  struck,  it  behoved 
Ludovic  to  save  his  friends,  and  he  went  out  to  summon  in 
their  defence  those  who  waited  in  the  square. 

Meanwhile  Agamemnon  degli  Orsi,  son  of  Checco,  im- 
patient with  standing  in  passive  custody  of  the  grand  staircase, 
hastened  to  the  protection  of  his  father,  meeting,  as  he 
mounted  the  stair,  the  affianced  husband  of  Stella  Landriani, 
Andrea  Ricci,  whose  rooms  were  at  the  top  of  the  staircase. 
Hearing  cries  of  "  Help  !  Help  ! "  he  had  seized  his  arms 
and  was  on  his  way  down-stairs  before  he  knew  what  had 
happened.  But  he  instantly  realized  it  and  did  not  hesitate 
to  strike  Agamemnon,  who  died  from  his  wound  twelve 
days  later.  Ricci,  although  wounded,  succeeded  in  joining 
Corradino  and  the  four  servants,  and  with  them  entered  the 
Hall  of  the  Nymphs  and  surrounded  the  three  assassins  who 
stood  over  the  body  of  their  victim.  They  would  have  been 
cut  to  pieces  in  a  moment,  but  for  the  arrival  of  Ludovico 
Orsi  and  his  followers,  who  broke  into  the  Hall,  to  the  cry  of 
"  Liberty  !  Liberty  !  Long  live  the  Orsi  !  "  Corradino  Feo 
and  Andrea,  who  were  both  wounded,  had  to  retire  before 
overwhelming  numbers.  The  new  cry,  different  to  the  one 
that  had  issued  from  the  windows  of  Catherine,  announced  to 
the  whole  city  that  the  conspirators  were  masters  of  the 
palace  and  that  the  fortunes  of  the  Riario  were  fallen. 

As  the  news  spread,  men  armed  with  pikes  and  clubs  and 
the  usual  herd  of  the  curious,  who  never  fail  to  put  in  an 
appearance  on  occasions  of  terror  or  rejoicing,  poured  into  the 
square,  from  every  corner  of  it.     Among  the  latter  was  the 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    ASSASSINS  117 

chronicler,  Leone  Cobelli.who  in  his  eagerness  to  see,  "so  that 
he  might  write,"  had  pushed  his  way  through  the  crowd  until 
he  found  himself  standing  under  the  great  doorway  of  the 
palace,  where  stood  Checco  Orsi,  wearing  a  coat  of  mail  and 
holding  a  partisan.  He  was  soon  joined  by  Ludovic,  and  all, 
as  they  arrived,  kissed  them  on  the  face  and  congratulated 
them,  saying  :  "  Fear  nothing,  we,  all  of  us,  will  defend  you  ; 
we  have  determined,  for  your  sakes,  to  meet  death  and 
destruction  1 "  And  they  cried,  "  Liberty  for  ever  !  Long  live 
the  Orsi,  true  Fathers  of  our  Country  !  "  The  crowd  whence 
came  these  cries  was  entirely  composed  of  artisans.  None  of 
the  nobles  had  appeared  in  the  square.  They  awaited  the 
end  of  the  tumult  behind  closed  doors,  in  fear  and  trembling 
of  the  Orsi. 

Cobelli  pushed  his  way  into  the  courtyard  and  there  he  saw 
"  Madonna,  la  Contessa,  weeping  and  crying  at  her  window, 
with  her  women.  All  her  servants  were  in  flight.  And,"  he 
continues,  "  I  soon  found  myself  at  the  corner  of  the  loggia] 
where  the  well  is  at  the  foot  of  the  grand  staircase,  and 
suddenly  I  beheld  Messer  Antonio  de  Montechio,  the  bargcllo 
(lieutenant  of  police),  flying  before  a  murderous  gang  of 
artisans.  He  had  but  mounted  three  stairs,  when  he  was  laid 
low  by  a  hundred  blows  from  partisans,  pikes,  spears  and 
swords."  Cobelli  heard  a  cry  from  the  window,  and  raising 
his  eyes  saw  Catherine  desperately  calling :  "  Forbear,  for- 
bear !  do  not  kill  him  ! "  But  none  gave  heed  to  her  cry. 
Instead,  they  stripped  the  body  to  its  shift,  and  dragging  it, 
before  it  was  yet  cold,  to  the  well,  set  fire  to  the  beautiful 
hair  of  which  the  poor  bargcllo  had  been  so  proud.  Then 
some  peasants  came  upon  the  scene,  who,  although  they  saw 
that  he  was  dead,  tore  the  flesh  from  his  body.  "  Then," 
continues  Cobelli,  "  I  saw  Checco  de  I'Urso  with  the  whole 
gang  and  Matio  de  Galasso  mount  those  stairs  and  enter  the 
chamber  of  Madonna."  Catherine  was  alone,  with  her  mother, 
sister,  children  and  two  nurses.  The  door  was  barricaded,  but 
the  conspirators  burst  it  open  and  seized  Catherine  and  her 
children.  It  is  recorded  that  before  she  moved,  she  kissed  each 
of  her  children  and  then  went  on  in  front,  between  Checco  Orsi 


ii8  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

and  Galasso.    The  crowd,  awed  by  the  majesty  of  that  deHcate 
and  beautiful  face,  made  way  in  silence  for  the  Countess. 

Neither  insult  nor  violence  was  offered  to  her  or  hers. 
Only  one  of  the  ruffians  in  the  suite  of  Checco  Orsi  thrust  his 
hand  in  the  bosom  of  Stella's  gown  in  the  search  for  hidden 
jewels.  The  young  girl  pushed  him  back  with  all  the  strength 
of  her  left  hand,  dealing  him  with  her  right  so  vigorous  a  blow 
that  she  nearly  knocked  the  wretch's  teeth  out. 

Thus,  on  foot,  at  dead  of  night,  Catherine  was  conducted  to 
the  house  of  the  Orsi,  which  stood  on  the  site  of  what  is  now 
the  Monte  di  Pieta,  and  Checco  Orsi  was  lord  of  the  city. 
After  the  horrid  murder  of  the  bargello,  the  soldiers  of  the 
guard  and  other  members  of  the  household  had  withdrawn  to 
the  fortress,  whither  went  also  Corradino  Feo,  Andrea  Ricci, 
Francesco  Paolucci,  and  in  haste  and  secrecy  a  certain 
Ludovico  Ercolani,  with  the  mission  of  enjoining  on  Tommaso 
Feo,  the  castellane,  to  write  informing  Bentivoglio  of  Bologna 
and  the  Duke  of  INIilan  of  the  murder  of  the  Count,  entreating 
them  in  the  name  of  the  Countess  to  send  sufficient  troops  to 
quell  the  revolution  and  reinstate  her. 

No  sooner  had  Catherine  left  the  palace  than  the  plunder 
began  ;  one  seized  a  chest,  another  a  casket,  every  one  some- 
thing. The  treasury  of  the  customs  and  taxes  was  plundered, 
even  to  the  chains  and  ropes  of  the  clock  on  the  tower.  Gold, 
silver,  and  linen,  "  w^th  the  exception  of  the  body-linen  of 
Madonna  and  her  children,"  all  disappeared,  and  the  horses 
and  mules  were  taken  from  the  stables.  While  Cobelli  was 
looking  at  the  sacking  of  the  palace  he  perceived  a  strange 
and  terrible  sound.  The  body  of  Count  Girolamo  had  been 
thrown  into  the  square.  Three  of  his  (the  Count's)  favourite 
men-at-arms,  Ciccolini,  Carlo  of  Imola,  and  Scossacarri,  had 
entered  the  Hall  of  the  Nymphs  and  thrown  the  corpse  to  the 
people,  crying :  "  This  is  that  traitor  who  so  persecuted  us  !  " 
Hardly  had  they  done  so  when  a  certain  Pagliarino,  nephew 
to  Konchi,  dragged  the  body  on  the  ground  to  where,  despite 
a  cry  of  horror  from  those  present,  it  was  stripped  and 
mutilated,  as  had  been  that  of  the  barcreUo.  Some  monks  of 
the  order  nf  the  Black  Flagellants  placed  the  two  corpses  on 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    ASSASSINS 


119 


the  same  bier  and  carried  it  to  the  sacristy  of  their  church 
which,  says  Burricl,  "is  the  same  that  is  now  known  as  the 
Church  of  the  Nuns  of  Corpus  Domini."  It  was  night,  and 
none  barred  the  way  to  the  bier, 

Tl'iis  sinister  spectacle  caused  a  short  interruption  in  the 
sacking  of  the  palace,  which  soon  began  again  with  renewed 
clamour  and  rapacity.  Doors  and  windows  were  wrenched 
from  their  hinges,  every  one  robbed  and  destroyed  all  that  he 
could  lay  hands  upon  ;  the  Orsi,  abetted  by  their  retainers, 


iiiK  r()iji:siA. 


robbed  more  than  any  one  else.  When  the  intoxicated  crowd 
happened  to  light  upon  money,  plaudits  and  hurrahs  for  the 
Orsi,  Fathers  of  the  People,  rent  the  air. 


Later,  the  Orsi  summoned  the  council  :  Checco,  in  a 
pompous  harangue,  boasted  of  having  put  to  death  a  ferocious 
tyrant,  and  declared  that  the  city  should  be  given  to  none  but 
the  Pope,  and  only  to  him  in  nominal  suzerainty.  He  offered 
the  people  of  Forli  autonom\-  and  self-government. 


I20  CATHERIiXE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

The  chief  magistrate,  Nicolo  TornielH,  replied  with  spirit 
and  wisdom  that  the  Duke  of  Milan  was  capable  of  becoming 
the  avenger  of  his  sister's  wrongs  ;  that  in  Rome  there  were 
many  cardinals  who  were  related  and  allied  to  the  Riario, 
and  that  the  Pope  himself  appeared  well  disposed  towards 
them.  Autonomy  and  liberty  may  have  flourished  in  the 
city  in  by-gone  times  ;  but  the  liberty  so  eulogized  by  the 
Orsi  had  begun  in  bloodshed,  would  not  last  eight  days,  and 
would  make  Forli  and  its  magistracy  the  laughing-stock  of 
the  proletariat  of  every  other  Italian  city.  Whatever  be  the 
resolution  they  came  to,  it  had  best  be  "  one  that  would  not 
further  irritate  nor  wound  the  Countess.  That  would  not  only 
be  barbarous  and  inhuman,  but  would  draw  down  fatal  con- 
sequences upon  the  city,  she  being  of  subtle  mind  and  of  that 
high  courage  that  was  known  to  all,  indomitable  of  spirit  and 
inexorable  in  vengeance."  He  added  that  the  only  course 
open  to  them  lay  in  submission  to  the  Pope,  as  their  direct 
and  immediate  sovereign,  without  grimace  of  popular  liberty. 
The  city  should,  with  all  due  and  legal  formality,  be  consigned 
to  Monsignor  Savelli,  protonotary  and  papal  governor  of 
Cesena.  The  council  unanimously  applauded  and  accepted 
the  suggestion  of  Tornielli,  to  the  indignation  of  the  populace 
and  the  Orsi,  who  were  still  blinded  and  intoxicated  by  their 
victory.  The  act  of  allegiance  was  immediately  drawn  up 
and  sent  to  Cesena.  It  surprised  and  perplexed  Savelli  who, 
however,  recognizing  the  seal  of  the  city  and  the  signatures 
of  the  councillors,  sent  his  auditor  to  Forli  on  the  15th.  The 
latter,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  council,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  city  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  Cesena,  by  the 
ancient  rite  of  walking  several  times  round  the  square,  and 
returned  to  that  place. 

Savelli,  on  hearing  the  account  of  the  auditor,  determined 
to  conclude  that  which  had  been  begun,  and  arriving  at  P^orli 
before  nightfall,  proceeded  at  once  to  Casa  Orsi,  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  Countess,  both  because  of  her  great  misfortune 
and  because,  as  the  Pope's  representative,  it  behoved  him  to 
recognize  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Riario  as  vicars  of  the 
Church.     He  expressed  to  the  Countess,  whom  he  had  known 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    ASSASSINS  121 

in  Rome,  his  horror  and  sorrow  at  the  appalh'ng  event,  and 
excused  himself  for  the  haste  of  his  coming  in  that  as  the 
Pope's  legate,  he  could  not  appear  to  neglect  the  unsought 
gift  which  the  city  had  made  of  itself  to  the  Holy  See,  (Jn 
the  other  hand,  although  he  had  been  constrained  to  accept 
this  gift  from  the  people  of  P'orli  to  the  Pope,  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  His  Holiness  from  confirming  the  children 
of  the  Count  in  the  investiture  of  their  father's  dominions 
....  and  next  to  his  obedience  to  the  Pontiff,  there  was 
nothing  nearer  to  his  (Savelli's)  heart  than  his  desire  to  render 
aid,  service,  and  all  that  was  possible  of  solace  and  comfort  to 
the  Countess. 

The  sincere  ring  of  these  words  of  pity  and  respect  so 
far  mitigated  her  bitterness  that  Catherine,^  with  modest 
integrity  and  directness,  made  such  reply  as  her  circumstances 
demanded,  in  words  few  and  serious,  and  in  no  wise  offensive. 
The  sight  of  the  young  mother,  to  whom  clung  six  terrified 
orphans  whom  she  strove  to  comfort  and  console, — for  in  the 
house  of  her  husband's  murderers  they  were  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  guards  armed  with  pikes  and  halberds, — so  moved 
the  worthy  prelate  that  no  sooner  had  he  left  them  than  he 
could  not  restrain  himself  from  declaring  to  those  concerned 
that  "  the  Orsi  were  wild  beasts  in  human  form,  than  whom 
no  Turks  could  have  worse  entreated  Madonna."  And  having 
mounted  his  horse  and  ridden  once  round  the  square  to 
confirm  the  possession  taken  of  the  city  by  his  auditor,  he 
passed  onward  to  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter.  There  he  relieved 
the  guard  by  another  composed  of  twelve  artisans  commanded 
by  three  noblemen  who  were  held  in  high  esteem  in  the  city, 
and  at  the  same  time  personally  devoted  to  the  Countess. 
Bartolomeo  Capofcrri,  Bartolomeo  Serughi  and  Francesco 
Denti  were  soon  to  prove  themselves  worthy  of  his  confidence. 
Savelli  further  enjoined  on  the  Orsi  to  hold  Catherine  no 
longer  a  prisoner  under  their  own  roof,  but  to  immediately 
conduct  her  to  the  Fort  of  St.  Peter  and  there  confide  her 
to  the  honourable  custody  of  the  three  gentlemen  by  him 
instructed  to  treat  her  with  the  respect  due  to  her  rank  and 

^  Burriel. 


122  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

her  misfortunes.  These  considerations  had  not  withheld 
another  priest,  a  partisan  of  the  Orsi,  from  forcing  his  way 
into  Catherine's  room  during  SavelH's  short  absence,  and 
seeking  by  intimidation  to  obtain  the  surrender  of  the  Fortress 
of  Ravaldino.  "  Count  Girolamo's  sins  had  found  him  out," 
said  this  priest  to  the  widow  ;  "  therefore,  my  sister,  make 
up  your  mind  to  yield  up  this  stronghold  to  us  ;  for  you 
will  neither  eat  nor  drink  until  you  have  caused  it  to  be 
surrendered  to  us,  and  we  shall  let  you  die  of  hunger." 

Catherine,  in  her  anguish,  could  find  no  voice  to  answer 
him,  but  at  last,  regaining  her  power  of  speech,  was  able  to 
cry :  "  O  Misser  Ludovico,  I  pray  you,  for  the  love  of  God, 
deliver  me  from  this  priest ! "  Catherine,  who  in  happier 
times  recounted  this  episode  to  her  friends  and  retainers,  was 
wont  to  say  that  the  words  of  this  priest  had  hurt  her  almost 
more  than  the  murder  of  her  husband. 

Catherine  was  then  led  by  Ludovico  and  Checco  Orsi, 
Panzechi,  and  Ronchi,  before  the  papal  governor  (Monsignor 
Savelli)  to  be  publicly  interrogated,  and  as  she  was  now 
awaiting  the  succour  she  had  demanded  from  Milan  and 
Bologna,  was  able,  in  calm  expectation  of  the  result  of  her 
foresight,  to  make  such  promises  and  replies  as  were  imposed 
upon  her  under  penalty  of  death.  She  was  next  conducted 
to  the  Fortress  of  Ravaldino,  which  she  had  secretly  in- 
structed Tommaso  Feo  to  hold  at  any  cost.  When,  there- 
fore, the  latter  appeared  at  the  battlements  the  Countess 
cried  : 

"  Surrender  the  fortress  to  these  people,  to  save  my  life 
and  the  lives  of  my  children  ! " 

"They  can  take  me  from  here  in  pieces!"  replied  the 
castellanc.     "  I  will  not  yield  an  inch." 

"  They  will  murder  me  ! " 

"  Wliom  will  they  murder.''  They  have  too  much  reason 
to  fear  the  iJuke  of  Milan." 

At  these  words  he  disappeared  from  the  battlements,  but 
the  late  captain  of  Catherine's  guard,  who  knew  her  as  well 
as  (lid  the  castcllane,  fixed  his  eyes  upon  her  face  and  the 
point  of  his  ])arlis,in  on  licr  breast. 


CATHKKINE    AND    THE    ASSASSINS  123 

"O  Madonna  Caterina,"  he  cried,  "if  you  chose  he  would 
give  it  to  us,  but  'tis  you  who  will  not  let  him  surrender ;  I 
have  a  mind  to  bore  thee  through  and  through  with  this 
partisan,  and  to  make  thee  fall  down  dead." 

The  Countess  replied,  without  sign  of  anger  or  alarm  — 

"  O  Jacomo  da  Ronco,  do  not  frighten  me ;  deeds  canst 
do  unto  me,  but  canst  not  frighten,  for  I  am  daughter  to 
one  who  knew  no  fear.  You  have  killed  my  lord,  you  may 
as  well  kill  me,  who  am  a  woman." 

Finding  that  they  could  do  nothing  with  her,  the  con- 
spirators reconducted  her  to  their  house.  Meanwhile  Mon- 
signor  Savelli  superintended  the  works  for  the  capture  of 
Ravaldino,  which  were  continued  throughout  the  night.  On 
the  following  morning,  April  16,  the  same  scene  was  re-enacted 
under  the  walls  of  the  Fort  of  Schiavonia. 

"  Castellane,  give  up  the  fort  to  these  people,"  cried  Catherine 
to  Bianchino  and  his  brother,  who  held  it,  "  and  I  shall  be 
content." 

"  O  Madonna,  Your  Ladyship  will  forgive  us,  you  never 
gave  us  this  fortress,  nor  will  we  give  it  to  you,  nor  to  any 
one.     Retire,  or  we  shall  shoot.     O  Messer  Ludovico,  retire  !  " 

At  that  moment  the  great  parish  bell  rang  to  assemble  the 
council,  to  which  Monsignor  Savelli,  as  papal  governor,  was 
also  bidden.  As  no  succour  had  as  yet  arrived  from  the 
Pope,'it  was  decided  to  send  some  citizens  to  Rome  to  invoke 
it.  Soon  after,  according  to  the  orders  of  Savelli,  Catherine 
and  her  family  were  conducted  to  the  Fortress  of  St.  Peter, 
where  they  were  received  with  reverent  pity  by  the  three 
gentlemen  to  whom  they  had  been  confided  by  Savelli. 
Catherine,  her  six  children  (the  two  youngest  in  the  arms  of 
their  nurses),  her  mother,  her  half-sister  Stella  and  Scipio  (a 
natural  son  of  Count  Girolamo),  were  all  confined  in  a  small 
room,  built  in  the  thickness  of  the  wall  of  a  tower  which  rose 
above  the  gate.  The  terrors  of  the  night  had  dried  up  the 
nurses'  milk,  the  children  sobbed  and  cried,  and  there  was  no 
change  of  linen,  nor  bedding  for  Sforzino,  the  youngest  babe. 
In  her  despair  the  haughty  Countess  implored  the  compassion 
and   help  of  her   neighbours,  and   a   cradle  was  immediately 


124  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

brought  her  from  the  house  of  a  certain  Achille  Bighi.  Even 
the  guards  were  touched  with  pity.  "  Who  could  be  so  hard 
of  heart,"  says  Bernardi,  "  but  that  he  would  not  have  felt 
some  compassion  for  the  said  poor  Madonna ! "  At  last 
Catherine  was  able  to  quiet  her  babies,  but  the  elder  children 
still  clung  in  terror  to  their  mother,  while  her  mother  and 
sister  started  at  every  sound,  dreading  the  entrance  of  armed 
men  and  the  nearness  of  death. 

But  Catherine,  delivered  from  the  clutches  of  the  Orsi, 
spoke  brave  words  to  her  children,  her  sister,  and  her  mother. 
And  she  was  heard  to  comfort  them,  saying,  that  they  "  should 
fear  no  more,  for  they  were  no  longer  in  the  hands  of  traitors, 
but  in  the  care  of  men  of  honour,  whom  she  knew.  Danger 
was  over  ;  they  must  neithoi'  have  nor  show  fear,  which  was 
worse.  .  .  .  Muzio  Attendolo  and  Duke  Francesco,  their 
forebears,  had  never  been  known  to  lose  their  fortitude  ;  they 
had  not  known  the  meaning  of  fear  .  .  .  and  that  is  why  they 
had  always  been  proof  against  steel,  fire  and  treason,  and  in 
their  day  had  been  great  princes  and  great  condottieri.  .  .  . 
Their  uncle,  the  Duke,  would  send  hundreds  and  hundreds  of 
armed  men,  with  cannon  and  guns  and  famous  captains  to 
their  rescue.  Her  father,  like  theirs,  had  also  been  assassinated 
in  her  childhood.  Yet  she  had  not  lost  courage  .  .  .  neither 
should  they  ! " 

When  Catherine  had  somewhat  comforted  her  people,  she 
began  to  think  how  she  could  turn  the  change  in  her  cir- 
cumstances to  her  advantage.  She  was  now  guarded  by 
honourable  citizens,  faithful  to  their  charge,  yet  kindly  and 
reverently  minded  to  her.  She  realized  that  Savelli  and  the 
Orsi  coveted  the  possession  of  the  fortresses,  and  that,  through 
her,  they  would  again  attempt  to  persuade  the  castellanes  to 
surrender.  Could  she  but  find  a  pretext  to  enter  the  fortress 
of  Ravaldino!  That  and  the  arrival  of  help  from  Milan 
would  be  fatal  to  the  plans  of  her  enemies.  Absorbed  in  this 
thought,  she  confided  in  a  loyal  servitor,  who  fortunately 
happened  to  be  near  her  at  the  time,  says  the  historian 
I'crnardi,  in   a  iiiaiinei-  which   permits  us  to  infer  that  he  was 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    ASSASSINS  135 

himself  this  loyal  servant.  Ilim  she  dispatched  to  the 
castcllane,  to  warn  him  that  she  would  certainly  be  again  led 
in  front  of  the  fortress,  which,  if  she  could  but  enter,  would 
save  the  situation.  She  therefore  enjoined  on  him  to  concert 
with  Francesco  Ercolani,  who  was  with  him  at  Ravaldino,  as 
to  her  possible  mode  of  entrance.  They  agreed  that  upon 
the  following  day,  Ercolani  would  see  the  governor,  and  inform 
him  that  the  Castellane  of  Ravaldino,  considering  the  great 
danger  to  which  the  Countess  was  exposed,  and  the  impossi- 
bility of  holding  the  fort  against  the  impending  army  of  the 
Pope,  was  ready  to  surrender,  but  as  he  came  of  a  stock  in 
which  there  had  been  no  traitor,  he  would  neither  be  nor 
appear  one.  He  would  therefore  do  the  bidding  of  the 
Countess,  and  give  up  the  fortress,  but  before  doing  so  he 
demanded  an  interview  with  Madonna  to  settle  his  affairs, 
receive  his  salary,  and  receive  from  Madonna  a  written 
certificate  of  his  honourable  service,  so  that  he  might  show 
himself  in  any  company  and  none  would  dare  to  call  him 
traitor. 

Having  thus  agreed,  Ercolani  hastened  to  communicate  the 
agreement  to  Catherine,  who  approved  it,  and  to  the  Governor, 
who  promised  not  only  that  Catherine  should  enter  the  fort, 
but  that  he  would  induce  the  Orsi  to  take  her  there  on  that 
same  morning.  Ercolani,  on  leaving  Savelli,  proceeded  to 
the  Orsi,  who,  knowing  Catherine  too  well  to  trust  her  within 
the  fort,  absolutely  refused  her  any  private  colloquy  with  the 
castellane.  They  would  take  her  outside,  where  she  could 
speak  with  him,  as  before,  in  public.  Ercolani  then  appeared 
before  Tornielli  and  the  magistracy  to  acquaint  them  with 
the  proposals  of  the  castellane.  "  Now  our  blockheads  believed 
his  words  to  be  the  truth,"  says  Cobelli,  and  promised  that 
they  would  do  all  that  was  necessary,  "  and  more,"  to  carry 
out  this  plan.  "  Then,"  adds  Cobelli, "  I  went  away  to  dinner, 
for  it  was  late." 

Meanwhile  two  confidential  persons,  Luca  d'Este  and  a 
certain  Luigi,  came  and  went  at  will,  to  inform  Catherine  of 
everything  that  happened,  a  proof  that  the  severity  of  her 
custody   was  somewhat  relaxed,  and   that  her  jailers  closed 


126  CATHERINE'S   WIDOWHOOD 

one  eye.  Even  Savelli,  who  went  forwards  and  backwards  on 
the  ramparts,  directing  the  work  of  the  batteries,  perceived 
this  coming  and  going  without  preventing  it. 

At  about  eleven  in  the  forenoon  the  Orsi,  accompanied  by 
Ercolani  and  their  usual  escort  of  conspirators,  went  to 
conduct  Catherine  by  the  road  outside  the  walls  to  the  fortress. 
The  castellane  appeared  at  the  battlements,  Catherine,  almost 
weeping,  entreated  him  to  surrender  the  fort  to  Monsignor 
the  Governor,  the  Pope's  representative. 

The  castellane  repeated  that  he  would  do  nothing  of  the 
kind.  "Ah!"  said  Catherine,  "if  I  might  but  enter  the 
fortress  and  speak  to  you  without  witnesses,  I  would  explain 
to  you  how  things  stand,  and  persuade  you  to  surrender!" 
"  In  that  case,"  said  the  castellane, "  I  know  not  what  I  might 
do,  but  in  any  case  I  should  be  guided  by  the  conditions  you 
might  propose  to  me.  Besides,  I  have  already  declared  to 
the  Governor  and  every  one  that,  to  make  an  end  of  it,  I  am 
willing  for  you  to  enter  the  fortress,  on  condition  that  you 
come  alone." 

When  the  Orsi  heard  this  they  loudly  opposed  those  who 
advocated  sending  the  Countess  within.  They  knew  her  too 
well  .  .  .  they  feared  her  too  much.  Once  within  her  fortress, 
would  she  come  out  of  it  again  ?  But,  says  Bernardi,  they 
took  heart  of  grace,  remembering  that  she  would  leave  her 
children  in  their  hands,  and  yet  could  not  make  up  their 
minds.  "  What  are  you  afraid  of?  "  queried  Ercolani.  "  Have 
you  not  all  her  children  in  your  hands?  Do  you  think  she 
would  abandon  them  .''  Give  her  three  hours  with  the 
castellane.  If,  when  that  time  has  elapsed,  the  Countess  does 
not  return,  do  what  you  will  to  her  children,  her  mother  and 
sister.  Do  not  these  hostages  suffice  .'  I  offer  you  my 
children  as  well.  If  the  Countess  is  not  here  at  the  appointed 
time  you  can  butcher  them  all  together." 

"  Where  is  the  need  that  you  should  offer  your  children  to 
us.^"  replied  the  Orsi.  "Arc  you  not,  as  well  as  your  children, 
in  our  hands  ? "  This  discussion,  which  took  place  in  the 
presence  of  (Catherine,  so  grew  in  length  and  violence  that  at 
the   sound    of  the   cc^nlcnding  voices   Monsignor  Savelli,  who 


CATinCRINI-:    AND    THE    ASSASSINS  127 

never  left  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fortress,  appeared  upon 
the  scene.  His  authority  decided  the  question,  and  gave 
Catherine  the  right  of  entry  to  the  fort.  He  announced  that 
he  Jiad  observed  certain  persons  going  to  and  fro  from  the 
fort  to  Catherine,  and  he  was  aware  that  the  castellanc  had 
ah'cady  agreed  to  surrender.  And  it  behoved  them,  above  all, 
to  deprive  the  Duke  of  Milan  of  the  slightest  pretext  for  dis- 
pleasure, such  as  might  arise  from  the  prolonged  imprisonment 
of  his  sister,  or  a  refusal  to  permit  her  to  treat  for  the  surrender 
with  the  castellane. 

The  Orsi  could  not,  dared  not,  withstand  this  order,  but 
they  swore,  cursed,  and  were  consumed  with  anger.  Three 
hours  and  no  more  were  granted  to  Catherine  in  which  to 
settle  everything  with  her  castellane. 

In  a  second  Catherine's  countenance  underwent  a  complete 
change.  Rising  to  her  full  height,  she  resolutely  approached 
and  crossed  the  draw-bridge;  then  turning  to  hurl  a  gesture 
of  insult  at  the  assassins,  proudly  entered  the  castle,  followed 
by  a  single  attendant,  her  faithful  Luca  d'Este.^ 

1  Cobelli  had  "gone  to  dinner,  because  it  was  late.  But  one  way,  or  another, 
Madonna  entered  the  fort  .  .  .  and  according  to  Ludovico  Hercolano,  no  sooner 
had  the  Countess  mounted  the  bridge  than  siie  turned  and  ....  When  I  had 
dined,  I  picked  up  my  lance  and  I'eturned  to  the  fort,  where  Misser  Ludovico  and 
Checco,  Jacomo  da  Ronco,  and  Ludovico  Pansecco  waited  for  Madonna  to  come 
out.     They  had  a  good  wailing." — p.  322. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  LEGEND  OF  THE  FORT 

TOMMASO  Feo  and  Corradino,  his  son,  who  awaited 
Catherine  within  the  fortress,  were  her  husband's  kinsmen 
and  her  personal  friends.  An  atmosphere  of  safety  and 
loyalty  revived  her  spirits,  while  her  presence  inspired  the 
whole  garrison  with  renewed  courage.  Her  first  thought  was 
to  so  dispose  the  artillery  (cannon,  bombs  and  mortars)  as  to 
command  the  city.  Savelli  had  confided  the  custody  of  her 
dear  ones  to  three  loyal  citizens,  but  in  the  event  of  their 
being  overpowered  by  the  conspirators,  she  would  show  that 
she  was  ready  for  terrible  reprisals,  and  able  to  bombard  the 
whole  town.  For  a  time,  the  Countess  and  the  castellane 
occupied  themselves  with  the  transport  and  disposal  of  guns 
and  ammunition.  At  last,  when  the  churches  and  principal 
houses  of  the  town  were  at  her  mercy,  she  sat  down  to  dinner 
with  Thomas  and  Conrad  Feo,  and  was  soon  joined  by 
Ercolani,  who  had  succeeded  in  escaping  from  the  Orsi  and 
their  braves,  and  to  whose  congratulations  Catherine  replied 
with  thanks  for  the  timely  service  he  had  rendered  her. 
After  dinner,  the  castellane  persuaded  her  to  take  some  repose 
in  an  isolated  room  at  the  top  of  the  vmschio,  or  central 
tower,  where  no  sounds  from  outside  could  reach  her. 
Catherine  undressed,  and  youth  and  fatigue  triumphing  over 
her  anxieties,  was  soon  asleep  in  the  bed  she  had  found 
prepared  for  her.  When  the  three  hours  had  expired,  the 
Osi  began  to  ask  why  she  did  not  return,  and  to  call  her 
clamonjusl)'.      Corradino  replied    from  the  ramparts  that  if 

128 


THE    LEGEND    OF    THE    FORT  129 

they  sent  Luffo  Nuinai  and  Lorenzo  Orsclli  as  hostages  for 
Catherine  and  her  children,-  the  castellane  would  send  the 
Countess  to  them,  otherwise  he  would  keep  her  in  the 
fortress.  The  rage  of  the  Orsi  at  this  suggestion  was  un- 
bounded ;  Numai  and  Orselli  were  among  the  principal 
citizens  ;  the  demand  for  them  seemed  an  additional  insolence. 
At  last  Savelli,  the  Orsi  and  their  myrmidons,  irritated  at 
having  been  made  fools  of  by  Catherine,  returned  to  the  city, 
and  there  was  once  more  silence  outside  the  fort. 

Ercolani  having  left  its  precincts  and  imprudently  shown 
himself  in  the  square,  would  have  been  put  to  death  by  the 
knives  and  partisans  of  the  conspirators,  but  that  he  was 
rescued  and  conducted  to  his  house  by  his  brother-in-law, 
Matteo  Galasso  and  the  latter's  followers. 

The  legend  runs  otherwise.  In  the  Hove  di  rccreatione  ^  of 
Messer  Ludovico  Guicciardini,  we  learn  that  "  the  Lady 
having  entered  the  fortress  .  .  .  appeared  at  the  battlements 
and  with  exceeding  bitter  words,  reproached  the  conspirators 
with  the  death  of  her  husband,  threatening  them  with  every 
kind  of  torture.  .  .  .  Then  they  (the  Orsi)  having  taken  her 
children  by  the  hand,  did  with  a  knife  make  pretence  of 
slaying  them  in  her  presence  if  she  broke  her  word  with 
them.  But  the  dauntless  Countess,  with  unchanged  counten- 
ance, gazed  at  them  defiantly,  and  hfting  her  skirt  said  to 
them  :  '  E  noii  vi pare  cgli,  stolti,  cJiio  abbia  le  foruie  da  fame 
degl'  altri  ? '  " 

This  is  the  reply  repeated  by  almost  every  historian. 
Turn  we,  therefore,  to  the  records  of  Cobelli  and  Bernard i  who 
were  present  during  the  stormy  episodes  of  that  day. 

The  only  means  which  Savelli,  in  concert  with  the  Orsi, 
could  devise  to  compass  the  surrender  of  the  fort  by 
Catherine,  was  to  threaten  to  murder  her  children,  mother 
and  sister,  under  her  eyes.  Checco  Orsi,  followed  by  many 
others,  went  to  San  Pietro,  and  in  the  names  of  the  governor 
and  the  council,  demanded  the  mother  and  sister  of  Catherine, 
her  two  eldest  children  and  a  nurse  who  w^as  particularly 
dear  to  the  Countess.      They  were  led  to  weep  and  cry  in  the 

^    Consiglio  fe  mini  no  esser  talhora  di  gran  ralore,  p.  208. 


I30  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

moat  of  Ravaldino.  First  the  nurse,  then  Stella,  and  finally 
Octavian  were  employed  to  entreat  Madonna  to  "  surrender 
the  fort  to  Monsignore  and  for  the  love  of  God  to  save  their 
lives."  Instead  of  Catherine,  who  was  asleep  in  the  remote 
recesses  of  the  castle,  the  castcllane  replied  by  threat  to  threat, 
not  to  the  poor  women,  whose  cries  could  not  waken  their 
lady,  but  to  those  who  dictated  their  appeal.  But  the  shrill 
screams  of  Octavian  made  his  hair  stand  on  end.  What  if 
a  mother's  love  were  to  sharpen  her  ears  ;  she  would  sur- 
render, and  all  would  be  over  !  A  subterfuge  dawned  upon 
him  by  which  he  might  deaden  all  sounds  from  without, 
and  he  ordered  all  his  available  soldiers  to  cry :  "  Away 
with  \-ou  !  a\va\' !  or  we  shall  kill  you  all,"  ^  at  the  same 
time  sending  others  to  make  a  loud  noise  under  the  windows 
of  the  tower  where  Catherine  slept. 

Neither  the  conspirators  nor  the  crowd  who  followed  them 
moved  an  inch.  The  castellane,  in  despair,  fired  a  few  shots  - 
which  dispersed  them  in  terror,  when  the  conspirators  turned 
back  and  reconducted  Catherine's  family,  unharmed,  to  the 
Gate  of  St.  Peter. 

These  cries  had  awakened  the  Countess,  who  from  the 
seclusion  of  the  maschio  thought  she  could  hear  her  name. 
.  .  .  She  listened,  the  better  to  distinguish  the  sounds,  but 
instead  of  her  name,  heard  from  the  draw-bridge  a  deafening 
noise  and  the  sound  of  blows  ;  this  was  surely  the  beginning 
of  a  battle.  .  .  .  She  suddenly  sprang  from  her  bed  and  out 
of  the  room.  In  the  scanty  clothing  in  which  she  had  slept, 
with  unbound  hair  and  bare  feet,  she  quickly  descended  the 
spiral  stair  that  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  chief  tower,  stopped 
for  a  moment  at  the  bottom,  and  hearing  shots  ...  in  her 
impatience  to  know,  see,  and  meet  the  emergency,  crossed  the 
courtyard  that  was  crowded  with  soldiers,  like  lightning,  and 
llcw  to  the  small  tower  where  the  castellane  stood  b}'  the  big 
cannon. 

Th':  castellane  perceived  her,  guessed  what  had  happcncil, 
and  went  to  meet  her.      "  W'liat  tlid  she  fear?  .  .   .  why  leave 

'    Hcrnardi,  p.  14S. 

-  \'cci:h\a.7./.ani,  i/ort'a  (/i  J'or/i////>o/>o/i,  p.  168. 


THE    LEGEND    OF    THE    FORT  131 

her  room  ?  Enemies  !  Attacks !  A  handful  of  drunken 
soldiers  had  had  a  scrimmage  among  themselves,  and  he  had 
been  obliged  to  fire  a  few  shots.  .  .  .  Yes,  the  Orsi  had  come 
to  fetch  her,  but  had  gone  away  peacefully  .  .  .  very 
frightened  at  the  Duke  of  Milan  !  "  Reassured  by  the  pious 
lie  of  the  castellane,  she  was  soon  seen  to  retire  to  her  apart- 
ments. Her  face  was  calm,  she  passed  serenely  in  front  of 
the  soldiers  and  soon  disappeared. 

It  would  appear  that  the  Countess  on  reaching  the  battle- 
ments of  the  tower  by  the  gate  was  observed  by  those  who 
stood  outside  the  fortress.  In  any  case,  many  soldiers  of  the 
garrison  had  seen  her  in  her  scant  attire.  Catherine's  admir- 
able defence  of  the  Castle  of  Forli  soon  became  a  sort  of 
epopee,  adorned  by  popular  fancy  and  enriched  by  the 
boastful  additions  of  those  who  had  taken  any  part  in  it. 

It  was  this  version  that  reached  Machiavelli,  who  was  only 
to  make  Catherine's  personal  acquaintance  eleven  years  later : 
he  believed  it,  and  delighted  in  handing  it  down  to  history  in 
its  most  cynical  form.  But  the  narrative  of  Machiavelli  cannot 
stand  against  the  absolute  silence  of  such  contemporaries  as 
Cobelli  and  Bernardi.  The  person  who  appeared  and  who 
spoke  to  the  crowd  was  the  castellane  ;  Catherine  was  not  on 
the  battlements,  but  in  bed,  and  when  she  did  appear,  wore, 
not  armour,  but  her  shift,  which  she  was  probably  the  last  to 
perceive.  At  that  moment  the  dauntless  Countess  was  not 
alarming,  but  alarmed. 

Cobelli  relates  that  when  evening  came,  Ludovico  Orsi 
called  his  brother  and  their  associates  away  from  the  fort, 
saying :  "  Let  us  go  to  supper."  Savelli  remained  to  direct 
the  work  of  the  barricades,  but  Cobelli  followed  the  others 
home,  where  the  supper-tables  were  laid.  Andrea  Orsi,  the 
octogenarian  father  of  Ludovico  and  Checco,  arrived  from  his 
country  house  at  Casa  Murata  and  seeing  his  sons  with 
Panzechi  and  Ronchi  washing  their  hands  before  they  went 
to  table  began  by  saying :  "  O  my  sons,  what  have  you 
done  .'' "  "  We  have  done  well,"  replied  Ronchi, "  for  did  not 
the  preacher  say :  '  Who  will  be  that  mouse  that  will  bell  the 


132  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

cat  ?'  We  have  belled  the  cat  and  freed  the  poor  mice.  We 
have  freed  this  earth  from  the  hand  of  Pharaoh!"  .  ,  .  "O 
my  Father  ! "  added  Ludovico,  "  we  have  but  done  to  him  as  he 
would  have  done  to  us."  And  he  told  him  how  the  Count 
had  been  put  to  death,  and  of  all  the  events  that  had  happened 
up  to  that  moment. 

Old  Orsi,  although  he  had  just  recovered  from  a  severe 
illness  and  looked  as  if  he  were  in  his  dotage,  replied,  with 
much  wisdom  :  "  My  sons,  to  my  mind  you  have  neither  done 
well  nor  done  bravely,  but  have  rather  done  ill,  twice  over. 
First,  since  you  had  killed  the  Count,  you  should  have 
finished  the  others  or  have  penned  the  whole  family  alive  and 
kept  them  prisoners.  Then  you  have  let  Madonna  into  the 
fort,  to  wage  deadly  war  with  you,  and  have  banished  the 
Marcobelli  and  Orzioli,  who  will  return  with  fire  and  sword. 
God  help  you  !  I  would  not  have  been  drawn  into  it  !  You 
have  behaved  like  drivelling  infants  and  will  repent  and  suffer 
for  it ;  would  that  others  need  not  suffer,  nor  I,  who  am  old 
and  ill !  I  foresee  where  you  will  end  !  "  "  O  Orsi !  "  cried 
his  hearers,  "  doubt  not  but  that  w^e  know  what  we  have  to 
do!"  "No!  you  know  not  yet,"  insisted  the  old  man. 
"Since  you  have  killed  the  Count  you  should  have  finished 
them  all."  These  words  of  Andrea  Orsi,  repeated  to  Catherine, 
enraged  her  more  than  ever,  confirming  her  in  her  belief  that 
all  her  troubles  were  due  to  the  bloodthirsty  old  man,  who 
had  encouraged  his  sons  to  dye  their  hands  in  the  blood  of 
the  Riario. 

On  April  17,  Catherine,  trembling  for  her  children's 
safety,  and  knowing  of  no  other  means  to  insure  it  but  the 
display  of  her  power  to  avenge  them,  fired  on  the  town  from 
time  to  time,  by  day  and  night.  Several  private  houses, 
among  which  was  that  of  Giovanni  Battista  Oliva,  the  great- 
grandfather of  Fabio,  Catherine's  future  biographer,  were 
injured.  It  was  hastily  decided  to  raise  barricades  and  bat- 
teries for  the  protection  of  the  town,  and  to  send  to  Cesena 
rr>r  battering-rams  and  a  cannon.  Monsignor  Savelli  sum- 
moned all  the  i)ai)al  soldiers  from  Cesena  and  within  his 
jurisdiction.       On    the    following    day,    these    troops    arrived 


' 


THE    LEGEND    OF    THE    FORT  133 

under  the  command  of  Count  Guido  di  Bagno,  Count  Carlo 
Plan  di  Meleto  and  Hector  Zampeschi.  Since  the  night  of 
April  15,  Savelli  had  invested  eight  citizens  with  full 
authority,  who  were  to  reside  day  and  night  in  the  palace. 
This  was  the  Council  of  Eight,  of  which  Mdso  Maldenti  was 
president.  Some  of  the  members  were  bold  and  truculent, 
others  silent  and  at  heart  uncertain  of  the  issue,  with  a  fore- 
boding that  the  Pope  would  turn  a  deaf  ear,  and  the  sense 
that  the  sword  of  Milan  hung  over  their  heads, 

Catherine,  stronger  and  more  wily  than  all  of  them,  had 
seized  the  fort,  whence  she  could  bombard  the  whole  city. 
All  hope  of  frightening  or  touching  her  was  at  an  end. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE    FLIGHT    OF   THE    ORSI 

Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  Lord  of  Bologna  and  Catherine's 
ally,  was  anxious  to  avoid  displeasing  Lorenzo  Medici,  whom 
he  knew  to  be  the  instigator  of  her  husband's  death  :  he  also 
knew  that  the  Florentine  was  personally  favourable  to  her, 
and  therefore  Avrote  him  as  follows  : 

"  The  death  of  the  quondam  (sic)  Count  Hieronymus  having 
occurred  in  the  mode  and  form  of  which  I  know  Your  Magni- 
ficence to  be  aware,  on  the  said  death  I  will  for  the  present 
express  no  opinion,  either  in  praise  or  blame,  preferring  to  be 
guided  by  the  wisdom  of  Your  Magnificence.  .  .  ."  The 
ducal  orator,  resident  in  Bologna,  had  begged  him  to  do  his 
utmost  to  save  the  States  for  the  children  of  the  Count :  he 
had  therefore  ridden  to  Castel  San  Pietro,  five  miles  from 
Imola,  with  Light  Horse  and  infantry,  and  would  "fain  know 
what  (under  the  circumstances)  would  seem  meet  to  Your 
Magnificence,  and  what  you  consider  should  be  done  in  the 
matter.   .   .  ." 

Lorcn/.o  ditl  not  rc[)ly,  and  licntivoglio  wrote  him  again  on 
the  19th,  from  Castel  Bologncsc,  "  repeating  his  prayer,  that 
he  might  be  pleased  to  communicate  to  him  (Bentivoglio)  an 
inkling  of  his  wise  decision  and  opinion.  .  .  ."  These  letters 
prove  that  Lorenzo  was  the  soul  and  centre  of  these  intrigues. 
Why  therefore  did  he  not  trouble  to  reply  to  Bentivoglio  .? 
'Ihc  cc.'nditions  were  altered:  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi, 
origin  of  these  feutis,  Jiad  occurred  ten  years  earlier,  and 
vengeance    had    fallen    when    perhaps    it    was    least    desired. 

Ij4 


THE    FLIOirr    OF    THE    ORSI  135 

Besides,  even  if  he  had  willed  and  worked  the  death  of 
Girolamo,  he  now  desired  to  avoid  the  odium  of  the  assassin- 
ation. 

Meanwhile  the  news  of  it  continued  to  reach  him  from 
other  sources.  Stefano  of  Castrocaro  wrote  him  on  the  19th, 
from  Faenza,  relating  a  conversation  in  which  Galeotto 
Manfredi  had  asserted  "that  all  had  happened  with  the 
knowledge  of  Lorenzo."  This  he,  Stefano,  had  defied  him  to 
prove.  He  added  Galeotto's  account  of  the  assassination,  and 
ended  by  stating  that  the  body  had  been  interred  in  "uncon- 
secrated  ground."  Galeotto  had  already,  in  a  letter  of  the 
17th,  informed  Lorenzo  that  BcntivogHo  had  shamefacedly 
asked  his  assent  to  the  passage  of  forces  he  was  sending  to 
the  defence  of  Catherine,  but  that,  "  to  avoid  responsibility," 
he  had  replied  that  he  was  too  busy  to  see  him,  and  had 
refused  him  a  right  of  way  through  Faenza.  He  had  learned 
that  Bentivoglio  would  be  followed  by  the  Milanese  forces  : 
he  would  write  Lorenzo  everything  that  occurred,  and  would 
establish  a  service  of  couriers  by  the  Marradi  road,  to  carry 
letters  backwards  and  forwards.  He  added  that  Catherine 
Sforza  had  entered  the  fort,  and  had  given  out  that  she 
would  die  there  ;  she  was  regardless  of  her  children's  danger, 
and  had  opened  fire  on  the  city.^ 

On  the  following  day,  he  wrote  again  saying  that  "  pending 
the  ebullition,"  he  begged  Lorenzo  to  send  a  confidential 
person  to  him  with  whom  he  might  confer  in  any  circum- 
stance whatever.  He  referred  to  the  endurance  with  which 
Catherine  held  the  fort. 

Lorenzo  had  already  received  similar  information,  regarding 
Catherine,  from  Migliore  Cresci,  captain  of  Castrocaro,  con- 
firmed by  three  letters  of  Corbizzi,"-  who  wrote  that  the 
assassins  of  the  Count  looked  to  him,  Lorenzo,  for  protection. 
The  most  important  letters  are,  however,  those  from  Ludovico 
and  Checco  Orsi.  The  assassins  did  not  spare  the  memory 
of  their  "iniquitous  and  accursed"  victim,  "whom  we  will  not 
call  Lord,  for  of  that  he  was  unworthy."  They  openly 
alluded  to  the  part  plajxd  by  Girolamo  in  the  conspiracy  of 
^  Doc.  258.  -  Docs.  260,  261,  267. 


136  CATHERINES    WIDOWHOOD 

the  Pazzi,  as  a  pretext  for  the  assassination,  God  had  in- 
spired them  ;  in  spite  of  all  risks  success  had  so  attended  them 
that  they  were  constrained  to  recognize  divine  intervention. 
Not  a  drop  of  blood  except  that  of  the  accursed  one  and  a 
bargello  of  like  nature  had  been  spilled.  "  We  announce 
these  things  to  Your  Magnificence,  because  having  been 
sorely  offended,  Your  Lordship  will  surely  rejoice  thereat." 
They  had  had  good  reasons  of  their  own  for  putting  Girolamo 
to  death,  but  foremost  had  been  their  love  for  Lorenzo,  whose 
help  and  counsel  they  now  entreated.  The  accursed  brood  of 
the  Riario  would  soon  be  stamped  out :  they  hoped  to  take 
one  of  the  two  fortresses  on  that  day,  and  to  soon  oblige  the 
other  to  surrender.  Thanks  to  their  patriotism,  love  and 
peace  now  prevailed  at  Forli.  .  .  . 

To  this  letter  Lorenzo  vouchsafed  no  response,  merely 
telling  the  envoy  who  delivered  it  that  he  wished  to  live  in 
peace  for  the  short  span  that  was  yet  allotted  to  him,  and  that 
no  consideration  in  the  world  would  induce  him  to  dabble  in 
such  matters.  Yet  he  still  held  the  thread  of  the  skein,  and 
sent  Stephen  of  Castrocaro  to  explore  the  humours  of  the 
assassins.,  Stcfano,  having,  "according  to  orders  received, 
spoken  separately  wnth  each"  (Ludovico  and  Checco  Orsi), 
wrote  that  he  could  not  describe  the  cordiality  of  his  re- 
ception. "  I  therefore  told  them  that  Your  Magnificence 
having  sent  me  to  the  Lord  of  Faenza  had  requested  me  to 
confer  with  them  also,  and  to  assure  them  that  Your  Lordship 
was  naturally  disposed  to  do  all  that  lies  in  your  power  in 
their  favour  and  for  their  benefit."  They  prayed  Lorenzo  to 
induce  the  Pope  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  people  of  Forli, 
who  were  still  horrified  by  the  memory  of  the  Count,  and 
determined  to  no  longer  tolerate  the  rule  of  tyrants.  Here 
follows  the  assassin's  account  of  the  assassination.  The  Orsi 
declared  that  at  the  sacking  of  the  palace  they  had  found 
no  money,  but  jewels  and  plate  to  the  value  of  60,000 
ducats  ;  everything  had  passed  through  their  hands,  but  they 
had  kept  nothing  for  llicmselves. 

(hccco's  gravest  assertion  was  that  he  had  done  the  deed 
conscio  pontijicr.     The  cry  of  all  was   C/iu'sa  !   neither  would 


THE    FLKJHT    OF    THE    ORSI  137 

they  hear  of  the  Ordelaffi,  "  nor  any  other  private  Lord.  .  .  , 
Come  Milan,  or  any  other  potentate,"  they  had  continued, 
"we  will  be  drawn  and  quartered,  one  by  one,  sooner  than 
submit  to  a  tyrant,  for  we  have  faith  in  the  support  of  the 
Pope:"  a  transparent  protest  against  the  possibility  of  Forli 
being  given  to  Franceschetto  Cibo.^  Stephen  added  that  the 
Fort  of  Ravaldino,  one  of  the  finest  he  liad  seen,  was  ammuni- 
tioned for  ten  years.  Having  asked  the  Orsi  what  would  be 
done  with  the  Count's  children,  they  replied  that  they  were  in 
a  place  where  they  would  never  be  seen  again,  whence  he 
concluded  that  they  had  killed  them.  The  Orsi  professed 
themselves  well  pleased  that  Madonna  was  in  the  fort,  soon 
to  fall  into  their  iiands. 

Thus  the  Orsi,  by  suppressing  facts  and  their  real  feelings, 
contrived  to  present  a  brave  front  to  the  envoy  of  Lorenzo 
Medici.  Checco  Orsi  had  concluded  by  saying  that  he  "and 
all  his  house  were  the  slaves  of  the  Magnificent  Lorenzo,  and 
had  I  done  nought  else,  should  be  content  to  have  avenged 
that  innocent  blood  of  his  brother  ;'"-  he  had  no  other  desire 
than  "  the  certainty  of  Lorenzo's  favour  ;  "  a  few  words  in  his 
writing  would  suffice  him.  In  short  he  wanted  a  few  strokes 
in  black  and  white  as  well  as  words.  But  Stephen  knew  his 
master's  humour  too  well  to  promise  anything  of  the  kind. 
"  I  replied,  that  without  any  other  testimony,  he  could  believe 
and  I  certify  .  .  .  ."  He  here  remarked,  in  the  current 
of  his  letter,  that  if  possession  were  taken  by  the  Church, 
Lorenzo  would  no  longer  be  able  to  dispose  of  Forli  as  if  it 
were  his  own,  having  previously  assured  the  Orsi  that 
"they  need  not  fear  that  his  master,  who  desired  but  to 
end  his  days  in  peace,  would  attempt  to  impose  upon  them 
the  Lord  Francesco  Cibo  as  ruler." 

And  the  Pope?  Innocent  VIII.,  ambitious  but  irresolute, 
had  married  his  son  to  the  daughter  of  Girolamo's  deadliest 
enemy,  and  the  envoys  of  the  city,  lately  freed  from  the 
tyrant,  had  been  graciously  received  at  the  Vatican.  Yet, 
the  Pope's   lack  of  confidence  in  the  appeal  would  tend  to 

^  Son  of  Innocent  VHI.  and  son-in-law  to  Lorenzo  Medici. 
■^  Giuliano  Medici,  killed  in  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi. 


138  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

prove  that  he  had  no  hand  in  the  assassination,  and  was 
besides  most  probably  deterred  by  fear  from  coming  to  any 
decision,  since  Catherine  had  so  promptly  called  the  Lords  of 
Bologna  and  Milan  to  her  aid. 

We  learn  from  two  letters  of  Giovanni  Lanfredini,  Florentine 
Orator  in  Rome,  addressed  to  the  Otto  di  Pratic(x}  that  the 
Pope  had  written  to  Forli  that  Catherine  and  her  children 
were  to  be  protected  and  taken  to  the  Fortress  of  Cesena,  and 
that  having  assembled  all  the  orators  of  the  league  he  had 
caused  a  letter  from  the  Governor  of  Cesena  and  one  from 
the  Commune  of  Forli  to  be  read,  which  set  forth  that  the 
citizens  would  no  longer  tolerate  tyrants,  that  Pope  Sixtus 
had  deceived  them,  that  the  Count's  rule  had  been  detestable, 
and  that  they  craved  the  protection  of  the  Church.  The 
Milanese  Orator  had  enjoined  on  the  Pope  the  protection  of 
the  widow  and  children,  and  the  punishment  of  the  assassins. 

The  Pope's  instructions  to  his  envoy  at  Milan  betray 
the  fears  and  indecision  that  consumed  him.  He  sought  to 
dissuade  the  Duke  from  sending  forces  for  the  defence  of  his 
sister,  he  wondered  that  the  Duke  could  not  entrust  her 
defence  to  him,  although  he  could  not  have  done  otherwise 
than  accept  the  dominion  offered  by  Forli  to  the  Church.  .  .  . 
What  was  nearest  his  heart  was  the  peace  of  Italy,  menaced 
as  it  was  by  the  Turk.- 

After  this  protest,  seeing  that  matters  did  not  shape  them- 
selves to  his  intentions,  the  Pope  was  deaf  and  blind  to  the 
affairs  of  Forli,  which  may  have  been  due  to  the  all-powerful 
influence  of  Cardinal  Julian  della  Rovere.^'  The  Cibo  family 
were  of  too  lymphatic  a  temperament  to  bend  the  Cardinal 
to  their  will  or  to  enforce  their  authority  on  the  whole  Curia: 
they  limited  themselves  to  the  accumulation  of  treasure, 
especially  by  usury.  Unlike  the  Riario  before,  and  the 
Borgia  after  them,  they  knew  not  how  to  extract  profit  for 
themselves  from  the  political  relation  of  the  papacy  with  the 
affairs  of  the  world  in  general. 

'  State  Ardiives  of  Florence^  Docs.  274,  275. 

^  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  Inslr.  iv.  Vol.  55,  Doc.  2S^ 

■'  ;\  near  rclnliDii  of  tlic  Kiario. 


THE    FLIGHT    OF    THK    ORSI  139 

On  April  18,  a  herald  of  Bentivoglio  arrived  at  Forli, 
requiring,  of  the  Council  of  Eight,  the  reinstatement  of  the 
Riario.  He  warned  them  to  do  no  harm  to  the  children  of 
Catherine  under  penalty  of  reprisals  from  the  Duke  of 
Milan. 

Savelli  replied  that  there  was  nothing  to  fear  for  the 
children,  especially  if  Catherine  surrendered  the  fort :  it 
would  be  impossible  to  reinstate  her,  because  the  city  had 
offered  itself  spontaneously  to  the  Pope,  and  had  already 
dispatched  orators  to  Rome.  If  the  Countess  surrendered, 
she  might  retire  to  her  city  of  Imola.  On  returning  to  the 
square,  the  herald  was  met  by  Checco  Orsi  with  words  of 
insult  for  Bentivoglio  and  Bologna.  These  incidents  caused 
some  excitement  in  the  city :  Savelli,  surrounded  by  his 
guard,  appeared  in  the  square,  some  voices  cried  Chiesa ! 
Chiesa !  but  these  demonstrations  were  due  to  bribery,  and 
soon  ceased.  On  the  following  day  Savelli  banished  many 
suspects  from  Forli,  sent  for  some  partisans  of  the  Orsi  from 
Imola,  and,  to  rid  himself  of  the  incumbrance  of  Catherine's 
mother  and  sister,  summoned  them  to  his  presence,  married 
Stella  to  her  betrothed,  Andrea  Ricci,  and  sent  them  under 
honourable  escort  to  Cesena. 

Checco  Orsi,  hearing  that  many  artisans  had  been  admitted 
to  the  fort  to  share  in  Catherine's  defence,  went  in  fury  to 
their  houses,  dragged  forth  their  wives,  and  led  them  to  the 
fort  where  he  forced  them  to  call  on  their  husbands,  saying, 
that  unless  they  came  out  the  Orsi  would  kill  their  children. 
One  of  these  women  imitated  the  device  of  the  Countess. 
"  Could  I  but  speak  alone  to  my  dear  husband,  Bernardino," 
she  said,  "  I  am  sure  I  could  persuade  him  to  return  with  me." 
No  sooner  had  she  entered  the  fort  than  she  declared  she 
would  never  leave  it.  At  the  same  time,  the  men  cried  from 
within,  that  they  had  sworn  allegiance  to  their  lady,  and  that 
neither  promises  nor  threats  would  induce  them  to  abandon 
her. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  a  courier  from  Bentivoglio 
arrived  with  a  letter  for  Savelli  from  the  Duke  of  Milan  ; 
towards  eveninsf  another  brouQ;ht  one  for  the  council.     Both 


I40  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

condemned  the  presence  of  the  papal  governor,  and  demanded 
the  reinstatement  of  the  Riario.  The  replies  were  kept  secret. 
There  was  no  sign  of  help  from  the  Pope,  and  the  most 
influential  citizens  were  heard  to  say  that  His  Holiness  was 
not  even  cognizant  of  what  had  happened.  To  avoid  a  panic 
Savelli  had  recourse  to  the  publication  of  two  forged  bulls 
purporting  to  have  come  from  Rome,  by  which  the  Pope's 
thanks  were  conveyed  to  the  people  of  Forli  for  having  given 
themselves  to  him,  promising  them  support. 

On  the  2 1st,  the  Duke  of  Milan's  first  envoy,  accompanied 
by  a  trumpeter  of  Bentivoglio,  entered  Forli.  They  were  on 
horseback,  and  when  they  arrived  at  the  bridge  known  as 
Del  Pane,  close  to  the  square,  they  were  met  by  Checco  Orsi 
and  his  followers,  to  whom  their  guide,  instead  of  leading 
them  to  Savelli  and  the  council,  presented  them.  There,  in 
the  presence  of  the  crowd,  the  envoy  said,  in  a  loud  voice, 
that  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Duke  of  Milan  to  request  Orsi 
to  bring  to  his  presence  the  children  of  Girolamo.  He  must 
see  them  with  his  eyes.  He  added  that  Bentivoglio  was  at 
Castel  Bologncse  with  his  forces,  and  would  soon  be  joined  by 
those  of  the  Duke. 

"We  have  already  put  them  to  death,"  replied  Checco; 
"  we  neither  will  nor  can  show  them  to  you,  and  I  tell  you  to 
begone  quickly,  lest  we  hang  you  by  the  throat.  We  neither 
fear  Bentivoglio,  nor  the  Duke  of  Milan.  Within  three  days, 
the  Pope  will  send  us  sufficient  forces  to  send  them  back 
whence  they  came."  The  envoy  replied  that  the  rank  of  the 
prince  he  served  sufficed  to  protect  him  against  their  insults, 
but  Orsi,  ordering  his  m\'rmidons  to  take  the  horses  by  the 
bridle,  confined  both  horses  and  riders  in  a  neighbouring  inn. 
Towards  evening,  two  men  were  captured  who  brought  letters 
to  Catherine  from  l^entivoglio  and  tlic  leaders  of  the  Milanese 
forces.  The  Orsi  would  have  put  them  to  death,  but  Savelli 
saved  them. 

On  the  following  day  an  orator  arrived  from  the  Duke  of 
Milan  protesting  against  the  detention  of  his  envoy  and  the 
violation  of  the  lihert}' of  the  people.    The  council  apologized, 


Till-:    FLl(;ilT    OF    ']"HE    ORSl  141 

laid  the  blame  on  Orsi,  and  immediately  liberated  the 
envoy  and  his  companion.  Other  things  the  orator  said,  but 
they  were  kept  secret,  and  secret  were  the  words  that  Ludovico 
Orsi  had  whispered  in  his  ear, 

Savelli,  in  the  absence  of  news  from  head-quarters,  con- 
tinued to  contribute  forged  bulls  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
citizens  :  the  Eight,  who  relied  more  on  their  artillery  than  on 
the  Pope,  dragged  3.  passavolajitc^  from  the  Fort  of  Schiavonia 
to  a  watchman's  box  that  commanded  the  Valverde  road 
and  placed  bombs  in  a  house  that  stood  near  it,  and  on  the 
24th  an  edict  of  Savelii  ordered  both  citizens  and  foreigners 
to  bring* in  a  bundle  of  wood  for  the  barricades  :  the  peasants 
brought  two  each,  but  none  were  willing  to  work  at  the 
barricades  nor  to  guard  the  cannon.  As  a  bait  to  the 
populace,  the  Orsi  prevailed  upon  the  council  to  provide 
each  workman  at  the  barricade  with  a  ticket,  in  return  for 
which  they  could  demand  a  pawned  article  from  any  of  the 
Jews.  But  the  Orsi  reserved  to  themselves  the  promulgation 
of  this  edict.  On  the  26th,  the  artillery  of  the  Orsi  opened 
fire  on  the  Fort  of  Ravaldino,  which  suffered  little  and  replied 
vigorously,  damaging  the  palace  tower  in  several  places,  but 
neither  touching  that  of  St.  Mercurial  nor  of  the  Dome. 
There  were  only  two  victims,  the  Countess  being  minded 
rather  to  frighten  than  to  injure  the  city. 

On  the  27th,  one  Battista  of  Savona,  a  relative  of  the  late 
Count,  and  castellane  of  Forlimpopoli,  actuated  less  by  avarice 
than  the  conviction  that  Catherine's  fortunes  were  fallen, 
gave  up  that  fortress  to  Savelli  for  4000  ducats  :  with  his 
son  and  son-in-law  as  hostages  while  awaiting  the  payment 
of  this  sum. 

On  April  29,  the  ducal  army  which  had  joined  the  forces 
of  Bentivoglio  (about  12,000  strong  without  counting  the 
adventurers  and  camp-followers)  encamped  at  Cosina,  five 
miles  from  Fori i.  It  was  led  by  Galeazzo  Sanseverino,  Count 
of  Caiazzo,  the  future  son-in-law^  to  Ludovico  il  More  and  the 

^  Passavolante — an  old  Italian  piece  of  artilleVy  used,  before  the  invention  of 
gunpowder,  to  hurl  stones  and  other  minute  projectiles. 


142  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

Lords  of  Bergamo,  Mantua  and  Bologna,  who  had  determined 
in  council  to  send  Giovanni  Landriani,  an  officer  of  mark, 
to  treat  with  the  citizens  of  Forli,  He  arrived  there  at  the 
twenty-first  hour  and  was  received  by  the  Council  of  Eight,  of 
which  Savelli  was  president.  He  eloquently  denounced  the 
murder  of  Count  Girolamo,  and  pointed  out  the  political 
illegality  of  the  act  whereby  the  city  had  given  itself  to  the 
Pope,  since  Sixtus  IV.  had  given  the  lordship  thereof  to 
Girolamo  Riario  and  his  heirs  forever,  until  the  extinction  of 
his  line.  His  widow  and  children  were  the  representatives  of 
his  rights,  which  would  be  enforced  by  the  12,000  men,  led 
by  the  Lord  of  Bologna  and  the  generals  of  the  Duke 
of  i\Iilan,  brother  of  the  Countess.  Savelli  had  no  right 
to  accept  the  city  on  behalf  of  the  Church  and  the  league  of 
the  powers  of  Milan,  Naples,  Ferrara,  Mantua  and  Bologna 
demanded  the  restoration  of  the  Riario. 

Savelli  replied  firmly  that  the  Riario  had  forfeited  their 
rights  by  non-payment  of  the  dues  of  the  Church,  wherefore 
the  city  had  been  justified  in  giving  itself  to  the  Church,  and 
the  Eight,  to  whom  he  appealed,  were  unanimous  in  support 
of  his  argument,  declaring  with  one  voice  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  undo  that  which  had  been  done.  Ludovico  Orsi 
imprudently  added  that  Count  Girolamo  had  but  had  his 
deserts  and  that  he  congratulated  himself  even  more  on  having 
freed  the  city  from  such  a  tyrant  than  on  having  given  it  to 
the  Church.  .  .  .  Within  six  days  Ludovico  Orsini,  Count  of 
Pitigliano  with  Ser  Domenico  Orio  and  the  papal  army, 
strengthened  by  the  forces  of  Malatesta  of  Rimini,  would 
dispense  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  the  people  of 
P^orli  would  be  left  at  peace  in  their  city. 

"  The  dues  of  the  Church,  forsooth  !  The  late  Count  was  a 
creditor  of  tlie  apostolic  treasury  for  enormous  sums,"  replied 
Landriani,  after  he  had  patiently  listened  to  all  that  had  been 
said.  "If  )'ou  hold  to  your  decision,"  continued  Landriani, 
"the  Duke,  m)-  lord,  i)roposes  that  the  government  of  Forli 
be  confided  pro  Ion.  to  two  commissioners,  one  on  his  own 
behalf,  one  for  Holy  Church,  with  the  Pope  as  arbitrator.  If 
he  decides  in  favour  of  Forli  I  pledge  my  word  as  Ambassador 


THE    FLIGHT    OF    'IHK   ORSI  143 

that  the  Captains  and  soldiers  of  Milan  and  Bologna  will 
return  whence  they  came,  and  not  another  word  will  be  said 
of  the  Duke's  demands,  the  murder  of  the  Count,  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  Countess  and  the  rights  of  their  children." 

Savelli  contemptuously  refused,  the  councillors  applauded. 
His  reply  and  their  applause  were  too  much  for  the  patience 
of  Landriani,  who  cried  that  they  would  bitterly  repent  and 
that  the  Duke  of  Milan  would  hasten  in  person  to  avenge  the 
wrongs  of  his  nephews,  sparing  neither  the  possessions  nor  the 
lives  of  the  people  of  Forli.  He  bowed  and  left  the  hall.  He 
was  met  in  the  square  by  cries  of  "  Chiesa  !  Long  live  the 
Church  ! "  for  a  certain  Guriolo  (brother-in-law  to  Ludovico 
Orsi)  had  ridden  in  by  the  Cotogni  Gate,  crying,  "  Good  news, 
good  news  !  succour  is  at  hand  !  "  and  the  news  that  the  Count 
of  Pitigliano  had  arrived  at  Ronco  so  strengthened  the 
determination  of  the  Eight  that  the  orator  was  recalled  to 
hear  once  more  that  they  would  stand  and  fall  by  the  Church. 

The  cries  in  the  square  may  have  been  derisive,  for,  "  I 
was  in  the  square,"  says  Cobelli,  "  when  all  the  populace 
laughed,  saying  :  '  This  is  really  a  hoax  like  the  Ordelaffi 
used  to  treat  us  to  !  '  '  O  poor  people  of  Forli,'  cried  a  bag- 
gage-varlet,  wlio  was  also  in  the  square,  '  the  lords  in  the 
Milanese  camp  know  better  than  that.  No  one  cares  to  move 
a  hand  for  us  ! '  The  truth  was  that  everything  was  known 
in  the  Milanese  camp.  Many  inhabitants  of  Forli,  either 
fearing  that  their  property  at  the  Cosina  was  endangered,  or 
in  spite  to  their  rivals,  reported  everything  that  occurred  at 
Forli,  at  the  camp  at  Cosina.  Landriani,  aware  of  the 
measures  taken  by  the  league  to  intercept  help  for  Forli, 
could  not  believe  that  Pitigliano  was  at  its  gates. 

"At  last,  from  afar,  a  troop  of  horse  became  visible  in  a  cloud 
of  dust.  ...  At  the  Cotogni  Gate,  instead  of  entering,  they 
turned  to  the  left  and  entered  the  fort.  They  were  fifty 
horsemen  sent  by  a  cardinal  who  was  related  to  Catherine, 
in  her  defence." 

The  leaders  of  the  army  hastened  to  communicate  Savelli's 
reply  to  Catherine,  proposing  at  the   same   time,   with  her 


144  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

consent,  to  advance  and  sack  the  city.  But  Catherine,  who 
was  already  in  possession  of  the  facts,  ordered  those  captains 
to  do  nothing  for  the  present  but  to  approach  the  fortress  by 
the  hills  in  the  neighbourhood  of  San  Martino  and  Busecchio. 
It  was  impossible  to  move  the  whole  army  to  the  city  on  that 
day,  but  every  company  had  marching  orders  and  the  whole 
camp  was  in  movement,  folding  tents,  packing  luggage  and 
burnishing  arms. 

Spies,  of  whom  many  hovered  about  the  camp,  ran  to  Forli 
with  the  news  that  the  army  was  on  the  march  to  put  the  city 
to  fire  and  blood  during  the  night.  A  sudden,  irresistible 
terror  possessed  the  citizens  :  there  was  neither  time  nor  in- 
tention, nor  possibility  of  warding  off  the  terrible  blow;  they 
could  only  weep  and  curse.  The  distracted  populace  paced 
the  streets,  calling  those  traitors  and  assassins  of  their  country 
whom  they  had  erstwhile  exalted  as  liberators  and  by  whom 
they  had  sworn  to  stand  till  death.  Ludovico  Orsi,  Ronchi 
and  Panzechi  were  wild  with  rage  when  they  found  them- 
selves abandoned  by  the  people  and  their  partisans.  Ludovico, 
less  audacious  than  his  brother,  was  seen  by  his  familiars 
to  weep.  "  Oh  1  had  we  but  listened  to  the  voice  of  the  people, 
at  first,  and  called  '  Ordelaffi  and  St.  Mark'  {i.e.  the  Venetians 
who  at  that  time  colonized  Ravenna)  as  they  sent  to  tell  us, 
we  should  not  now  find  ourselves  in  this  labyrinth.  .  .  .  We 
would  have  nought  but  Church  and  Pope,  and  a  pretty  Pope 
we  have  got !  .  .  .  I  can  remember  the  army  of  the  Pope 
encamped  outside  Forli  and  yet  unable  to  take  it ;  and  now 
that  lie  could  have  had  it  without  breaking  a  lance,  he  would 
liavc  none  of  it.  We  have  been  gulled  ! "  He  was  joined  by 
Panzechi,  with  a  few  followers,  and  later  by  Ronchi ;  all  were 
pale  and  bewildered.  None  dared  to  approach  Checco  Orsi  ; 
the  enraged  populace  cast  threatening  looks  at  him,  he  kept 
silent  and  apart.  "  I  saw  how  things  were  going,"  says  Cobelli, 
"  and  said  to  certain  friends  :  '  they  are  in  bad  case,  they  have 
neither  tail  nor  wings  left  and  cannot  fly  !  '  .  .  .  I  looked  on 
f<jr  a  while  and  then  went  to  supper."  A  new  and  secret 
terror  added  to  the  discomfort  of  the  Orsi.  Catherine,  who 
had  nu-ans  u{  learning  whatever  happened  in  llie  city,  had,  on 


THE    FLIGHT    OF   THP:    ORSI  145 

hearing  the  drift  of  their  replies  to  Landriani,  fired  certain 
spiked  bombs  into  the  streets,  on  whose  spikes  were  threaded 
placards  that  bore  the  following  inscription  : — "  People  of 
Forli  !  My  people  !  l^unish  ;  put  to  death  all  my  enemies  ! 
I  promise  to  hold  you  ever  after  as  my  good  brothers.  Strike 
quickly  and  fear  nothing.  The  Milanese  army  is  at  our  gates  ; 
soon  you  will  reap  the  reward  and  they  the  chastisement  that 
are  deserved."  These  projectiles  carried  the  placards  to  every 
quarter  of  the  town,  where  they  were  eagerly  read  by  the 
populace  ;  the  assassins  felt  that  their  hour  was  come.  Night 
was  at  hand,  the  army  would  enter  with  the  dusk  and  surprise 
the  city,  they  would  be  among  the  first  to  be  taken.  .  .  . 
What  was  to  be  done  .-*  Throw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the 
captains,  imploring  pity  .''  Too  proud  were  the  words  they 
had  spoken  to  their  orator  ;  there  was  no  hope  of  pardon. 
Either  they  would  be  treacherously  done  to  death  by  the 
citizens  or  beheaded  in  the  square  on  the  following  morning 
as  an  example  to  the  people. 

It  was  not  possible  to  save  either  the  city,  their  property  or 
their  families  :  the  utmost  they  could  attempt  was  to  save 
their  lives.  Unanimous  on  this  subject  they  ceased  from 
quarrelling  and  once  more  became  friends,  willing  to  forget  all 
else  if  they  might  but  escape. 

Savelli  did  not  fall  so  low :  conscious  of  his  rank,  and 
mindful  of  his  dignity,  he  refused  to  talk  of  flight. 

While  they  were  considering  the  course  still  open  to  them, 
one  of  them  remembered  that  they  still  had  control  of  the 
children  of  the  Countess.  "  With  those  children  in  our  hands, 
her  12,000  defenders  may  become  useless  to  her  ...  all  is 
not  yet  lost !  " 

But  they  would  be  caught  if  they  attempted  to  escape  with 
six  children  and  two  nurses.  Therefore,  since  they  were 
constrained  to  fly  the  persecutions  of  the  populace  and  the 
Duke's  army,  leaving  behind  them  their  families  and  property, 
they  determined  to  adequately  avenge  themselves  on  Catherine, 
cause  and  origin  of  their  ruin  and  despair,  by  slaying  her 
children.     If  they  could  not  complete  the  butchery  at  once, 

L 


146  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

they  would  drag  them  with  them  to  be  put  to  death  at  their 
leisure,  or  keep  them  as  hostages  for  Catherine's  submission 
to  their  threats.  This  is  additional  proof  that  the  mother  had 
not  made  light  of  the  value  of  her  children's  lives  by  the  reply 
attributed  to  her  in  the  legend. 

That  night,  at  the  second  hour,  Doctor  Ludovico  Orsi 
wended  his  way  to  the  little  fortress  at  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter, 
He  was  followed  at  a  respectful  distance  by  fifty  armed  men, 
lead  by  Giacomo  Ronchi.  Silently  and  cautiously  they  trod 
in  the  darkness  and  were  soon  hidden  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort.  Orsi  called  through  the  grating  that  he  must  see  those 
in  command  at  once.  Capoferri,  Serughi  and  Denti,  accom- 
panied by  two  soldiers,  answered  the  summons  and  led  Orsi 
into  a  room  on  the  ground  floor,  close  to  the  grating. 
'■'  Brothers,"  said  Orsi,  "  I  come  on  behalf  of  Monsignore  to 
demand  of  you  the  children  of  Madonna.  To  these  children 
we  must  look  for  the  salvation  of  our  city,  our  lives  and  even 
tlie  life  of  Monsignore.  He  will  send  them  under  proper 
e-cort  to  Cesena." 

"  Gaffer,"  replied  Capoferri,  "  we  are  not  going  to  give  them 
up  to  you.  I  and  my  brother  have  travelled  the  world  over 
long  enough  to  see  through  your  device.  You  have  to  fly 
and,  like  mad  dogs,  would  fain  set  your  teeth  here  and  there. 
You  shall  not  have  the  children  to  kill."  His  words  were 
echoed  by  Denti  and  Serughi  and  all  put  their  hands  to  their 
swords.  Meanwhile  Giacomo  Ronchi  had  approached  the 
grating,  whence  he  saw  and  heard  everything.  He  hastily 
summoned  a  handful  of  his  men-at-arms  and  waited,  intending 
to  profit  by  the  moment  that  the  grating  would  open  to  give 
egress  to  Ludovic.  Then  he  would  enter  with  a  rush, 
exterminate  the  guard  and  carry  away  the  children. 

He  had  thought  it  out  fairly  well,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
sufficiently  muffling  his  steps  and  those  of  his  followers,  which, 
despite  the  noise  inside,  were  audible  to  the  .sentinel  in  the 
tower,  who  immediately  apprised  Capoferri  of  the  gnct-apcns. 
Ca|)oferri  ordered  Ronchi  to  depart  at  once,  unless  he  and  his 
I)coplc  preferred  to  be  put  to  death  where  the\'  stood.  Ronchi 
cried  out  thai  C'alhcriiu-'s  children   had   ])ccn   taken   there  by 


THE    FLIGHT    OP^    THE    ORSI  147 

Savelli  and  the  Orsi,  that  Capoferri  could  not  detain  them 
against  their  will  and  that  he  would  shatter  the  gate  with  a 
beam  and  seize  the  children.  Tiles  and  stones  then  began  to 
rain  on  Ronchi's  men,  and  one  of  his  servants  was  mortally 
wounded. 

"  I  will  ring  the  alarm-bell,"  replied  Capoferri  ;  "the  people 
will  come  and  tear  you  to  pieces  !  "  At  this  threat,  Ronchi 
took  to  flight :  the  conspirators  no  longer  dared  to  face  the 
people.  Ludovtco  Orsi  was  allowed  to  pass  out,  joined  Savelli 
at  the  Fort  of  Schiavonia,  and  with  him  entered  the  square, 
where  silence  reigned  and  the  terrified  citizens  awaited  the 
plundering  of  the  city,  according  to  the  orders  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan  to  his  ca[itains.  This  sacking  (with  Catherine's  assent) 
was  to  the  soldiers  the  aim  and  essence  of  victory,  and  they 
looked  forward  to  it  with  avidity. 

The  Orsi  went  home  and  prepared  for  flight.  They  carried 
with  them  jewels,  plate  and  gold  snatched  from  the  Jews  and 
all  they  had  been  able  to  accumulate  elsewhere  ;  for  knowing 
who  had  seized  the  most  valuable  of  the  Riario  property,  they 
had  sent  to  demand  it  of  the  spoilers.  Short  had  been  their 
reign  of  terror,  but  while  it  lasted,  none  had  withstood  their 
demands.  Ludovico  and  Chccco,  with  two  married  sons,  two 
cousins  and  a  brother-in-law,  gained  the  Cotogni  Gate,  where 
they  were  met  by  Ronchi  and  Panzechi  and  the  kinsmen  and 
partisans  of  the  latter  at  two  o'clock,  after  midnight.  The 
fugitives  were  seventeen  in  number,  and  wishing  to  keep  in 
touch  with  Forli,  halted  at  Cervia,  then  held  by  Venice,  But 
the  Venetian  podesta  and  captain,  at  Ravenna,  refused  to 
tolerate  the  presence  of  the  murderers  of  Girolamo  Riario,  a 
senator  and  patrician  of  Venice. 

The  conspirators,  on  being  ejecced  from  Cervia,  dispersed 
In  the  deserted  house  at  Forli,  the  old  father  and  the  unhappy 
wives  ot  the  Orsi  were  abandoned  to  their  fate. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

THE  RESTORATION 

After  the  flight  of  the  conspirators,  "  our  town,  which  had 
been  bh'nd,  was  illuminated,"  says  Bernardi.  "  None  of  the 
inhabitants  had  slept,  the  Milanese  forces  might  have  entered 
at  any  hour,  people  kept  behind  their  well-closed  doors." 
Among  these  was  Leone  CobelH.  But  after  the  departure  of 
the  conspirators,  Antonello,  a  follower  of  Panzechi,  came  to 
call  him  and  told  him  of  the  flight  of  the  Orsi,  and  that 
several  citizens  had  gone  to  Ravaldino  to  tell  the  Countess 
that  they  were  ready  to  assemble  the  people  and  give  back 
the  State  to  her  and  to  Octavian  by  acclamation.  A  counter- 
revolution was  at  hand.  Devoured  by  curiosity,  Cobelli 
"  hurried  to  the  square,"  which  was  empty,  then  to  the 
Custom  House,  where  he  found  only  the  chief  officer,  Gian 
Griffone  of  Bologna,  with  two  or  three  of  his  men.  Then  on 
to  the  Ponte  de  Cavalieri  and  the  Canto  dei  Numai,  where  he 
saw  many  people  of  threatening  aspect.  .  .  .  Alarmed,  he 
joined  his  cousin,  Guasparra  de'  Numai,  and  stood  waiting, 
when  there  appeared  Tommaso  Palmeggiani  and  Ludovico 
Krcolani,  followed  by  a  troop,  and  upon  their  heels  Tommaso 
dcgli  Orcioli,  returning  from  the  fort. 

At  this  sight  Gian  Griffonc  sprang  into  his  saddle,  and 
meeting  the  approaching  company  .sternly  queried  of  its 
leader,  Thomas  Palmeggiani,  "Who  are  these  people.''" 
Palmeggiani,  turning  to  the  others,  said,  "Shall  we  kill  this 
poltroon  .•' "  and  then  in  reply,  "  We  are  the  ill  that  God 
sends  you."     When  he  heard  these  words,  Gian  Grififone  put 

148 


THE    RKSTU RATION  149 

spurs  to  his  horse  and  fled  to  the  Ponte  del  Pane.  And  while 
he  fled  and  his  men  dispersed,  the  crowd  began  to  cry,  Dnca  ! 
Diica !  Octavian  I  Octavian  !  and  in  a  moment  there  was  a 
revolution  in  favour  of  Catherine.  All  this  happened  in  the 
night.  Orcioli,  accompanied  by  the  others,  returned  to  the 
house,  where  he  wrote  the  terms  of  the  transfer  of  the  city 
and  dispatched  them  to  the  camp  at  Cosina.  P'rom  Casa 
Orcioli  the  revolutionists  returned  to  the  square,  crying  Octa- 
vian !  Octavian  !  louder  than  ever.  At  every  window  lights 
appeared,  and  the  great  bell  of  the  commune  summoned  the 
populace  ;  a  festive  population  invaded  the  square  from  every 
direction,  and  cheers  and  applause  rent  the  air  until  they 
resounded  in  the  fort,  where  Catherine,  no  longer  a  prisoner, 
was  sovereign  lady. 

The  exulting  cries  of  the  people  were  heard  as  far  as 
Cosina,  in  the  Milanese  camp,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  they 
were  appreciated  by  the  army,  to  whom  orders  had  been 
issued  for  the  sacking  of  the  town  in  case  opposition  were 
offered  to  the  restoration  of  the  Riario.  They  were,  however, 
forbidden  to  strike  a  blow  without  the  consent  of  the  Countess. 
Cobelli  relates  that  Francesco  Numai,  Orcioli  and  other 
citizens  had  that  night  found  the  Countess  so  irritated  with 
the  populace  that  she  was  half  inclined  to  allow  the  city  to 
be  sacked,  yet  feared  that  this  course  would  increase  the 
difficulty  of  recovering  the  property  which  the  populace  had 
pillaged  from  the  palace,  and  being  also,  says  Cobelli,  "  in- 
spired to  leniency  by  our  blessed  Saint  Mercurial,  and  above 
all,  mindful  of  the  honour  of  women  and  maidens,"  decided 
that  there  should  be  no  sacking.  This,  with  the  attendant 
horrors  of  fire  and  armed  violence,  had  been  looked  upon  as 
inevitable,  when  suddenly  the  rumour  spread  that  "  Madonna 
would  have  none  of  it,"  although  the  Milanese  army  was  near 
enough  to  strike  the  first  blow  at  dawn. 

Catherine's  decision,  continues  Cobelli,  "  saddened  and 
astonished  "  some  of  the  Milanese  captains,  causing  others  to 
curse  and  swear  most  horribly,  for  on  the  faith  of  being 
permitted  to  sack  P^orli,  they  had  come  away  without  a  penny 
in  their  purses,  and  had  kept  their  men  together  by  dint  of 


I50  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

"  good  words  and  fine  promises."  Troops  were  massed  under 
the  walls  of  Ravaldino,  while  the  bulk  of  the  infantry 
camped  outside  the  Schiavonia,  Cotogni  and  San  Pietro 
Gates  ;  but  Catherine  only  permitted  two  companies  to  enter 
the  city,  so  that  Brambilla  had  no  chance  of  playing  the 
game  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  which,  it  appears,  would  have 
been  to  seize  Forli  for  himself.  ..."  But  he  could  not,"  says 
Cobelli,  "for  Madonna  was  too  wise  to  admit  many  men-at- 
arms.  O  reader,  observe  !  Una  nc  pensa  il gJiiotto  e  laltra  il 
tavci'iiaro!'^  Here  the  glutton  would  stand  for  the  Duke  and 
the  innkeeper  for  Catherine.  Catherine  fully  deserves  the 
praise  of  Cobelli  for  defending  her  city  against  her  defenders. 
Yet  his  satisfaction  is  a  curious  trait  in  one  who  had  supped 
with  the  Orsi  two  nights  earlier,  and  who  on  that  very  night 
had  gone  the  round  of  the  town  with  one  of  the  assassins,  to 
see  its  sights. 

At  dawn,  when  the  first  cries  for  Catherine  were  heard,  one 
hastened  to  the  house  of  the  Orsi  with  the  news  that  the 
people  were  crying.  Ducal  Ditca  !  "Fly!"  he  said,  "your 
sons  have  already  fled."  Poor  old  Orso,  with  his  daughters- 
in-law  and  the  daughters-in-law  of  his  sons,  taking  with  him 
what  little  he  could,  sought  refuge  in  San  Domenico.  The 
monks  declared  that  the  old  man  hid  himself  in  an  empty 
grave,  weeping,  and  crying,  "Accursed  children,  whither  have 
you  brought  me  ?  "  Among  the  seven  unhappy  women  whom 
the  Orsi  had  abandoned,  was  the  widow  of  Agamemnon,  who 
died  of  wounds  received  on  the  night  of  the  Count's  murder. 
She  was  left  with  two  infants,  one  of  whom  was  but  six 
months  old,  whom  she  hid  in  the  basket  of  a  servant  sent  to 
Ccscna,  thus  saving  his  life. 

At  sunrise  on  April  30,  1488,  the  Sig)wri  of  the  council 
(not  the  Eight  appointed  by  the  Orsi)  and  the  magistracy 
waited  on  Catherine  at  Ravaldino  to  tender  their  allegiance. 
They  were  introluced  into  a  hall  in  the  fort,  where  she 
immcfliatcly  appeared,  dressed  in  deep  mourning.  "  Her 
La(l)'ship,"  says  ]5crnardi,  "as  ever,  forgetful  of  evil  and  only 

'   Tlir  j^lu'.loii  is  of  oik;  uiiiul  and  llie  imikcepci-  of  .-xhoIIilt. 


THE    RESTORATION  151 

mindful  of  good,  gave  hearty  thanks  to  all,"  and  permission 
to  fetch  Octavian  from  the  Fort  of  St.  Peter.  But  although 
he  was  to  be  carried  in  triumph,  the  captains  of  his  guard 
would  not  consent  to  his  going  unless  accompanied  by 
Serughi  and  other  men-at-arms.  In  this  order,  the  magis- 
tracy led  him  three  times  round  the  square  to  the  cheers  of 
the  populace,  which  continued  along  the  road  to  Ravaldino. 
Catherine,  who  had  set  aside  her  garb  of  woe  and  was 
magnificently  attired  for  the  solemn  reception  of  her  first- 
born, clasped  him  to  her  breast,  hiding  her  face  and  her 
emotion  in  this  embrace,  while  the  child,  delivered  from  past 
terror,  sobbed  aloud  in  her  arms.  His  mother  comforted  and 
pacified  him.  Feo  and  all  who  were  present  encouraged  him 
until  the  boy  dried  his  tears,  again  and  again  embracing  his 
mother,  spoke  to  them  with  childlike  affection,  and  showed 
his  joy  at  sight  of  the  friendly  face  of  Tommasino  Feo  ; 
while,  according  to  contemporary  writers,  tears  were  shed  by 
those  who  witnessed  the  scene.  Says  Bernardi,  "  Discreet 
reader,  I  leave  you  to  judge  of  the  joy  of  that  moment." 
The  magistracy,  with  Catherine's  consent,  returned  to  St. 
Peter's  for  the  other  children,  and  an  hour  later  there  appeared 
five  children  with  two  nurses,  so  surrounded  by  the  guards  of 
Capoferri  that  they  might  have  been  taken  for  prisoners. 
The  Countess,  after  warmly  thanking  him  and  the  Signori^ 
ordered  bread  and  provisions  in  the  largest  possible  quantities 
to  be  taken  to  the  Church  of  the  Pianta  for  the  Milanese 
soldiers. 

When  Catherine  was  alone  with  her  children,  Capoferri  and 
Serughi  (who,  while  compelled  to  assume  acquiescence  with 
the  Orsi,  had  been  all  along  devoted  to  her  cause)  told 
her  how,  after  the  hostages  had  been  brought  back  to  them 
from  under  the  walls  of  Ravaldino,  they  had  sworn  never  to 
lose  sight  of  them  again  until  they  could  restore  them  un- 
harmed to  their  mother  ;  of  the  final  attempt  of  the  Orsi  to 
snatch  them  from  them,  and  of  their  own  anxieties  while 
they  repulsed  the  conspirators  with  shot  and  stones.  Each 
of  them  had  a  wife  and  children  in  the  city,  who  might  have 
been  murdered  by  the  baffled  assassins.     Yet  had  they  been 


152  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

faithful  to  their  trust,  for  which,  says  Vecchiazzani,  "  Catherine 
thanked  them  effusively,  as  if  she  had  been  mad  for  joy." 
She  afterwards  continued  to  load  these  tried  friends  with 
favours,  which  often  consisted  in  the  pardon  of  others,  and 
nothing  that  she  could  do  for  them  seemed  to  her  enough. 

On  that  day  began  the  reign  of  Catherine  Sforza,  and  in 
the  state  apparel  in  which  she  had  welcomed  her  Octavian, 
seated  in  her  massive  arm-chair,  she  dictated  her  first  com- 
mands to  her  secretary.  She  sent  a  courier  to  the  Count  of 
Caiazzo  ordering  him  to  immediately  place  his  troops  under 
the  fort  on  the  mountain  side.  She  ordered  Monsignor 
Savelli,  papal  governor,  and  the  Counts  Guido  di  Bagno  and 
Pian  di  Meleto,  papal  generals,  to  be  seized  and  imprisoned  in 
the  fort,  and  put  a  heavy  ransom  on  the  head  of  Zampeschi, 
who  had  jumped  off  the  walls  and  fled.  Savelli  could  not 
believe  his  ears  at  the  sound  of  the  people's  cries,  until  some 
men-at-arms,  with  the  words  "  Monsignore,  you  are  a  prisoner 
of  Madonna  the  Countess,"  explained  to  him  the  untoward 
fact. 

Catherine  ordered  Captain  Rubino,  who  had  been  sent  to 
her  aid  by  a  friendly  cardinal,  with  fifty  horse,  to  lead  them  to 
Forlimpopoli,  of  which  she  had  already  appointed  him  castel- 
lane,  and  of  which  he  was  to  obtain  possession  by  force  or 
strategy.  The  former  castellane,  who  had  sold  his  trust  for  a 
bribe,  was  to  be  brought  with  his  officers  under  strong  escort  to 
Forli,  The  houses  of  Andrea  Orsi  and  Graziolo,  his  brother, 
were  to  be  ruined  and  pillaged  by  the  populace,  and  old  Andrea 
and  all  the  conspirators,  whether  male  or  female,  wheresoever 
they  might  be  found,  taken  and  imprisoned  in  the  fort.  The 
families  of  Ronchi  and  Panzechi  were  to  be  imprisoned,  and 
their  houses,  with  those  of  Galasso,  demolished.  Catherine 
further  ordered  that  the  three  who  liad  thrown  the  corpse  of 
Girolamo  from  the  window  be  taken,  as  well  as  Pagliarino, 
who  had  brutally  dragged  it  on  the  ground.  Finally  she 
ordered  Gian  Giffonc,  head  of  Savelli's  guard,  Pictro  Alba- 
nesc,  Antonio  da  Modigliana,  and  many  others  of  humble 
origin  who  had  taken  part  in  the  assassination  or  revolution, 
to  be  taken  and  cast  into  prison. 


THE    RESTORATION 


153 


Patrols  were  seen  to  leave  Ravaldino,  disperse  within  the 
city,  and  led  by  officers  and  spies,  hunt  for  the  culprits, 
invading  the  houses  of  those  assassins  who  had  escaped  to 
drag  their  unhappy  families  in  chains  to  the  fort. 

A  second  summons  reached  the  army  at  Cosina  before  it 
had  time  to  obey  the  first.  Soon  after,  the  troops  were  on 
the  road  to  Forli,  and 
the  Captains  waited  on 
Catherine  at  the  fort. 
Here  they  were  met 
by  Catherine,  ready 
for  her  State  entry. 
She  desired  two  squad- 
rons of  Light  ?Iorse  to 
precede  and  await  her 
in  the  square  in  front 
of  the  palace,  four 
companies  of  infantry 
to  follow  her,  and  the 
road  between  Raval- 
dino and  the  Cotogni 
Gate  to  be  lined  with 
troops.  She  ordered 
Bentivoglio  and  Ru- 
dolph of  Mantua  to 
surround  the  Parish 
della  Pianta.  When  the  army  had  been  thus  disposed  of,  she 
sprang  into  her  saddle,  with  Sanseverino  on  her  right  and 
Brambilla  on  her  left,  followed  by  Landriani  and  Carlo  Gratti, 
left  the  fort  and  rode  in  triumph  towards  the  town. 

The  victorious  lady  was  splendidly  attired,  the  helmets  of 
the  condotticj'i  who  rode  at  her  side,  the  coats  of  mail  of  the 
men-at-arms,  glittered  in  the  sun.  Catherine,  content  and 
at  ease,  rode  between  the  troops  that  like  two  walls  of 
steel  lined  the  way,  and  who,  forgetful  that  she  had  deprived 
them  of  the  pillage,  gloried  in  defending  the  heroic  woman 
who  had  so  well  fought  her  own  battle. 


,11 J I  ^4M 


THE   CHURCH    OF    ST.    MERCURIAL. 


154  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

At  the  Cotogni  Gate  the  cries  and  rejoicings  began.  The 
streets,  windows  and  balconies  were  crowded  with  pecjple, 
entranced  at  sight  of  the  intrepid  widow  who  had  freed 
herself  from  the  toils  of  her  enemies  and  was  more  in- 
domitable and  formidable  than  ever.  To  fear  and  admire 
her  was  synonymous  with  the  populace.  The  feast  of  St. 
Mercurial,  patron  of  the  city,  fell  on  that  day.  Every  year  it 
had  been  the  custom  to  celebrate  it  with  public  rejoicing,  but 
it  had  never  been  before,  nor  was  it  after,  so  great  a  feast. 
The  Milanese  army  was  not  only  the  strongest,  but  without 
comparison  the  most  imposing  of  all  Italy.  Its  burnished 
arms  were  famous,  as  were  the  gilded  trappings  of  its  power- 
ful horses. 

On  the  appearance  of  the  Countess,  the  serried  ranks  of 
pikemen  in  front  of  the  palace  presented  arms  and  stood  at 
ease,  and  as  Catherine  passed  through  the  thicket  of  lances^ 
the  standards  were  lowered  in  homage,  while  the  bells  rang 
out  the  signal  for  her  to  dismount  and  enter  St.  Mercurial. 
Here  she  heard  the  thanksgiving  service  for  her  and  her 
children's  deliverance.  .  .  .  Pupillum  et  siduam  auscipict ; 
and,  on  leaving  the  church,  caused  Octavian,  with  the  usual 
ceremonies,  to  be  once  more  acclaimed  Lord  of  Forli  and  the 
other  paternal  States.  She  gave  Sanseverino  permission  to 
return  to  the  camp,  and  requested  the  Provost  Orcioli  to 
remain  on  guard  at  the  palace  with  all  the  troops  that  then 
stood  there,  so  as  not  to  permit  a  single  soldier  to  move  from 
his  place.  Accompanied  by  Brambilla  and  other  captains, 
among  whom  were  Landriani  and  Gratti,  and  escorted  by  two 
companies  of  infantr)-,  she  proceeded  on  foot  to  the  Fort  of 
Schiavonia,  which  had  not  yet  surrendered.  "  And  on  the 
wa}-,"  says  Bernardi,  "  many  of  our  women  embraced  her, 
condoling  with  her  affliction,"  for  a  woman  whose  first  exer- 
cise of  power  was  for  the  protection  of  other  women  had  not, 
till  then,  been  seen  among  them. 

Catherine  halted  at  the  Parish  of  the  Trinity,  sent  Gratti  to 
warn  the  castcllanc  not  to  fire,  and  on  his  return  continued  her 
way  to  a  house  close  to  the  fortress,  whence  she  dispatched 


THK    RESTORATION'  155 

Brambilla  to  demand  surrender.  The  castellanc  replied  that 
Monsignor  SavelH  had  confided  the  fort  to  him,  and  that 
without  an  order  from  him  he  would  not  give  it  up. 

"  Monsignore  is  a  prisoner  of  the  Countess  at  Ravaldino." 
"  No   matter  ;  without   his   order   I    will   not  surrender  the 
fort." 

On  being  invited  to  send  a  person  in  whom  he  could  con- 
fide to  Savelli,  he  replied  that  he  had  no  one,  that  all  his 
property  was  situated  at  Cesena,  a  city  of  the  Pope,  If  he 
surrendered,  his  possessions  would  be  confiscated,  his  family 
impoverished,  and  himself  branded  as  a  traitor.  He  therefore 
craved  the  compassion  of  the  Countess.  Catherine,  who 
wished  to  come  to  an  arrangement  that  would  not  ruin  the 
poor  man,  sent  Gratti  and  Landriani  to  treat  with  him,  and  per- 
mitted them  to  visit  Monsignor  Savelli  to  save  the  castellane 
from  the  effects  of  the  papal  wrath.  Alberico  Denti,  son  of 
the  castellane,  left  the  fort,  and  on  behalf  of  his  father,  offered 
the  stronghold,  by  request  of  the  magistracy,  to  the  Countess. 
While  Gratti,  Landriani  and  Denti  proceeded  to  Ravaldino  to 
confer  with  Savelli,  Catherine  chatted  confidentially  with 
Brambilla,  of  whom  she  inquired  why  the  army  had  not 
moved  at  her  first  summons.  Brambilla  told  her  that  at  that 
moment  a  great  part  of  the  cavalry  had  arrived  from  Castel 
San  Pietro,  so  exhausted,  that  it  would  have  been  impossible 
for  them  to  march,  but  that  they  would  have  come  as  soon  as 
possible  without  needing  a  second  summons.  "  Our  chief," 
he  said,  "  had  decided,  with  God's  will,  to  plant  a  May-tree 
(a  palm)  at  the  palace,  on  the  site  of  the  Count's  murder  on 
the  first  of  May."  This  reply  pleased  the  Countess,  to  whom 
a  man-at-arms  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  Count  now 
said — "  Madonna,  the  poor  have  sacked  the  cellar  of  the  Orsi  ; 
its  contents  have  been  emptied  and  dispersed,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  largest  barrels,  which  I  have  succeeded  in  saving 
for  Your  Ladyship  ;  the  Orsi  have  caused  the  dispersion  of 
your  whole  cellar,  and  it  is  only  fair  that  you  should  be  some- 
what compensated  by  theirs." 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  thought  and  deed,"  said  Catherine, 
"but  let  the  poor  enjoy  the  whole  of  that  wine,  for  I  will  have 


156  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

nought  that  has  belonged  to  those  people.  I  trust  in  God, 
that  even  if  I  leave  the  wine  to  the  poor,  He  will  not  let  me 
nor  mine  want  for  aught.  The  only  loss  to  which  I  am 
sensible  is  that  of  my  lord,  who  cannot  be  given  back  to 
me,  of  which  I  know  the  poor,  of  whom  you  speak,  to  be 
guiltless." 

"  Madonna  ! "  exclaimed  a  knight,  George  of  Tossignano, 
"  I  could  neither  speak  nor  act  as  you  do.  I  have  taken  two 
loads  of  valuables  from  the  wives  of  those  assassins  and 
vivaddio !  I  will  restore  nothing  to  them  !  I  could  make 
tunny-fish  of  them  !  "  ^ 

"  That  you  will  not  do,"  replied  the  Countess,  "  for  I  wish 
well  to  women.  .  .  .  Not  they  have  murdered  my  lord,  but 
their  traitorous  husbands.  And  now  that  these  women  are 
in  my  hands,  they  shall  suffer  no  injustice." 

"  Madonna,  you  speak  like  the  wise  woman  that  you  are," 
said  Brambilla,  who  encouraged  her  in  her  merciful  inten- 
tions. "The  murder  of  the  Count,"  he  added,  "had  been  the 
work  of  miscreants,  but  if  he  had  ever  overtaxed  his  subjects, 
he  (Brambilla)  implored  her  to  remove  any  pretext  for 
discontent  and  earn  their  love." 

Catherine  thanked  him,  and  replied  that  her  sole  aim  was 
the  welfare  of  the  people,  of  which  the  placards  sent  into  the 
town  from  Ravaldino  bore  witness  ;  therein  she  had  ordered 
that  the  guilty  be  put  to  death,  and  promised  peace  and 
security  to  the  others.  Catherine's  words  "  much  pleased 
Brambilla  and  all  of  us  who  were  present,"  writes  Bernardi. 
Provost  Orcioli  next  approached  the  Countess  to  tell  her 
that  Bentivoglio  was  at  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter,  whence  for 
excellent  reasons  he  would  not  advance,  yet  having  urgent 
need  of  speech  with  her,  he  begged  her  of  her  grace  to  go  to 
meet  him.  Catherine  mounted  her  horse  and  proceeded  to 
the  fortress  at  the  gate,  where  she  talked  at  length  with 
Bentivoglio,  who  with  l^rambilla  accompanied  her  on  horse- 
back to  the  house  of  i'^'ancesco  Numai,  where  she  was  to 
dine.  Numai  had  been  the  first  to  present  himself  at  Raval- 
dino, the  first  to  openly  offer  her  allegiance  after  the  nocturnal 

'   Hcniaidi. 


I 


THE    RESTORATION  157 

flight  of  the  Orsi ;  it  was  he  who  had  initiated  the  happy- 
change,  and  for  this  reason  Catherine  chose  to  enter  his  house 
before  she  crossed  any  other  threshold  in  ForH.  l^entivogUo 
would  not  stay,  and  returned  to  his  soldiers.  Madonna  went 
to  dinner,  where  she  was  joined  by  Gratti  and  Landriani,  who 
had  returned  from  their  interview  with  Savelli.  Their  con- 
versation w^as  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  a  squadron  leader 
sent  by  Rubino  from  Forlimpopoli,  who  presented  the  castel- 
lane  Battista  in  chains,  with  thirteen  of  his  accomplices,  to 
the  Countess.  The  Countess  ordered  "  each  of  them  to  be 
covered  with  a  mantle  in  sign  of  shame,  and  handed  over  to 
Thomas  Feo  to  be  consigned  to  the  dungeons."^  Having 
assured  herself  of  the  possession  of  Forlimpopoli,  she  resumed 
her  discussion  of  the  surrender  of  Schiavonia,  and  concluded 
by  leaving  the  matter  to  the  judgment  of  Bentivoglio.  Gratti, 
seeing  that  the  populace,  not  content  with  pillaging  the 
house  of  the  Orsi,  intended  to  raze  it  to  the  ground,  ventured 
to  insinuate  that  it  was  too  great  an  ornament  to  the  town 
to  meet  with  such  a  fate.  "  Your  Ladyship,"  he  said, 
"  might  keep  it  for  one  of  your  sons,  or  for  the  reception  of 
great  personages,  when  they  come  to  visit  you  at  Forli.  .  .  ." 
He  was  curtly  interrupted  by  Brambilla,  who  declared  that 
"  Her  Ladyship  could  not,  in  this  matter,  set  aside  the  com- 
mands of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  who  on  the  moment  of  their 
leaving  for  Forli  had  enjoined  on  them  to  raze  the  houses 
of  the  traitors  to  the  ground,  in  imperishable  memory  of  his 
vengeance."  The  Countess  at  this  began  to  jest,-  saying  in 
a  very  sweet  voice  to  Gratti — "  If  it  pleases  you  to  stay  at 
Forli,  despite  the  orders  of  the  Duke,  my  brother,  I  will  take 
upon  myself  to  avert  the  destruction  of  that  house  and  will 
keep  it  for  you,  and  for  you  I  will  even  re-adorn  it.  .  .  ." 
Gratti,  giving  jest  for  jest,  replied  "that  he  would  come 
willingly,  not  for  covetousness  of  the  fair  house,  but  that  the 
honour  of  living  near  Madonna  would  render  a  hovel  accept- 
able to  him."  These  courtesies  were  interrupted  by  a  half- 
witted bricklayer,  named  Stradiotto,  who  was  permitted  to 
address  persons  of  every  rank  on  equal  terms. 
^  Beinaidi.  -  Ibid. 


,58  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

"  Dear  My  Lady,"  he  said  boldly  to  Catherine, "  I  want  you 
to  entirely  demolish  that  house,  and  not  to  listen  to  Messer 
Gratti,  for  it  is  an  accursed  house,  at  which  I  and  other  poor 
fellows  have  worked  for  a  long  time  .  .  .  and  there  are  still 
five  gold  ducats  due  to  me,  and   I   don't  know  how  to  turn 
without  them."     In  speaking  he  had  seized  the  Countess  by 
the  hand,  squeezing  it  violently,  while  he  proceeded — "  Give, 
O   give   me  leave,  Madonna,  that  I   may  put  the  first  hand 
to    the    ruin    of  that    house ! "     Madonna    gave    him    leave  ; 
Stradiotto  disappeared  and   ran  until  he  reached  the  house 
of  the  Orsi.     But  for  all  his  haste  he  was  not  the  first :  the 
whole  house  had  been  sacked.     Stradiotto,  not  satisfied  that 
the  o-reat  door  had   been  torn   down,  hammered  at  the  tiles 
in  which  the  hinges  were  set.  ...  At  last  he  succeeded  in 
knocking  one  out,  falling  backwards  with  the  rebound  of  the 
hammer,  and  his  skull  coming  in   contact  with  the  opposite 
wall,  he  died  of  the  shock  in  two  days.     His  case  provoked 
both    hilarity    and    compassion.     Francesco    Sassatelli,    with 
many  other  Imolese,  offered  the  homage  of  her  city  to  their 
lady  in  Casa  Numai.     She  thanked  them,  "touched  the  hands 
of  each,"  and  assured  them  of  her  "  affectionate  benevolence." 
When  dinner  was  over,  Catherine,  discussing  the  day's  work 
with  Francesco  Numai,  told  him  that  she  had  never  hesitated 
a  moment  to  stop  the  sacking  of  the  town,  having  always 
abhorred    to    let    loose   a    licentious   soldiery   on    defenceless 
citizens,  and  mounting  her  horse,  she  returned  by  the  same 
road    and    with    the    same   escort    to    Ravaldiiio.     Here   she 
summoned  her  chancellors  and  dictated  various  edicts,  fore- 
most among  them  being  the  decree  by  which,  in  obedience 
to  her  brother,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  she  appointed   Brambilla 
governor  of  tiie  city  and  commander  of  the  troops  that  were 
stationed  in  the  square,  which  she  afterwards  relegated  to  the 
suburb  of  Ravaldino. 

On  the  same  evening,  before  sunset,  an  edict  w^is  read  in 
the  square  ordering  those  who,  though  banished  by  Count 
Girolamo,  were  still  in  the  city,  to  leave  it  within  three  hours 
under  jjcnalty  of  the  gallows.  A  second  edict  required  all 
the  superifjrs  of  charitable  institutions   (priests,  monks,  nuns. 


THK    RESTORATION  159 

chapels  and  confraternities)  who  had  sheltered  enemies, 
traitors,  or  stolen  property,  to  immediately  give  up  persons 
and  chattels,  under  penalty  of  their  Lady's  displeasure. 
When  this  was  done,  Catherine  applied  herself  to  "her  last 
and  heaviest  task."  On  learning  that  the  battered  corpse  of 
her  unhappy  husband  had  not  even  been  received  by  the 
canons  of  Santa  Croce,  and  having  been  refused  burial  in 
the  Dome,  had  been  laid  in  unconsecrated  ground  near  to 
a  column  in  the  outer  portico ;  remembering  the  many 
benefits  conferred  by  him  on  that  church,  where  his  arms 
had  been  placed  in  sign  of  gratitude,  that  on  the  Feast 
of  St.  Laurence,  the  day  of  his  investiture,  Girolamo  had 
always  made  a  handsome  donation  and  had  promised  to 
remove  the  slaughter-houses  and  women  of  ill-repute  from 
that  neighbourhood,  and  to  enlarge  the  Dome,  Catherine 
was  indignant  "  that  the  wicked  men  who  are  in  the  world  " 
were  capable  of  such  ingratitude.  "  I  put  my  trust,"  she 
said,  "  in  the  Courts  of  Heaven,"  where  he  (her  husband) 
would  be  rewarded  for  the  good  he  had  done  "  and  enter  into 
blessedness." 

She  would  not  even  be  indebted  to  those  canons  for  a 
burial-place,  but  that  night  had  the  body  carried  to  the  Church 
of  St.  Francis,  where  the  coffin  was  deposited  in  the  monks' 
choir  in  a  "  casket  covered  with  black  velvet."  On  the 
following  morning,  which  was  Monday,  May  i,  after  stately 
obsequies,  the  body  was  buried  in  a  large  chapel  of  that 
church,  under  a  monument  in  terra-cotta,  surmounted  by  a 
fine  baldaquin.  But  it  only  remained  there  three  days,  for 
the  Commune  of  Imola  claimed  the  body,  reminding  the 
Countess  "  that  in  case  of  future  trouble,  these  people  of  Forli 
were  capable  of  insulting  Her  Ladyship  by  unearthing  the 
body  and  treating  it  as  shamefully  as  before."  So  that  on 
May  4  the  body  of  the  Count  was  taken  to  the  ancient  Dome 
at  Imola  and  buried  in  the  Riario  chapel.  This  was  destroyed 
at  the  end  of  the  last  century,  when  the  Church  of  San 
Cassiano  was  erected.  The  stone  with  its  Latin  inscription, 
which  had  been  placed  there  in  1558  by  Giulio  di  Galeazzo 
Riario,  nephew   to    Girolamo,  was   then    incrusted   over  the 


i6o  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

door  of  the  sacristy.  An  error  in  the  inscription  places  his 
death  in  1487.  Catherine,  during  the  twelve  years  of  her 
reign,  never  forgave  those  canons,  who,  in  cowardly  sub- 
mission to  the  assassins,  had  repulsed  the  body  of  their 
benefactor,  nor  did  she  ever  again  set  foot  in  the  Dome  of 
Forli. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

CATHERINE'S   VENGEANCE 

On  May  i,  an  edict  was  hung  up  in  the  square,  by  which 
the  Countess,  under  penalty  of  the  gallows,  demanded  the 
restitution  of  everything  that  had  been  plundered  from  the 
palace.  The  citizens  vied  with  each  other  in  their  zeal  to  be 
among  the  first  inscribed  as  having  made  restitution,  so  that 
in  a  few  hours  Catherine  had  recovered  everything  except  that 
which  the  conspirators  had  taken  with  them.  This  was  not 
the  most,  but  the  best. 

In  the   dungeons  and     damp  vaults  beneath  the    towers, 

under  the  feet  of  the  Countess,  radiant  in  her  beauty  and 

triumph,    the  guilty  pined  in  chains,  and,  alas !  with  them 

their  innocent  families.     Sometimes  their  cries  could  be  heard 

in  the  halls  above,  to  the  annoyance  of  Catherine,  the  incarnate 

soul  of  mediaeval  rule,  sentient,  or  choosing  to  be  sentient, 

rather  of  power  in  the  inexorable  duty  of  retribution  than 

of  pity  for  the  vanquished,  who,  on  their  side,  neither  expected 

mercy  nor   mitigation  of  their  punishment.     And,  as  torture 

and  other    penalties  of  the  law  were   a  different  science  to 

that  of  military  slaughter,  it  became  necessary  to  find  a  bargello, 

or  captain  of   myrmidons,  accomplished  in  this  special  art. 

A  certain    Matteo,   surnamed    Babone,  arrived    from    Castel 

Bolognese,  and  to  him  was  confided  the  execution  of  justice. 

"  By  Our  Lady  !    O  reader! "  exclaims  Cobelli,  "to  me  he  did 

not  seem  of  Christian  aspect,  but  a  wild  and  horrible  Turk." 

The  dungeons  were  full,  yet  they  lacked  one  who  could  be 

less  dispensed  with  than  any  other :  old  Orsi,  father  of  the 

l6l  M 


i62  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

assassins.  The  new  bargello  soon  learned  that  he  was  hidden 
at  San  Domenico,  where  the  monks  neither  dared,  nor  were 
able,  to  save  him.  Orso,  "  poor  weeping  mortal,"  was,  with 
every  species  of  insult,  with  a  knotted  rope  round  his  neck, 
spat  upon  in  the  face  and  beaten,  dragged  to  the  citadel  and 
finally  imprisoned  to  await  his  execution.  The  next  to  be 
seized  by  Babone  were  Marco  Scossacarri,  Pagliarino,  nephew 
of  Ronchi,  and  Pietro  Albanese.  The  others  were  sought  for, 
but  had  fled.  Then  as  Madonna  was  to  dine  with  Francesco 
Numai,  and  the  other  traitors  could  not  be  captured,  she  said, 
"Let  justice  take  its  course."  She  ordered  the  Milanese 
troops  to  deploy  in  front  of  the  palace  of  the  podesta.  The 
inexorable  justice  of  the  Countess  became  hourly  more 
terrible  to  the  populace.  Babone  brought  the  victims  from 
the  secret  dungeons  of  the  fort  and  led  them  one  by  one  to 
the  place  of  execution,  where  Cobelli  was  so  much  impressed 
with  the  impending  horror  that  "  he  felt  like  one  lost,"  yet 
has  not  spared  posterity  a  single  one  of  the  sickening  details 
that  made  his  blood  run  cold.^  "  O  reader,"  he  says,  finally, 
"  certes,  they  who  named  that  square  the  Lake  of  Blood,  told 
no  lie  !  " 

On  the  morrow  at  dawn  of  May  2,  the  populace,  summoned 
by  an  edict,  crowded,  bent  on  destruction,  round  Casa  del  Orso. 
Old  Andrea  had  been  dragged  from  the  dungeons  and  with  a 
"  rope  round  his  neck,  unbuttoned,  with  only  a  red  vest  over 
his  shirt ;  with  one  stocking  on,  and  the  other  hanging  in 
rags,  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  he  was  pushed  forward 
by  the  torturers,  and  repeatedly  struck  by  Babone  until  he 
came  in  sight  of  the  ruins  of  his  palace.  I  followed,"  saj's 
Cobelli,  "  to  see  what  they  would  do  with  him." 

Four  hundred  of  the  rabble  were  pulling  down  the  walls 
of  Casa  del  Orso  with  beams,  hooks,  and  pikes — "  the  green 
chamber,  the  beautiful  dovecot,  and  the  little  garden  room 
facing  the  orchard,"  had  been  pierced  with  holes  in  which 
hundk,'s  of  wood  were  now  set  alight.     They  came  down  with 

'  .Sec  pagfs  289-292  of  llic  original,  vol.  i.  Catcriiia  Sforza,  di  Pier  D.sidcrio 
Pasolitii.     Roma,  I^ouschcr. 


CATHERINE'S   VENGEANCE  163 

a  great  crash,  and  Babone  turning  to  Andrea  said — "  O  Orso, 
do  you  see  the  arrangement  of  your  palace?"  And  Orso, 
sighing  deeply,  cried — "  O  accursed  children,  to  what  have  you 
brought  me  !  "  and  then  said  no  other  word. 

Twenty-six  years  later,  in  15 14,  the  Monte  di  Pieta  arose 
on  the  site  of  those  ruins,  where  it  still  stands.  But  to  the 
populace,  that  spot  was  always  known  as  //  Giiasto  degli  Orsi. 

The  unhappy  Andrea,  who  was  eighty-five  years  old,  of 
small  stature,  with  a  fine  head,  and  whose  hands  on  that 
morning  trembled  from  agitation,  was  led  to  the  window  of  the 
palace  of  the  podesta,  whence  according  to  ancient  custom  he 
was  made  to  admonish  the  populace  to  be  wiser  than  he  had 
been  if  they  would  escape  his  fate,  and  ask  them  to  "say  a 
pater-noster  for  his  soul."  But  his  voice  was  so  weak  and  the 
balcony  so  high  that  the  people  could  not  hear  his  words, 
which  were  repeated  by  another.  He  was  then  led  below, 
where  Babone  tied  him  to  a  plank  by  the  feet  and  the  middle, 
leaving  his  head  hanging.  The  plank  was  tied  to  the  tail  of 
a  horse  that  was  driven  three  times  round  the  square  by  hired 
ruffians.  The  horse  was  then  caught,  and  the  mangled  and 
bleeding  body  dragged  under  the  window  of  the  podesta, 
where  it  underwent  the  same  indignities  as  were  practised  on 
the  delinquents  of  the  previous  day.  "  One  of  those  dogs  of 
soldiers  tore  the  heart  from  the  body,  put  his  teeth  to  it, 
and  having  bitten  it  like  a  dog,  threw  it  into  the  square." 
The  fragments  of  the  body  were  cast  about  the  square  and 
only  collected  seven  hours  later  by  a  pitying  hand  and  secretly 
buried  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Mercurial.  This  execution  left 
a  pall  of  gloom  upon  the  terrified  city. 

Babone  pulled  down  more  than  two  hundred  houses, 
chiefly  inhabited  by  artisans,  in  the  suburb  of  Ravaldino,  and 
caught  and  imprisoned  ten  other  victims,  whom  he  hanged 
from  the  battlements  of  the  fort.  It  is  not  clear  what  were 
the  powers  of  Babone,  nor  how  many  of  these  executions 
depended  on  the  personal  will  of  Catherine,  but  it  is  certain 
that  by  her  express  command,  the  women  of  the  House  of  Orsi 
were  treated  with  the  utmost  respect,  and  that  the  day  of 
their  father's  dreadful  execution,  unhappy  but  unharmed,  they 


i64  CATHERINE'S   WIDOWHOOD 

left  the  fort.  The  property  of  the  Orsi  was  neither  confiscated 
nor  given  away.  The  Countess  had  declared  that  she  would 
have  nothing  that  had  belonged  to  them,  and  the  populace 
had  been  limited  to  the  destruction  of  their  palace. 

On  May  3,  the  four  leaders  of  the  army  of  deliverance 
were  invited  to  dine  with  the  Countess  in  the  citadel.  The 
banquet  was  held  in  the  "  fourth  hall,  beginning  from  the 
door  and  going  towards  the  fort."  Ruined  by  time,  and  by 
the  pacific  work  of  a  transforming  civilization,  rather  than  by 
wars,  hidden  by  immemorial  ivy,  are  the  walls  wherein  Cath- 
erine sat  at  table  with  Galeazzo  d'Aragona  Sanseverino, 
Count  of  Caiazzo,  Count  Giovanni  of  Bergamo,  surnamed 
Brambilla,  Rudolph  Gonzaga,  Marquis  of  Mantua,  and 
Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  Lord  of  Bologna,  the  flower  of  Italian 
chivalry.  After  dinner,  the  four  Captains-general  passed 
into  another  hall,  and  Catherine  remained  alone  with  her 
notary,  Francesco  Paladini.  In  obedience  to  an  edict  which 
bade  all  assemble  at  the  eighteenth  hour  to  receive  the  com- 
mands of  Madonna,  great  numbers  had  already  arrived,  who 
were  now  called  and  presented  in  batches  of  twenty-five. 

Catherine  was  seated  in  her  great  arm-chair,  and  before  her 
stood  a  desk,  on  which  stood  a  great  parchment  missal.  The 
notary,  as  the  citizens  were  called,  informed  them  that  they 
had  been  summoned  on  behalf  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  to  make 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Octavian  their  lord,  and  to  Madonna 
Catherine,  his  mother,  Regent  of  the  State.  He  explained, 
in  few  words,  the  duties  and  advantages  of  good  subjects,  and 
the  dangers  and  misfortunes  which  beset  the  disloyal.  Then 
each  passed  before  the  Countess — ever  silent  and  motionless 
in  her  throne-like  chair — and  placing  their  hands  upon  the 
missal,  where  the  great  initial  painted  in  flowers  and  images 
symbolized  the  principle  of  the  Gospel,  made  their  oath  of 
allegiance  to  her.  Thus  Madonna  looked  her  subjects  one 
by  one  in  the  face,  and  one  b}'  one  she  looked  at  those  right 
hands  that  were  to  carry  arins  in  her  defence. 

Then  they  were  conducted  slowly  into  the  other  hall,  where 
tlir-K'-  'dimple  folk  were  amazed  to  find  themselves  thanked  and 


CATHERINE'S    VENGEANCE  165 

praised  in  the  name  of  the  Duke  of  Milan  by  the  Lords  of 
Caiazzo,  Mantua,  Bologna,  and  their  new  governor  ;  great 
princes  and  famous  captains,  who,  with  the  exquisite  courtesy 
of  their  birth  and  time,  deigned  to  assure  them  of  Catherine's 
love  for  her  people,  and  of  the  peace  and  happiness  assured 
to  them  under  her  rule.  In  this  direct  and  familiar  form  of 
government,  every  citizen  felt  himself  close  to  his  sovereign, 
who,  although  she  might  become  formidable,  yet  by  the 
power  of  an  individual  fascination,  bound  them  to  her 
person. 

On  the  same  day,  a  second  edict  decreed  that  all  soldiers 
whose  names  had  not  been  entered  in  the  lists,  should  lay 
aside  their  uniforms,  and  leave  the  barracks,  within  three 
hours.  Madonna,  with  a  love  of  order  and  discipline  that 
was  inherited  by  her  illustrious  son,  Giovanni  delle  Bande 
Nere,  the  first  re-organizer  of  Italian  forces,  refused  to 
recognize  as  soldiers  any  but  those  whose  names  had  been 
regularly  inscribed  and  thus  legally  enlisted. 

On  the  following,  which  was  Sunday,  Catherine  ordered  a 
solemn  procession  from  the  Dome  to  the  fort  "  in  thanks- 
giving to  God,  to  whom  alone  she  owed  her  victory."  To- 
wards evening  the  Countess,  accompanied  by  the  four 
Captains-general,  went  to  the  square,  where,  in  presence  of 
the  assembled  people,  the  ceremonial  of  taking  possession 
was  repeated. 

After  this  act  Catherine  wished  that  there  should  be  peace 
among  her  people.  Arms  might  no  longer  be  carried,  under 
penalty  of  ten  lire  and  three  strokes  of  the  whip,  nor  might 
they  walk  abroad  in  the  city  after  the  great  bell  had  rung, 
with  or  without  light.  She  made  public  that,  henceforward,  no 
more  inquiries  would  be  held,  nor  would  she  listen  to  spies,  nor 
did  she  care  to  know  what  this  or  the  other  may  have  said  in 
the  terrible  days  that  were  past. 

Yet  the  affairs  of  the  recent  disturbances  were  not  all 
settled.  Monsignor  Savelli  and  the  papal  generals  were  still 
imprisoned  in  the  fort,  where  they  had  learned  the  cruel 
fate    of  Andrea    Orsi,   and    trembled    for    their   own.      But 


i66  CATHERINES    WIDOWHOOD 

Catherine  was  not  forgetful  that  Savelli  had  confided  her 
children  to  those  loyal  gentlemen  who  had  saved  their  lives. 
By  means  of  Bentivoglio,  an  exchange  was  arranged  with 
those  prisoners  who  had  been  sent  to  Cesena  from  Forli,  and 
Monsignore  and  his  two  companions  left  the  fort,  with  all 
their  possessions,  on  the  day  of  the  return  of  the  hostages. 

Neither  could  she  forget  the  assassins  who  had  fled,  for 
each  of  whom,  living  or  dead,  she  offered  a  prize  of  looo 
gold  ducats,  the  restitution  of  any  loss  sustained  through  the 
death  of  the  Count  and  the  real  and  landed  estate  of  the 
criminal  who  might  be  consigned  to  her,  with  the  promise  of 
ofifice  or  pension  for  the  rest  of  the  captor's  life. 

Catherine  deemed  the  departure  of  the  Milanese  army  a 
good  opportunity  for  sending  into  exile  the  remaining  guilty 
or  suspected  persons.  Of  the  eight  who  had  governed  the 
city  during  her  imprisonment,  four,  Simon  Fiorini,  Nicolo 
Panzechi  or  Pansecco,  Antonio  Montese,  and  Guido  Orselli 
(the  latter  with  a  son),  were  condemned  to  perpetual  confine- 
ment in  Milan,  after  they  had  been  confronted  with  the 
Countess,  and  listened  to  the  expressions  of  her  indignation, 
in  public  audience,  from  her  own  lips.  Their  property  was 
sequestered,  their  houses  turned  into  barracks,  and  themselves 
sent  under  strong  escort  to  Milan. 

On  May  7,  the  ducal  army  departed  for  Milan,  and  with  it 
Octavian,  whose  mother  wished  the  young  Lord  of  Imola  to 
enter  that  city  under  the  auspices  of  the  four  famous  captains. 

Although  the  Countess  had  repeatedly  said  that  she  would 
have  no  more  to  do  with  the  spies,  nor  suspicion,  nor  condem- 
nations, such  things  still  obtained,  possibly  against  her  will. 
Two  other  accomplices  of  Ronchi  were  sentenced  by  the 
podesta,  another  heavily  fined,  and  another  imprisoned,  while 
a  measure  that  concerned  two  eminent  citizens  occasioned 
unfavourable  comment.  Catherine's  gratitude  to  Capoferri, 
Scrughi  and  Denti,  who  had  saved  her  children,  and  to 
ICrcolani,  who  had  been  instrumental  in  admitting  her  into 
the  fort,  had  been  proved  on  every  available  occasion  since 
her  accession.     Those  members  of  the  Council  of  Eight  who 


CATHERINES    \'ENGEANCE  167 

had  remained  at  Forli  unmolested,  when  their  colleagues  were 
banished,  owed  their  liberty  and  other  immunities,  like  manj' 
other  citizens,  to  the  all-powerful  intercession  of  Capoferri 
and  Serughi.  But  certain  envious  and  malignant  persons  never 
ceased  from  reminding  the  Countess  that,  after  all,  Serughi 
was  a  son  of  a  daughter  of  Andrea  Orsi  and  that  Ercolani 
was  brother-in-law  to  Matteo  Galasso,  for  whose  capture,  alive 
or  dead,  she  had  offered  1000  ducats  ;  also  that  "  blood  will 
boil  without  fire."  At  last  she  was  induced,  under  pretext 
of  providing  Octavian  with  faithful  counsellors,  to  banish 
Serughi  and  Ercolani  to  Imola,  where,  accompanied  by  some 
of  their  relations,  they  established  themselves.  Catherine  had 
later  cause  to  bitterly  regret  a  measure  which  deprived  her 
of  these  faithful  friends. 

Meanwhile,  the  allied  cardinals  who  had  already  befriended 
the  Riario,  sent  the  youngest  representative  of  their  order^ 
Cardinal  Raphael,  to  congratulate  his  aunt,  and  to  offer  her 
moral  support.  He  arrived  on  May  21  at  the  Forlimpopoli, 
where  he  was  met  by  Catherine,  accompanied  by  many  nobles, 
with  whom  he  returned  to  Forli.  On  July  19  he  was  present 
at  the  legal  nomination  of  Catherine  as  guardian  to  her 
children  ;  three  days  later  he  went  to  Imola,  where  he 
abolished  certain  usages  that  were  more  obnoxious  to  the 
people  than  useful  to  the  prince,  and  lowered  the  scale  of 
rent  and  taxation.  While  his  lavish  expenditure,  his  frequent 
appearance  in  public,  his  largesse  and  his  cavalcades  en- 
deared the  government  of  Octavian  to  the  people  of  Imola, 
the  other  cardinals  related  to  Catherine  obtained  from 
Innocent  VIII.  (who  had  been  so  adverse  to  her),  the  invest- 
iture of  the  States  for  Octavian  and  his  heirs.  Catherine 
celebrated  the  happy  event  "  with  the  solemnities  of  bells  and 
fire,"  (illuminations)  on  July  13.  She  would  willingly  have 
associated  this  investiture  with  an  act  of  generosity,  yet  did 
nothing  at  the  time,  lest  it  be  ascribed  to  Cardinal  Raphael, 
who  was  already  so  popular.  But  no  sooner  had  he  departed 
for  Rome  (October  19)  than  she  summoned  the  council  and 
declared  her  desire  to  lighten  the  taxes  of  her  subjects.  An 
edict  was  immediately  "  cried  "  which  lessened  them  by  one- 


l68  CATHERINE'S    WIDOWHOOD 

third,  and  the   council,  not  to  be  outdone,  renounced  part   of 
their  ancient  right  to  a  share  in  the  wheat-tax. 

Early  in  June  Brambilla,  who  had  remained  at  ForH  as 
governor  of  the  city,  perished  in  a  fray  at  Faenza,  whither 
Catherine  sent  him,  with  the  flower  of  her  troops,  to  the 
relief  of  the  widow  and  infant  heir  of  Galeotto  Manfredi, 
its  murdered  lord.^  In  December  of  the  same  year  she 
lost  another  friend  in  Francesco  Sassatelli,  murdered  on  his 
return  to  Imola  after  visiting  Catherine  at  Forli,  to  confer 
with  her  on  her  own  affairs.  Neither  the  perpetrators  nor 
the  cause  of  this  crime  were  ever  discovered.  Catherine,  in 
the  time  that  intervened  between  these  two  deaths,  had 
been  warned  anonymously  that,  unless  she  beheaded  or 
banished  every  member  of  the  families  of  Marino  Orzioli 
and  Bartolomeo  IMarcobelli,  there  would  be  no  peace  for  her 
nor  her  subjects.  But  the  Countess  had  seized  that  occasion 
to  make  a  final  and  official  declaration  that  the  time  of 
suspicion  and  punishment,  of  which  she  was  so  weary,  was 
over.  She  expressed  her  contempt  for  anonymous  calumnies, 
and  added,  that  her  only  thought  henceforward  was  to  con- 
sole her  people  and  lighten  their  burdens.  In  which  she  was 
more  generous  than  prudent. 

^  Francesca  Manfredi  had  been,  under  strong  provocation,  an  accomplice  in  the 
murder  of  her  husband,  but  she  was  a  daughter  of  Bentivoglio,  one  of  Catherine's 
deliverers,  and  therefore  entitled  to  her  support. 


BOOK  V 

A   CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  CASTELLANE  OF  RAVALDINO 

Towards  the  summer  of  1488  a  rumour  gained  credence 
that  Catherine  was  about  to  marry  Antonio  Maria  degH 
Ordelaffi,  a  young,  brave,  and  handsome  gentleman  who  Hved 
in  obscurity  at  Ravenna,  on  a  subsidy  of  three  hundred  ducats 
that  were  paid  to  him  by  the  Signory  of  Venice.  This 
marriage  would  have  strengthened  the  position  of  the  former 
and  present  lords  of  Forli  by  uniting  the  two  houses,  without 
injury  to  the  little  Riario.  Had  not  Catherine  Imola  to 
bestow  on  them  ? 

The  hope  of  this  alliance  formed  the  staple  of  conversation  in 
all  the  inns  and  market-places  of  Forli.  Heavy  wagers  were 
staked,  liveries  and  outfits  ordered,  and  sticks  were  painted 
with  the  combined  arms  of  the  Riario  and  Ordelaffi.  Several 
persons  even  went  to  Ravenna  to  offer  congratulations  to 
Ordelaffi,  who  received  them  with  enthusiasm.  On  the 
22nd  of  the  preceding  April,  Antonio  Maria  had  already 
written  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  that  he  "  had  heard  that  the 
Countess  had  a  mind  to  choose  him  for  her  husband,  so  that 
he  might  avenge  her  wrongs  and  his,"  and  that  he  had 
even  written  her  two  letters  suggesting  this  course.  He 
had  not  entrusted  these  letters  to  messengers,  but  had  tied 
them  to  arrows  that  had  been  shot  into  the  fort.  He  con- 
cluded "with  tears  in  his  eyes "  by  entreating  the  Duke  to 
keep  his  secret. 

These  rumours  exasperated  Catherine,  who  caused  the  most 

persistent   of  their   disseminators    to    be    imprisoned.     One 

171 


172  A   CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

offender  was  only  released  from  the  fort  on  payment  of  a 
heavy  fine,  to  another  four  strokes  of  the  whip  were 
administered  in  the  square.  To  the  fort  went  also  that  Leone 
Cobelli,  whom  we  have  chosen  as  our  faithful  guide,  because, 
as  he  has  often  told  us,  he  went  abroad  on  purpose  to  see 
and  write  of  all  that  happened  at  Forli.  Cobelli,  who,  besides 
being  a  musician  and  historian,  was  a  teacher  of  dancing  and 
painting,  had  recently  painted  many  sticks,  escutcheons,  arms 
and  other  objects,  the  arms  of  the  Riario  being  quartered 
thereon  with  those  of  Ordelafifi.  Catherine  would  have  kept 
him  in  the  fort  but  for  the  intercession  of  Thomas  Feo,  to 
whom,  at  length,  he  owed  his  liberty  and  the  privilege  of 
returning  to  his  old  haunts.  Cobelli,  incensed  by  his  im- 
prisonment, would  have  burned  his  chronicles,  and  thus 
consigned  to  ashes  the  praise  he  had  lavished  on  his  cruel 
lady.  From  this  he  was  prevented  by  friends,  but  the  episode 
turned  her  admiring  historian  into  an  adverse  critic. 

On  the  demand  of  Catherine,  and  on  information  of  the 
annoyance  to  which  she  had  been  subjected,  the  Venetian 
Senate  banished  Ordclafifi  to  Friuli,  where  he  lived  for  ten 
years,  until  they  sent  him  back  to  Ravenna,  in  1498,  to  harass 
the  Countess  and  prevent  her  from  sending  help  to  the 
Florentines  in  their  war  with  Pisa.  She  had,  however,  her- 
self given  rise  to  the  rumours  of  which  she  so  bitterly  com- 
plained. Ordelaffi  had  ever  been  the  enemy  of  her  house;  in 
his  name  conspiracies  had  been  hatched  and  blood  had  flown  ; 
with  him  had  originated  the  conspiracy  of  the  Roffi,  which 
had  been  punished  by  her  earliest  sentences.  Yet  Ordelaffi 
had  paid  long  visits  to  Catherine,  and  had  even  been  her  guest 
at  the  Giardino,  a  villa  she  possessed  near  to  Imola. 

Thither  went  Catherine  in  October  of  that  year  to  superin- 
tend the  building  of  her  new  sanctuary  of  the  Piratello.  She 
was  {^receded  by  her  children,  who  were  received  with  the 
honours  due  to  their  rank  by  Giovan  Andrea  of  Savona, 
castcllanc  of  the  fortress.  When,  a  few  days  later,  the  Countess 
crossed  the  city  and  halted  at  the  Rocca,  the  castcllane 
refused  to  admit  her.  Catherine  threatened  and  insisted  in 
vain,  the  draw-bridge  was  not  lowered  nor  the  door  opened. 


THE    CASTELLANE    OF    RAVALDIXO  173 

At  last  she  was  permitted  to  enter,  but  with  only  five  or  six  of 
her  suite.  P^aithful  to  the  memory  of  Count  Girolamo,  the 
rumour  of  her  intrigue  with  Ordelaffi  had  aroused  the  indig- 
nation of  this  castellane  who  believed  her  to  be  capable  of 
handing  over  the  fort  to  Ordelaffi, 

Catherine,  smarting  under  the  humiliation  she  had  endured 
in  the  presence  of  the  whole  population  of  her  own  city,  sent 
a  courier  to  summon  her  nephew.  Cardinal  Raphael,  from 
Rome.  On  his  arrival,  seven  days  later,  the  castellane  sub- 
mitted to  Catherine,  who  established  her  right  to  the  fortress. 
Accompanied  by  the  cardinal  and  her  children  she  went  in 
state  to  the  Piratello,  but  according  to  ancient  popular 
tradition  she  and  her  maids  of  honour  were  barefoot. 

On  February  1,1490,  the  magistracy  complained  to  Catherine 
that,  since  the  exile  of  the  Jews,  money  was  not  obtainable 
on  any  security ;  immediate  steps  were  therefore  necessary. 
Catherine  praised  their  zeal  and  sympathized  with  their 
embarrassment ;  then  with  an  air  of  virginal  candour,  repeated 
to  them,  word  for  word,  the  objections  they  had  raised  when 
she  and  Girolamo  had  suggested  the  erection  of  a  Monte  di 
Pietd.  The  Countess,  when  she  had  sufficiently  diverted  her- 
self with  the  confusion  of  the  members  of  council,  who,  to 
their  mortification,  recognized  their  own  words  in  her  discourse, 
changed  her  tone  and  consented  to  the  admission  of  eight 
citizens  to  the  council  who  were  experienced  in  such  matters. 
In  the  name  of  the  Countess  and  the  council,  a  rich  Jew  of 
Bologna  was  invited  to  Forli,  where,  the  council  having  given 
security  for  his  capital,  he  accordingly  established  himself. 

Hearing  that  much  blood  had  been  shed  at  Imola,  Catherine 
sent  eighty  Light  Horse  to  the  governor,  Guglielmo  dal 
Todesco,  who  enforced  peace  among  the  families  of  Tartagni, 
Calderini  and  Vaini,  and  maintained  it  by  the  exile  of  one 
Giulio  Mercati,  who  had  begun  the  feud  by  wounding  a 
Tartagni. 

Thomas  Feo  had  so  ably  defended  Ravaldino  that  he  began 
to  look  upon  the  fort  as  his  own,  while  Catherine  "  wished  to 


174  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

be  free  to  nominate  or  dismiss  her  castellane."  She  had 
never  yet  succeeded  in  ridding  herself  of  any  of  them.  In 
the  case  of  Thomas  Feo,  the  difficulty  was  increased  by  his 
relationship  and  personal  merit.  She  therefore  gave  him  her 
half-sister  Bianca  to  wife,  with  a  dowry  of  15,000  gold  ducats, 
in  the  hope  that  a  young  wife,  bred  in  pleasure  and  luxury, 
would  induce  him  to  leave  of  his  own  accord,  sooner  than 
condemn  her  to  a  seclusion  that  was  almost  imprisonment. 
For  a  castellane  could  never  leave  his  post. 

But  Tommaso,  obstinate  as  ever,  stayed  in  the  fort,  and  as 
before,  was  lord  and  master  therein.  Evil  tongues  averred 
that  Catherine's  efforts  and  the  castellane's  obstinacy  might  be 
ascribed  to  a  love-affair  between  the  Countess  and  his  younger 
and  handsomer  brother  Giacomo,  whom  she  wished  to  install 
in  his  place.  It  was  added  that  she  had  already  married  him 
in  secret,  lest  she  should  lose  the  guardianship  of  her  children 
and  the  regency  of  the  State.  The  relations  of  the  castellane 
to  his  Lady  were  apparently  unchanged.  One  morning  the 
Countess,  accompanied  by  Octavian  and  Giacomo,  entered  the 
fort,  and  leading  Tommaso  away  from  the  others,  she  invited 
him  to  inspect  with  her  the  new  gardens  she  was  laying  out 
towards  Bertinoro.  They  walked  together  for  a  long  time,  and 
Catherine's  words  became  ever  kinder,  while  with  sweet  voice 
and  look  she  held  the  bewildered  castellane  spell-bound.  It 
was  about  the  fourteenth  hour,  and  the  heat  was  intense.  They 
sought  the  shade  of  a  fig-tree  and  ate  some  of  its  fruit.  Tom- 
maso's  eyes  were  riveted  to  the  face  of  his  beautiful  sister-in-law. 

When  Catherine  felt  assured  that  he  would  follow  and  obey 
her,  she  graciously  asked  the  castellane  to  lend  her  his  arm  to 
her  chamber,  which  at  that  time  was  situated  outside  the  fort. 
The  castellane  was  taken  by  surprise,  he  became  taciturn, 
hesitated  .  .  .  and  refused.  But  Catherine's  entreaties  were  so 
flattering,  she  moved  forward,  yet  cast  a  glance  behind  her,  that 
Feo  followed  in  her  steps.  They  crossed  the  whole  length  of  the 
gardens,  and  then  climbed  a  winding  stair  that  led  to  Catherine's 
apartment,  she  in  front,  and  Feo  following  in  her  steps. 

No  sooner  had  his  foot  crossed  the  threshold  of  the  ante-room 
than  two  iron-glovcd  hands  seized  and  held  him.     The  voice 


THE    CASTELLANE    OF    RAVALDINO  175 

of  Giovanni  Ghetti,  captain  of  the  great  tower  by  the  gate, 
said — "You  are  the  prisoner  of  Madonna  the  Countess;  fear 
no  harm."  With  these  words  he  was  deprived  of  his  sword. 
The  desperate  cries  of  Feo  brought  a  servant, — who  had 
followed  him, — and  who  afterwards  narrated  what  he  had 
seen  in  the  garden,  to  his  rescue.  When  his  master  was 
imprisoned,  he  ran  to  the  fort,  swam  across  the  moat,  where 
a  friend  gave  him  a  hand,  and  both  climbed  up  to  the  loaded 
cannon  and  pointed  them  towards  Catherine's  window,  in  the 
belief  that  she  was  murdering  Feo,  A  ball  passed  over  her 
head  without  even  causing  her  to  start.  Tommaso  was  placed 
under  strict  guard  in  the  tower  by  the  gate. 

Catherine  then  summoned  Giacomo,  informed  him  of  what 
had  happened  (which  he  knew),  and  offered  him  his  brother's 
post.  Giacomo  was  seen  to  blush  (for  which  he  had  good 
reason), and  heard  to  refuse,  but  none  of  those  present  believed 
in  his  sincerity.  He  enlarged  on  the  loyalty  with  which  his 
father  and  uncle  had  served  the  Riario  ;  if  a  taint  of  treachery 
were  discovered  in  Tommaso,  he  could  no  longer  look  his  Lady 
in  the  face. 

The  Countess  reassured  him  ;  she  meant  no  harm  to  Tom- 
maso, but  circumstances  obliged  her  to  change  castellanes. 
Giacomo  at  last  consented,  on  condition  that  his  brother  should 
depart  unmolested  and  in  honour,  "so  that  none  might  speak 
lightly  of  him,  in  the  fort  or  in  the  town."  Catherine  pro- 
vided him  with  a  guard  of  honour  of  forty  Horse  as  far  as 
Bologna,  whence  he  and  his  young  wife  proceeded  to  Savona. 
Catherine  soon  recalled  them  to  Forli  ;  later  she  appointed 
Thomas  Feo  Governor  of  Imola,  where  his  gentle  wife  died 
and  was  buried  in  1496,  mourned  by  the  people  to  whom  she 
was  known  as  the  *'  Mother  of  Orphans."  Catherine  wrote  her 
own  version  of  the  dismissal  of  Tommaso  to  the  Dukes  of 
Ferrara  and  Milan  ;  the  latter  sent  an  envoy  to  Catherine  with 
congratulations  and  an  order  of  knighthood  for  Giacomo  Feo. 

Catherine's  joy  in  the  honours  and  elevation  of  her  favourite 
confirmed  the  rumour  that  she  was  secretly  married  to  him. 
Cobelli    relates    that   a   son    was   born    to   them    on    whom 


176 


A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 


Catherine  conferred  knighthood.  "  There  was  murmuring  in 
the  city  "  which  reached  the  ears  of  Madonna,  who  sent  for  a 
poor  old  man  named  Maestro  Sante  di  Sole,  and  asked  him 
how  he  dared  to  spread  the  report  "  that  this  child  of  Messer 
lacomo  Feo  is  my  child  ? "  This  the  poor  man  denied,  but 
Cobelli  accuses  Catherine  of  "  finding  a  false  witness,"  to 
whose  testimony  Maestro  Sante  owed  a  whipping  of  which 
he  died.  "  And  many  were  hanged  for  the  same  cause." 
Cobelli,  who  was  now  Catherine's  enemy,  is  more  trustworthy 
when  he  describes  Giacomo  Feo — 

"  Many  and  many  a  time  have  I  seen  this  lacomo,  brother 


THE    MIRACLE    OF    THE    FOWLS. 


Fresco  in  the  Church  o/ Sa?i  Girolatiio  at  Forli.     Among  the  figures  aix  represented 
Catherine,  her  husband,  her  son  Ottarjio,  and  Giacomo  Feo. 

to  Messer  Tommasino,  come  to  the  palace  of  Count  Girolamo  ; 
since  the  death  of  the  count  I  have  seen  him  in  the  fort 
.  .  .  soberly  attired  and  wearing  a  black  cloak  and  un- 
attended he  went  about  Forli.  He  was  a  youth  of  twenty 
years  or  little  more,  fair,  beautiful,  and  good  to  look  upon. 
Now  when  I'^ortune  beckoned  him,  he  followed,  and  Madonna 
made  a  knight  of  him — Captain  of  all  her  men-at-arms,  vice- 
regent  of  Forli  and  Imola,  so  that  he  may  make  or  mar  as 
if  he  were  indeed  lord.  And  now  when  he  rides  abroad,  it 
is  with    a   goodly    company  a  hundred    strong,  armed  with 


THE    CASTELLANE    OF    RAN'ALDIXO  177 

partisans,  lances  and  pikes.  .  .  .  Truly,  Fortune  has  exalted 
him  into  the  heaven  of  Venus  and  Mars.  .  .  .  There  be  those 
who  say  that  Madonna  has  committed  an  enormity  in  taking 
her  poor  servant  for  a  husband.  Now  I  reply  for  Madonna," 
adds  the  sly  chronicler,  "  '  Noii  a  bello  quelle  che  e  bello,  e  bello 
qucllo  chc  fiaci':''^  and  I  say  that  when  Madonna  saw  Messer 
lacomo  Feo,  young,  handsome,  virtuous,  wise,  honest,  and  apt 
for  her  service,  she  loved  him." 

When  the  castellanc  of  Imola  heard  what  had  befallen 
Tomasso  Feo,  he  resigned  his  post,  lest  he  too  should  fall  into 
Catherine's  nets,  and  left  her  States.  Catherine  replaced  him 
by  Giampictro  Landriani,  the  husband  of  her  mother  Lucretia, 
and  gave  the  place  he  had  vacated  at  Forlimpopoli  to  Pietro 
Landriani,  his  son,  and  her  half-brother. 

The  power  and  favour  of  Giacomo  Feo  soon  became  a 
source  of  envy  and  danger.  He  resigned  his  post  at  Ravaldino 
to  his  uncle  Cesar  Feo,  and  on  September  2  accompanied  the 
Countess  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  her  forces  and  fortresses, 
to  Imola,  and  would  have  followed  her  to  Tossignano  but  that 
Catherine's  coachman  was  killed  in  the  night  during  a  quarrel 
with  a  groom,  so  that  slie  did  not  go  there. 

The  Tartagni  and  Vaini,  with  other  citizens  of  Imola,  had 
meanwhile  conspired  at  Tossignano  to  demand  of  Catherine 
the  surrender  of  that  fortress.  If  the  Countess  refused  to 
surrender,  she  and  Feo  were  to  be  put  to  death.  The  con- 
spirators were  taken  and  confessed  that,  having  heard  of 
dissension  between  Catherine  and  Octavian,  they  had  deter- 
mined to  imprison  the  Countess  and  put  Feo  to  death  lest 
Octavian,  their  rightful  lord,  be  deprived  of  his  own.  The 
castellane  of  Tossignano  and  others  were  unanimous  in 
declaring  that  they  had  intended  to  protect  the  rights  of 
Octavian  against  the  favourite  of  his  mother. 

The  houses  of  the  V^aini  and  I'artagni  were  razed  to  the 
ground,  and  the  conspirators  imprisoned  in  the  dungeons  of 
Ravaldino.  Two  sons  of  the  Tartagni  were  sent  to  the  same 
fortress  as  hostages.  The  podesta  of  Imola  was  summoned 
to  Forli  to  repeat  their  indictment,  which,  after  the  proceed- 

^  Tliat  which  is  bcauliful  is  less  beautiful  lliau  that  whicli  pleases. 

N 


178  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

ings  had  lasted  ten  days,  resulted  in  sentence  of  death. 
Catherine,  however,  who  did  not  choose  that  the  severity  of 
this  punishment  should  be  construed  into  fear  and  lend  im- 
portance to  a  pett}'  conspiracy,  commuted  the  sentence  into 
detainment  at  her  pleasure  in  the  fort.  Enea  Vaini  had 
succeeded  in  escaping  to  Massa  Lombarda,  but  Catherine  nev^er 
rested  until  he  was  caught  and  confined  with  the  others  at 
Ravaldino,  whence  all  were  liberated  some  three  years  later. 
The  moment  seemed,  to  Antonio  Ordelaffi,  opportune  for  an 
attempt  to  regain  his  ancestral  dominions.  But  with  his  usual 
want  of  forethought,  he  omitted  to  murder  a  certain  castellane. 
One  of  his  agents  named  Salumbrini  was  hanged  at  the  Fort 
of  Schiavonia  and  a  man  named  Montanari  was  led  out  to 
execution  in  the  square  and  there  set  free. 

The  condition  of  the  city  and  territory  of  Forli  was  not 
prosperous.  Although  the  land-tax  due  from  the  peasantry  to 
the  council  had  been  lowered, the  peasants  continued  to  seller 
make  mock  sales  of  their  property  to  the  citizens  to  avoid 
paying  it.  Hence  a  diminution  in  the  public  funds  and  the 
necessity  of  new  taxes. 

Catherine,  who  remembered  that  with  the  complaints  of  the 
peasantry  had  begun  the  downfall  of  Count  Girolamo,  made 
personal  inquiries  and  summoned  the  council  to  her  aid.  On 
December  28,  149 1,  she  published  an  edict  which  rendered 
illegal  any  sale  of  peasant  property  at  the  request  of  citizen 
creditors,  but  should  such  sale  be  suggested  to  the  manifest 
advantage  of  the  proprietor,  her  sanction  would  be  needed  to 
legalize  it.  The  burden  of  the  tax  would  remain  attached  to 
the  property,  and  would  pass  from  vendor  to  buyer.  On 
learning  that  several  peasants  had  been  obliged  to  sell  their 
possessions  to  defray  their  debt  to  the  Treasury,  and  that 
many  arti.sans  had  sold  their  working  utensils  to  escape  from 
judicial  exaction,  she  published  a  second  edict  whereby  all  her 
debtors,  whether  in  the  city  or  among  the  rural  population, 
were  sunnnoned  to  ap[)ear  before  her  auditor.  According  to 
the  nature  of  the  debt,  and  especially  according  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  debtor,  they  were  granted  time,  abatement,  or 
complete  remission. 


CHAPTER  XX 

CHARLES  VIII.  IN  ITALY 

Pope  Innocent  VIII.  died  on  July  25,  1492,  and  the 
elevation  of  Cardinal  Rodrigo  Borgia  to  the  Papal  See,  under 
the  name  of  Alexander  VI.,  was  announced  in  August.  This 
event  was  celebrated  in  Catherine's  States  by  three  days' 
illuminations  and  thanksgiving  services  in  all  the  churches. 
Cardinal  Borgia  had  been  vice-chancellor  to  Sixtus  IV.,  and 
a  frequent  guest  at  her  house  in  Rome ;  he  was,  besides,  god- 
father to  her  eldest  son.  The  new  Pope  graciously  received 
Catherine's  envoys,  assuring  them  that  he  would  be  a  father 
to  Octavian,  and  that  Catherine  might  rely  on  him  as  she 
had  done  on  her  uncle  Sixtus.  He  granted  to  the  people  of 
Forli  a  three  years'  jubilee. 

The  handsome  person,  fine  manners  and  personal  fascin- 
ation of  Alexander  VI.  have  been  described  by  Gasparo  da 
Verona,  Porzio,  and  others.  The  Milanese  writer,  Del  Maino, 
praises  the  "noble  aspect,  serene  brow,  regal  expression,  the 
countenance  in  which  were  blended  majesty  and  liberality, 
the  genial  and  heroic  composure  "  of  this  Pontiff,  who  was  in 
reality  both  mean  and  prodigal,  frugal  and  dissolute.  Among 
his  four  sons  was  the  ambitious  Caesar,  soon  to  become  his 
master  and  master  of  the  Church. 

Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  brother  to  Ludovico  il  Moro,  all- 
powerful  at  the  Court  of  Rome  because  of  his  co-operation 
in  the  election  of  Alexander  VI.,  used  his  influence  with 
the  latter  to  alienate  him  from  King  Ferdinand  of  Naples, 

and,  unknown  to  the  Florentines,  to  draw  him  into  a  league 

179 


i8o  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

with  the  Duke  of  Milan  and  the  Venetians.  In  Ma)',  small 
detachments  of  Lombard  troops  passed  through  Romagna. 
"  They  cannot  do  any  harm,"  wrote  the  Florentine  com- 
missioner at  Faenza  to  Piero  de'  Medici,  "  for  between 
Faenza  and  Cesena  is  the  State  of  Forli,  the  Madonna 
whereof  keeps  most  vigilant  guard  .  .  .  not  permitting  a 
single  man  of  them  to  enter  Forli.  Should  such  an  one 
enter,  none  may  house  him  without  forfeiting  his  head." 
He  added  that  Ravaldino  was  amply  provisioned  with 
wheat,  wine  and  wood,  and  rendered  all  but  impregnable 
by  recent  changes  in  its  fortifications.  It  was  common 
talk  that  if  Ludovico  il  Moro  did  not  intend  to  occupy  the 
State  he  would  find  means  to  remove  "  that  Messer  lacopo 
(Giacomo  Feo)  who  governs  it."  ...  At  Imola  they 
guarded  the  square  by  night,  and  fear  prevailed  everywhere, 
"  for  none  knew  what  support  Madonna  could  count  upon 
.  .  .  who,  if  she  be  not  upheld  by  Florence,  doth  stand  alone, 
and  is  therefore  in  great  danger." 

Henceforward  the  history  of  Catherine  becomes  ever  more 
one  with  that  of  Italy,  or  rather  with  that  of  Europe.  Every- 
thing conspired  to  summon  Charles  VIII.  to  Italy,  and 
especially  to  Naples.  His  desire  to  supplant  the  House  of 
Aragon  by  that  of  Orleans,  the  exhortations  of  Alexander  VI., 
transmitted  to  him  by  Cardinal  Julian  della  Rovere,  and, 
above  all,  the  prayers  of  Ludovico  il  Moro,  who,  despite  the 
threats  of  the  Court  of  Naples,  still  persisted  in  governing  for 
his  nephew,  the  Duke  of  Milan  (who  had  wedded  Isabel  of 
Aragon).  He  therefore  resolved  on  an  expedition  by  sea  and 
land.  King  Ferdinand  prepared  his  defences,  and  sought  the 
alliance  of  the  Powers  of  Italy  ;  he  sent  orators  to  Catherine 
who  refused  to  bind  or  compromise  herself;  the  Pope  and 
the  Florentines,  less  circumspect,  did  not  hesitate  to  throw  in 
their  lot  with  the  King  of  Naples. 

In  June,  the  Duke  of  Milan  (or  rather  Ludovico,  who 
governed  for  him)  wrote  requesting  Catherine  not  to  ally 
herself  with  Naples,  but  with  Charles  VIII.,  who  was  about 
to  invade  Italy  with  great  forces  by  sea  and  land.     Catherine 


CHARLES    \'III.    IX    ITALY  iSi 

replied  that  she  did  not  deny  an  interchange  of  courtesies 
with  the  King  of  Naples;  "having  been  for  months  and 
months  without  help  in  the  world."  This  must  be  ascribed  to 
her  isolation,  "not  to  any  desire  to  offend  Your  Excellency, 
to  whose  advice  I  ever  bow." 

Both  the  l^'rench  and  Neapolitan  generals  had  received 
instructions  not  to  advance  until  Catherine  had  declared  her- 
self for  one  side  or  another,  Bernardi  writes  that  all  one  day 
"  the  ambassadors  of  the  opposing  Powers  stayed  with  Her 
Ladyship,  praying  her  that  she  would  ally  herself  with  them." 
But  it  had  been  impossible  for  either  of  them  to  extract  from 
her  a  promise,  a  word,  or  a  sign. 

Cardinal  Raphael  Riario,  being  sent  by  the  Pope  to  pre- 
pare quarters  for  the  troops,  arrived  at  Forlimpopoli.  The 
Countess  went  to  meet  him  with  Octavian,  Giacomo  Feo,  and 
a  company  of  nobles.  She  refused  to  yield  to  his  persuasions 
to  ally  herself  with  Naples,  declaring  that,  for  the  present, 
she  must  remain  neutral,  but  promising  to  inform  him  of  any 
change  in  her  policy  before  acting  upon  it.  With  this  reply 
he  was  obliged  to  return  to  Rome,  while  an  envoy  returned 
to  Forli  who  had  already  been  despatched  by  Catherine  to 
Florence  to  announce  the  state  of  affairs  in  Romagna,  and  to 
keep  her  informed  of  the  strength  of  the  French  and  the 
intentions  of  the  Florentines,  to  whom  she  had  also  declared 
her  neutrality. 

On  the  return  of  this  envoy,  the  Countess  displayed  a 
feverish  energy.  An  edict  commanded  the  rural  population 
to  take  steps  to  insure  their  own  safety,  as  French  and  Nea- 
politan troops  might  any  day  invade  the  country.  The  mer- 
cenaries of  France  encamped  at  Bologna  were  chiefly  Italians 
under  the  command  of  the  brothers  Sanseverino,  These  left 
Bologna  for  Cotignola.  Catherine  then  fortified  the  castles  of 
Imola,  Mordano  and  Bubano,  sending  thither  her  most  ex- 
perienced soldiers  from  Forli  and  Forlimpopoli,  and  recruited 
as  many  others  as  she  could.  The  ambassadors  of  Naples 
and  Milan  again  tried  to  win  her  favour  for  their  respective 
masters,  but  were  courteously  dismissed  by  Catherine,  who 
secretly  summoned   her  councillors,  and  with  them   decided 


i82  A   CLANDESTINE    .MARRIAGE 

on  continued  neutrality  so  long  as  that  should  be  possible. 
If  obliged  to  ally  herself  with  any  one,  she  would  decide  for 
the  King  of  Naples,  who  was  unjustly  attacked. 

On  September  4,  the  Neapolitan  ambassador  returned  to 
Forli,  while  the  Count  of  Caiazzo  (Sanseverino)  sent  his  envoy 
to  persuade  the  Countess  to  side  with  the  French,  Catherine 
resolutely  maintained  her  neutrality,  and  "  Misser  Francesco 
del  Ouartieri,"  like  his  Neapolitan  rival,  "  departed  where  God 
listed,  with  his  trumpets  in  his  bag."  .  .  .  Small  was  the 
State  of  Catherine,  and  meagre  its  resources,  but  the  lustre 
of  her  name  was  such  that  each  party  felt  her  alliance  would 
infuse  new  strength. 

At  last  Giacomo  Feo  was  empowered  to  inform  the  Nea- 
politan ambassador  that  Catherine  espoused  his  cause  and 
the  Pope's.  The  ambassador  had  been  instructed  to  accede 
to  any  proposition  of  the  Countess.  He  informed  Feo  that 
on  the  following  morning  the  Neapolitan  army  would  occupy 
Villafranca.  Feo  returned  with  the  conditions  signed  ;  the 
Countess  dismissed  the  French  envoys,  and  sent  Giacomo 
Feo  to  complete  the  armaments  of  Imola,  Tossignano  and 
Mordano.  Rome,  Naples  and  Florence  agreed  to  contri- 
bute 16,000  ducats  towards  these  expenses.  Pope  Alexander 
characteristically  demurred  to  paying  more  than  a  quarter  of 
this  sum,  saying  that  "  if  he  had  consented  to  pay  a  third  it 
had  not  been  in  spirit,  but  in  words." ^ 

On  September  18,  Giacomo  Feo,  having  completely  forti- 
fied the  territory  of  Imola,  returned  to  Forli,  where  he  was 
ap[)ointcd  Governor-general  and  Vice-regent  of  the  State,  re- 
turning on  the  following  day  with  Octavian,  on  horseback,  to 
Imola.  On  the  23rd,  Dovizi,  surnamed  Bibbiena  (author  of 
the  Calandra),  wrote  Piero  de'  Medici  that  "  to-day  occurred 
the  meeting  of  My  Lord  Duke  (of  Calabria)  with  the  divine 
Madonna  of  T'orli,  and  I  need  not  tell  you  that  His  Excel- 
Icnc}'  was  point  device  and  sumptuously  habited  in  the  Nea- 
pfjlitan    fasiiion.     She  came    to   meet   him   an  arrow's  throw 

'  l-ctlcT  of  I'uctio  I'ucci,  dated  KoiiK-,  August  23,  1494,  to  I'icio  Medici, 
Arch.  Med.  a.  Vx.  I-il/a  X\III. 


CHARLES    \'II1.    IX    ITALY  183 

from  Bagnara,  where  they  were  to  dine.  They  were  together 
two  hours  at  Bagnara,  but  vidcntibus  omnibus,  for  Pheo  will 
keep  her  for  himself.  Ilis  Excellency  returned  well  pleased. 
He  docs  not  care  much  for  the  face,  .  .  .  yet  the  rogue  told 
me  there  had  been  warm  hand-clasps  and  much  flashing  of 
eyes.  ..." 

The  Countess,  accompanied  by  a  single  maid  of  honour, 
had  proceeded  to  Imola,  whence  she  despatched  Thomas  Feo 
as  governor  to  Forli,  pending  more  peaceful  times.  She  then 
came  to  an  unexpected  decision.  The  French  had  taken  the 
little  Castle  of  Mordano,  put  its  heroic  garrison  to  the  sword, 
and  ill-treated  the  villagers  without  regard  to  age  or  sex. 
Catherine,  nothing  doubting,  on  hearing  of  their  approach, 
had  sent  word  to  the  Duke  of  Calabria  to  hasten  to  the  suc- 
cour of  the  two  hundred  brave  men  who  were  fighting  his 
cause.  But  the  Duke,  who  but  a  week  earlier  had  valorously 
attacked  the  French  when  they  were  in  small  numbers,  and 
had  eluded  him,  was  deaf  to  this  appeal  now  that  they  were 
14,000  strong,  although  the  battle  lasted  fifteen  hours,  and 
he  was  near  at  hand. 

Catherine,  betrayed  and  abandoned,  cursed  the  hour  when 
she  had  joined  hands  with  the  enemies  of  the  House  of  Sforza. 
Three  fine  letters  from  her  to  Alfonso  of  Calabria,  Piero  dei 
Medici,  and  the  Marquis  of  Mantua  announce  her  change 
of  policy  and  allies.  She  had  done  her  duty,  and  more, 
"  but  what  had  been  her  reward } "  And  over  the  smoking 
and  blood-stained  ruins  of  Mordano  she  swore  to  leave  the 
treacherous  and  cowardly  allies  who  had  deserted  her. 

The  Duke  of  Calabria  left  Faenza  under  a  dripping  rain, 
and  retired  on  Cesena.  The  Countess,  on  joining  the  French, 
had  stipulated  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  pass  through 
Forli  unmolested.  But  Alfonso,  distrustful  and  chagrined  by 
Catherine's  defection,  went  round  by  the  hills,  devastating 
the  country,  where  he  only  met  with  those  rebellious  peasants 
who  had  disobeyed  Catherine's  edict.  On  the  following  day 
he  liberated  his  prisoners,  and,  still  under  a  heavy  downpour, 
led  his  tired  and  drenched  troops  forward  on  their  disastrous 
march. 


i84  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

While  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Calabria  had  been  distin- 
guished for  their  disciphne  and  general  good  conduct,  the 
behaviour  of  the  French  army  was  deplorable.  To  avoid 
bloodshed  the  Governor  of  Forli  closed  the  gates  of  Forli  to 
them  ;  but  the  French  reappeared  at  the  gate  of  Schiavonia, 
and  threatened  to  scale  the  walls.  The  shopkeepers  fled  in 
terror,  losing  their  money  and  their  goods,  while  one  citizen  was 
wounded  and  another  killed  in  the  confusion.  On  the  following 
days  the  French  ravaged  the  country  round  Forli  and  Ravenna, 
burning,  maiming,  sacking  the  houses  of  the  poor,  whose 
stolen  bedclothes  and  furniture  they  sold  in  the  city  for  the 
price  of  rubbish.  Catherine  wrote  to  the  Governor,  requesting 
him  to  forbid  citizens  to  buy  anything  of  the  soldiers,  and 
commanded  that  persons  who  had  suffered  loss,  or  who  knew 
of  these  thefts,  should  appear  before  the  Governor  to  denounce 
them.  The  Governor  read  a  letter^  to  the  Ancients,  in  which 
the  Countess  deplored  the  persecutions  "  of  these  French,  who, 
albeit  our  friends,  are  bestial  and  lawless,  having  no  respect 
for  their  superiors.  These  I  know  disapprove  of  their  conduct, 
yet  are  powerless  to  hinder  it.  Wherefore  continue  to  keep 
vigil  and  guard,  lest  neglect  entail  greater  public  evil  than 
could  be  measured  by  any  private  loss  of  mine,  who  am  ever 
ready  to  risk  all  my  possessions  and  privileges  for  your  well- 
being,  as  you  will  see,  and  as  is  meet  and  fitting.  Therefore, 
on  your  side,  watch,  labour,  and  doubt  not ;  for  these  troubles 
cannot  last  many  days."  As  the  French  still  persisted  in 
attempting  to  scale  the  walls  of  Forli,  every  gate  was  closed 
except  that  of  Ravaldino,  the  approaches  to  which  were 
guarded  by  armed  citizens,  bands  of  whom  enrolled  them- 
selves in  each  parish.  Thomas  Feo — whom  Bernardi  de- 
scribes as  "night  and  day  on  guard,  in  a  coat  of  mail,  with 
a  stout  club  in  his  hand,  giving  great  blows  to  those  French, 
without  respect  to  persons,  for  in  truth  they  swarmed  up  the 
walls  like  cats  " — was  foremost  among  the  defenders  of  P'orli. 
Several  leaders  went  to  the  fort  to  ask  the  Governor  and 
council    f(ir    ])rfn'isions,   who    replied    that   it  was  difficult   to 

'  .See  p.  347,  vol.  i.  of  Calcriiia  Sforza,  dl  Pier  DtsUcri.i  Pasjlini.  Koma, 
l^ocschcr. 


CHARLKS    \'III.    IX    ITALY  185 

supply  the  wants  of  an  army  that  sacked  the  country  and 
paid  no  one.  The  French  captains  rephed  that  their  king 
did  not  sanction  such  violence,  and  guaranteed  the  security  of 
the  mills,  provided  the  commune  would  purvey  the  army. 
The  Count  de  Ligny  ordered  all  his  soldiers  to  evacuate  Forli 
under  penalty  of  the  gallows. 

On  the  i8th,  Charles  VIII.  entered  Florence,  and  instructed 
D'Aubigny  to  cross  the  Apennines,  and  to  join  the  other 
French  division  which  was  concentrating  in  Tuscany.  When 
Catherine  heard  that  the  departure  of  the  French  was  fixed 
for  the  23rd  she  returned  to  Forli  to  entertain  the  generals 
(among  whom  were  D'Aubigny,  Ligny,  the  Lords  of  Carpi 
and  Mirandola,  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  and  the  two  Sanse- 
verino).  They  were  amazed  at  the  splendour  of  the  banquet, 
and  declared  that  they  had  never  seen  nor  imagined  a  woman 
to  be  compared  with  Catherine.  Catherine  made  use  of  this 
admiration  in  favour  of  her  beloved  Giacomo  Feo,  on  whom 
King  Charles,  who  was  encamped  at  Siena,  conferred  the 
rank  of  a  Baron  of  France. 

Catherine's  existence  now  became  complicated  by  anxiety 
for  her  brother,  whose  days  were  numbered,  and  the  necessity 
of  temporizing  with  her  uncle,  who  continued  to  usurp  his 
power.  When  Charles  VIII.  had  recovered  from  the  small- 
pox, which  had  detained  him  at  Asti,  he  went  to  stay  with 
Giovanni  Galeazzo,  Duke  of  Milan,  at  his  Castle  of  Pavia. 
The  beautiful  and  unfortunate  Isabel  of  Aragon — to  the 
extermination  of  whose  house  King  Charles  had  been  sum- 
moned to  Italy — cast  herself  weeping  at  the  feet  of  the  King, 
and  Charles  had  left  Pavia,  touched  by  her  tears,  but  unable 
to  console  her  by  any  promise.  On  arriving  at  Piacenza  with 
the  Moro,  on  October  20,  he  learned  that  the  Duke  of  Milan 
was  dead. 

Documentary  evidence  is  not  wanting  to  contradict  the 
contemporary  rumour  that  Ludovic  poisoned  his  nephew,  but 
it  cannot  defend  his  action  in  supplanting  his  nephew's  heir, 
and  in  causing  himself  to  be  proclaimed  Duke  by  the  terror- 


i86  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIACIE 

ized  citizens.  The  unhappy  Isabel,  with  her  four  children, 
was  interned  in  the  Castle  of  Pavia. 

Ludovic,  in  announcing  her  brother's  death  to  his  niece 
Catherine,  added  that  the  citizens  "  had  entreated  him  to  be 
pleased  to  assume  the  burden  of  being  their  Lord." 

Catherine  could  not  venture  on  direct  recrimination,  but 
many  of  her  letters  betray  a  repulsion  that  may  not  always 
be  attributed  to  political  causes.  Outwardly,  she  was  con- 
strained to  mark  the  assumption  of  Ludovic  with  rejoicing 
and  the  customary  illuminations  and  ringing  of  bells  at  Imola 
and  Forli. 

The  coronation  of  Ludovic  was  fixed  for  ]\Iay  20.  Cather- 
ine's envoy  conveyed  to  him  at  the  same  time  her  congratula- 
tions, and  her  entreaty  that  she  might  not  be  coerced  in 
co-operating  in  the  war  with  P'rance,  which  the  Moro,  now 
in  league  with  the  Pope  and  Venetians,  was  contemplating, 
Charles  VIII.  had  seized  Naples  without  laying  hand  to  his 
sword.  "  For  no  man  had  shown  his  face  to  him  .  .  .  they 
all  fled  like  vile  effeminates  ;  and  the  King  of  Naples  and  his 
son,  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  took  to  flight  without  waiting  to  be 
chased,"  writes  Cobelli ;  "  and  Ludovic  having  made  himself 
Duke  of  Milan,  he  feared  that  if  the  King  of  France  assumed 
the  crown  of  Naples,  he  would  become  Lord  and  Emperor  of 
Italy,  Then  it  was  that  the  Lord  Ludovic,  Duke  of  Milan, 
wrote  to  the  Pope  and  the  Signory  (of  Venice)  that  these 
French  were  so  puffed  up  with  prfde  that  they  were  capable 
of  supplanting  all  the  princes  of  Italy,  whom  it  therefore 
behoved  to  provide  .  .  .  ct  cetera  .   ,  ."^ 

It  was  in  v^ain  that  Ludovic,  by  means  of  Francesco  Ouar- 
tieri,  persuaded  Catherine  to  adhere  to  the  side  espoused  by 
Milan,  rather  than  to  I'lorence,  which,  in  his  opinion,  was  too 
much  divided  against  itself,  owing  to  discord  in  the  House 
of  Medici,  to  be  of  help  to  other  States.  Catherine's  sym- 
pathy with  r'lorcnce,  and  her  regret  for  the  death  of  Lorenzo 
the  Magnificent,  "the  like  of  whom  could  not  be  reproduced 
by  Nature, "  were  unceasing.     The  Moro  would  have  preferred 

'  Cobelli,  p.  3OS. 


CHARLKS    \-III.    IN    ITALY  187 

to  find  in  Catherine  a  docile  and  unquestioning  ally,  while 
Catherine  would  neither  renounce  the  support  of  the  House 
of  Sforza,  nor  her  personal  policy.  She  was  then  buoyed  up 
by  faith  in  the  Pope.  "The  Pope,"  she  said,  "will  do  more 
for  me  than  I  could  ask  of  him  :  would  that  it  were  so  with 
those  of  my  blood." 


CHAPTER   XXI 

THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   (ilACOMO    FEO 

Catherine,  in  the  midst  of  danger  from  within  and 
without,  had  succeeded  in  securing  and  pacifying  her  Httle 
State,  which  seemed  compact  of  order,  civic  concord,  and 
reverent  love  for  the  sovereign  Lady.  But  the  worm  was  at 
the  core.  The  secret  correspondence  of  a  Florentine  commis- 
sioner with  Piero  de'  Medici  gives  some  insight  into  the  domestic 
life  of  Catherine  under  these  precarious  conditions.  Bello  da 
Castrocaro,  sent  by  Puccio  Pucci  from  Faenza  to  Forli,  to 
question  the  Countess  as  to  the  passage  of  some  Milanese 
troops,  was  admitted  to  her  presence.  Her  youthful  lover,  in 
a  scarlet  satin  coat  with  a  short  cloak  of  cloth-of-gold  negli- 
gently thrown  across  his  shoulders,  was  seated  on  a  window- 
sill.  Near  to  him  sat  Catherine  on  a  "  cathedra,"  or  heavy 
wooden  chair,  wearing  a  loose  gown  of  white  brocade  with  a 
black  scarf     "  In  beauty,  they  were  like  two  suns." 

On  that  day,  some  soldiers,  a  page  of  Catherine's  and  one 
of  Messer  Jacopo  had  tilted  and  fenced  for  their  amusement. 
Catherine's  page  had  been  victorious  until  the  end,  when  the 
other  had  ovcrpow^ered  him,  and  "  Maestro  Lazaro,  hebreo,  who 
was  prodigiously  learned  in  surgery,  had  been  summoned  to 
mend  his  head,  arm,  and  leg."  l^cllo  was  graciously  received 
by  the  Countess  on  another  occasion,  but  always  in  the 
presence  "(jf  Messer  Jacopo,  without  whose  presence  she  will 
not  .speak;  indeed  what  Madonna  says  is  cither  confirmed,  or 
the  reverse,  by   Messer  Jacopo."     In   discussing  the  current 

subjects  of  the  hour  they  had  both  expressed  an  opinion  that 

iSS 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    CJACOMO    FEO  189 

all  the  soldiers  who  came  from  Lombardy  to  Romagna  were 
sent"  to  drive  away  Messer  Jacopo."  But  both  Catherine  and 
Giacomo  were  prepared  to  face  extermination;  "Madonna 
would  see  her  subjects,  her  children  and  her  chattels  buried, 
and  they  will  give  their  souls  to  the  devil  and  the  State  to 
the  Turk,  sooner  than  abandon  each  other." 

And  woe  to  Bello  if  he  had  betrayed  this  conversation  to 
another  than  the  Florentine  commissioner !  She  would  have 
sought  him  to  the  world's  end  and  had  him  cut  to  pieces. 

In  another  letter  to  Piero  Medici,  Pucci  writes  that — "  The 
Fort  is  in  the  hands  of  Messer  Jacopo,  whose  uncle  is  castellane 
thereof,  and  Madonna  may  not  enter  the  Fort  unless  she  is 
unattended  ...  all  the  money  and  revenues  pass  through 
the  hands  of  Messer  Jacopo ;  he  pays  the  soldiers,  rides 
abroad  with  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  a  reigning 
sovereign,  and  all  appeals  are  received  and  replied  to  by  him. 
This  Jacopo  is  so  hated  at  Rome  and  Milan,  that,  while 
his  power  lasts,  Catherine  will  be  obliged  to  lean  on  the 
Florentines  and  their  allies,  for  there  be  none  other  whom  she 
can  trust.  A  catastrophe  is  imminent,  and  one  of  these  three 
things  cannot  fail  to  happen :  either  Catherine  will  assassinate 
her  lover,  the  lover  will  assassinate  Catherine  and  her  children, 
or  Octavian,  who  appears  to  be  a  lad  of  spirit,  will,  on  coming 
of  age,  put  his  mother  and  her  lover  to  death.  ...  If  therefore 
Messer  Jacopo  has  the  wit  with  which  he  is  credited,  he  will 
provide  his  own  salvation  without  waiting  for  Octavian  to 
reach  man's  estate." 

This  letter  bears  the  date  of  May  25,  1493. 

The  fire  smouldered  under  ashes  for  two  years  longer, 
during  which  Giacomo  Feo  became  more  odious  to  many, 
foremost  among  whom  were  the  Marcobelli  and  Orcioli,  who 
had  earned  the  Countess's  gratitude  by  the  part  they  had 
played  in  her  restoration,  so  that  they  became  almost  masters 
of  the  State  and  of  herself.  They  cherished  a  mortal  hatred 
of  her  favourite.  Feo,  conscious  of  their  envy,  most  scrupu- 
lously avoided  giving  them  offence,  hoping  to  appease  them 
by  dint  of  prudence  and  affability,  but  they  had  become  as 


I90  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

powerful  as  the  Orsi  under  Count  Girolamo,  so  that  their 
ill-feehng  could  not  long  remain  secret.  At  Forlimpopoli,  in 
the  presence  of  Cardinal  Raphael,  the  Orcioli  had  so 
vehemently  abused  Feo  that  the  Countess,  who  could  not 
feign  ignorance,  was  obliged  to  imprison  them  in  the  Castle  of 
Brisighella.  Her  affection  for  them  was  so  great  that  she 
soon  recalled  them,  and  as  a  proof  of  renewed  confidence, 
sent  one  of  them  to  Forlimpopoli  to  intercept  the  inroads  of 
the  Neapolitan  troops. 

The  Orcioli,  who  came  out  of  prison  with  renewed  hatred 
of  Feo  and  the  determination  to  remove  him,  were  soon  in 
league  with  the  Marcobelli.  A  former  servant  of  the  Orcioli, 
now  in  the  service  of  Feo,  kept  them  informed  of  his  move- 
ments, but  their  first  attempt  on  his  life  at  Santa  Croce 
miscarried. 

The  cloud  thickened,  the  storm  threatened,  but  Feo  kept 
guard  on  himself,  and  the  bolt  did  not  fall,  though  Catherine's 
position  became  daily  more  painful  and  precarious.  All  her 
pride  and  courage  had  not  availed  to  save  her  from  becoming 
completely  subject  to  the  caprices  of  her  lover  in  matters 
public  or  domestic.  She  screened  them  as  best  she  could,  but 
felt  herself  at  fault  and  dared  not  murmur  ;  her  children,  no 
less  enslaved  and  victimized  than  their  mother,  were  sore  and 
rebellious  at  heart.  None  could  cross  her  threshold  without 
a  thrill  of  abysmal  horror.  The  astute  Florentine  had 
divined  the  approaching  crisis. 

Octavian,  now  sixteen,  was  surrounded  by  zealous  partisans 
who  fanned  the  flame  by  representing  Feo  as  an  arrogant 
intruder  whose  undue  influence  had  sullied  and  alienated  his 
mother;  they  reminded  him  he  was  the  prince,  the  real  head 
of  the  State  ;  it  was  time  to  be  up  and  doing.  One  day  that 
Feo  had  provoked  him  beyond  the  ordinary  bounds,  the  boy 
retorted  with  all  the  venom  that  embittered  him,  and  Feo 
struck  him  in  the  face.  Catherine  stood  by  and  shuddered  ; 
her  bosom  heaved  and  her  eyes  shone  with  unshed  tears,  but 
she  dared  not  speak.  I  low  could  she  defend  her  son  against 
her  lover  ?  She  was  conscious  of  her  fault,  degraded  and 
ill  at  ease. 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    dACOMO    FEO  igr 

Her  other  children  and  her  guards  were  present:  there  was 
angry  silence ;  the  fatal  spark  had  reached  the  mine. 

Gian  Antonio  Ghetti,of  Imola,  an  armour-bearer  to  Octavian, 
presented  himself  in  the  name  of  Catherine's  children  to  the 
Orcioli  and  Marcobelli,  to  gain  their  support  against  Feo, 
whom  he  had  helped  to  supplant  his  brother  at  Ravaldino, 
but  who  had  refused  to  pay  what  he  owed  him.  "You  will 
never  succeed  in  touching  him,"  he  said  to  these  implacable 
enemies  of  the  favourite.  "I  must  make  an  end  of  it.  If  you 
are  willing,  I  will  kill  him  for  you.  .  .  ." 

He  enlisted  the  services  of  a  relative,  Domenico  Ghetti;  his 
friends,  the  Mazzolani,  lent  him  an  active  peasant  who  was 
no  novice  in  such  matters,  and  he  had  a  trusty  servant  who 
was  an  expert  in  them.  They  were  joined  by  Filippo 
dalle  Selle  of  Bologna  and  Don  Domenico  da  Bagnacavallo 
and  Don  Antonio,  surnamed  Pavagliotta,  two  priests  of  evil 
fame,  who  were  easily  persuaded  that  their  services  would  be 
acceptable  to  Cardinal  Raphael  Riario  and  to  Octavian  in 
delivering  the  unhappy  Countess  from  the  usurper. 

It  was  August  27,  1495.  The  Countess,  with  her  daughter 
Bianca  and  some  of  her  women,  was  returning  in  her  chariot 
from  the  chase,  at  the  hours  of  vespers.  She  was  followed  by 
her  sons,  Octavian  and  Caesar,  by  Giacomo  Feo,  and  a  great 
number  of  equerries  and  men-at-arms  ;  a  joyous  party  laden 
with  spoil  and  singing  merry  songs.  The  traitors  had  secreted 
themselves  behind  the  Bogheri  Bridge.  Gian  Antonio  Ghetti 
came  forward  to  meet  Giacomo  Feo,  who  threw  him  a  familiar 
"  How  goes  it,  Gian  Antonio,  where  do  you  come  from  ? " 
"  Well,  well,  my  Lord."  And  while  the  traitor  said  these 
words,  his  serv^ant  speared  Feo  through  and  through.  Then 
Gian  Antonio  fell  upon  him.  "Alas!  I  am  a  dead  man!" 
cried  the  poor  knight.  Don  Domenico  seized  his  horse  by  the 
bridle  and  dragged  it  to  the  church  of  St.  Bernard  where  the 
two  priests  fell  upon  him  until  he  dropped  from  the  saddle. 
"O  Lord!  O  Madonna,  I  am  murdered  !"  cried  the  victim, 
while  the  assassins  struck  him  across  the  face.  They  dragged 
the    unhappy   Feo,  mutilated    beyond    recognition,   but    still 


192  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

living,  and  threw  him  into  a  pit,  where,  says  Bernardi,  "  the 
poor  captain,  praying  the  Eternal  to  forgive  him  his  sins,  gave 
up  the  ghost." 

As  soon  as  Catherine  heard  the  noise,  she  turned,  and,  as  if 
she  had  divined  the  horrible  occurrence,  sprang  from  her 
carriage,  and  leapt  on  to  a  soldier's  horse.  She  fled,  followed 
by  Caisar  and  Octavian,  to  the  citadel.  But  her  sons,  feeling 
they  might  be  regarded  as  accomplices,  did  not  dare  to  enter 
it  with  their  mother,  and  took  refuge  under  the  roof  of  Paolo 
Denti.  The  men-at-arms,  equerries  and  servants  had  vanished, 
terrorized.  Two  onl}^  of  the  suite  had  turned  and  perceiving 
what  had  happened,  had  bravely  returned  to  the  bridge.  They 
were  Francesco  Tomasoli  of  Forli  and  Bartolomeo  Martin- 
engho.  Tomasoli  struck  a  blow  at  Ghetti,  who  was  unhurt, 
because  of  his  coat  of  mail.  He  turned  calmly  to  his  two 
assailants  saying,  "That  which  we  are  doing  is  done  by 
command  of  Madonna  and  the  Lord  Octavian." 

Tomasoli  and  Martinengho,  amazed  b}'  this  reply,  were  no 
less  surprised  when  they  beheld  the  two  priests  dyed  with  the 
blood  of  Feo,  who  confirmed  what  had  been  said.  And  when 
the  latter  cried  "  Octavian  !  Octavian  !  "  they,  believing  that 
they  were  empowered  to  act  and  to  cry,  raised  their  voices  in 
unison  with  those  of  the  assassins.  Soon  these  voices  were 
blended  with  the  cries  of  the  populace;  and  a  great  crowd, 
headed  by  the  conspirators,  poured  into  the  square,  to  the 
cries  of  "  Caterina  !  Caterina  !  Ottaviano  !  Ottaviano  !  " 

The  news  spread  throughout  the  city,  from  every  corner  of 
which  citizens  poured  into  the  square.  "  People,  people  of 
P^orli!"  roared  the  assassins;  "come  forth!  we  have  already 
killed  that  traitor  who  was  Giacomo  Feo!  Forth!  Come 
forth  !  "  Catherine's  auditor  heard  the  cries  from  the  palace. 
He  came  out  and  was  met  by  Ghetti,  who  boldly  accosted 
him,  saying  that  in  obedience  to  the  Countess  and  Octavian, 
he  had  been  obliged  to  put  P'eo  to  death. 

Tiie  auditor,  who  as  inspector  of  police  was  well  versed  in 
Court  mysteries,  asked  himself  whether  Catherine  had  been 
driven  to  this  desperate  step  to  free  herself  from  a  position 
that  was  incomi);itil)Ic  with  her  sovereign  and  maternal  duties. 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   GIACOMO    FEO  193 

...  In  such  a  position  as  hers  the  dreadful  fact  was  not 
inadmissible.  The  auditor  would  neither  sanction  nor 
punish  without  the  Regent's  instructions.  .  .  He  accordingly 
slipped  through  the  crowd,  and,  beckoning  to  a  son  of  the 
notary  Aspini,  bid  him  fly  to  the  citadel  to  acquaint  the 
Countess  with  the  connnunication  imparted  to  him  by  Ghetti 
and  the  tenor  of  the  people's  cries. 

The  youth  returned  with  the  news  that  the  Countess,  in 
despair  at  the  murder  of  her  lover  and  rage  at  the  audacious 
calumny  of  the  murderers,  demanded  instant  and  condign 
vengeance.  Catherine's  wishes  could  not  have  tallied  more 
completely  with  those  of  the  auditor,  who  had  never  lost  sight 
of  Ghetti.  He  sprang  upon  him  and  seized  him,  crying, 
"  Accursed  traitor,  what  have  you  told  me  .'' "  and  as  Ghetti 
struggled  to  free  himself,  he  added,  "  Hold !  liar,  hold  ! 
Come  to  Madonna  in  the  Fort !  "  Ghetti  shook  himself  free. 
"  A  hundred  ducats  in  the  name  of  Madonna  to  him  who  will 
deliver  to  her  or  prove  that  he  has  killed  Gian  Antonio 
Ghetti  !  In  the  name  of  Madonna  the  Countess  !  A  hundred 
ducats !  "  cried  the  auditor,  while  Ghetti  tried  to  disappear  in 
the  crowd.  Don  Antonio,  Filippo  dalle  Selle,  and  Bernardino 
Ghetti  gained  the  walls  and  leapt  from  them  ;  Don  Domenico 
hid  himself  in  a  chest  in  the  house  of  his  brother-in-law  ;  and 
covered  with  wounds,  Gian  Antonio  Ghetti,  followed  in  his 
desperate  flight  by  the  crowd,  was  struck  dead  by  a  blow  that 
cut  his  head  in  two,  close  to  the  loggia  of  the  Dome,  by 
Bernardo  Mangianti.  "  He  had  lost  all  human  semblance," 
writes  Cobelli,  who,  "  being  in  the  square,  had  run  in  haste  to 
see."  A  little  later,  he  says  that  he  entered  the  church  of 
the  Black  Flagellants,  whither  some  pious  persons,  having 
recovered  the  mangled  body  of  the  late  Vice-regent  from  the 
pit  by  the  bridge,  had  conveyed  it.  "  And  there  I  saw  Messer 
lacomo  Feo  dead, on  a  bier.  Oh!  the  pity  and  the  cruelty  of 
it  !  Oh,  reader,  certes  I  never  saw  the  like  of  that  face  that 
had  been  so  beautiful.  It  looked  like  a  pomegranate  that  had 
been  torn  open  and  hacked.  I  could  not  refrain  from  weeping, 
remembering  him  so  fair  and  white  and  clean,  who  now  lay 
hideous  in  his  clotted  blood,  wrapped  in  his  bedraggled  coat 


194  A   CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

of  cloth-of-gold.  .  .  Never  had  man  been  feared  as  was  this 
man,  at  Forli.  .  ." 

That  night  Catherine  sent  word  to  Thomas  Feo,  who  had 
resumed  his  post  at  Imola,  that  his  brother  had  been  murdered, 
and  requested  that  his  sisters  be  sent  from  Imola  and  Bologna 
to  Forli  .  .  .  also  "that  the  house  of  Antonio  da  Ghia  (Gian 
Antonio  Ghetti)  be  destroyed  and  his  wife  (once  a  favourite 
and  favoured  woman  of  the  Bed-Chamber  to  Catherine),  his 
children,  and  any  of  his  relations  they  could  lay  hands  upon, 
be  put  to  death."  According  to  Cobelli,  who  herein  differs 
from  the  Sassatelli  and  other  Imolese,  who  had  their  own 
reasons  for  blackening  her  memory,  this  order  did  not  emanate 
directly  from  Catherine.  One  relative  of  Ghetti's  was  hanged 
and  afterwards  quartered  at  Imola  ;  the  unhappy  Avife  of 
Gian  Antonio,  the  beautiful  Rosaria,  was  dragged  to  the  Fort 
of  Forli,  and  there,  with  her  two  little  children,  thrown  down 
a  spiked  well. 

On  the  evening  of  the  28th,  pending  the  arrival  of  the 
invited  mourners,  the  body  of  Giacomo  Feo  was  quietly 
transferred  to  the  church  of  San  Girolamo,  where  a  temporary 
monument  was  erected.  In  the  square  a  great  catafalque 
supported  a  bier  covered  with  cloth-of-gold  and  surrounded 
by  many  torches.  At  the  hour  of  vespers  on  the  following 
day,  thirty  crosses — followed  by  the  religious  of  their  various 
orders,  each  bearing  a  torch — were  carried  into  the  square. 
The  magistrates,  with  their  wives,  proceeded  to  the  fort  to 
attend  the  Countess's  guests. 

The  first  to  leave  the  fort  Avas  Paolo  dall'  Aste,  the 
bishop's  vicar,  in  whose  suite  were  Scipio,  natural  son  of 
Count  Girolamo  and  Bernardino,  the  son  of  Catherine  and 
Feo,  five  years  old,  who  had  been  re-named  Charles  in  grati- 
tude to  the  King  of  France  for  making  his  father  a  baron. 
Then  came  the  auditor  of  the  Countess,  followed  by  the 
magistracy,  the  gentlemen  of  Catherine's  household,  the  rela- 
tives of  Giacomo,  his  sisters  with  the  noble  ladies  of  Forli, 
the  ladies  and  maids-of-honour  of  the  Countess,  twelve  pages 
clad    in    mourning  and   three  others   in   gold   and   silver,  on 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   GIACOAIO   FEO  195 

superbly  caparisoned  horses,  one  of  whom  carried  the  sword 
and  gold  spurs,  another  the  helmet,  and  the  third  the  cuirass 
of  the  dead  knight.  In  this  order  the  cortege,  with  a  great 
number  of  men-at-arms  in  gorgeous  liveries,  entered  the 
church,  where,  after  solemn  obsequies,  Fra  Ludovico  of  Forli 
pronounced  an  oration  in  praise  of  the  deceased.  On  the 
following  day,  Catherine  notified  to  her  subjects  that  Giacomo 
Feo  had  been  her  legitimate  consort. 

The  body  of  Gian  Antonio  Ghetti  was  hung  to  a  pole 
under  an  archway  of  the  palace.  Don  Domenico  da  Bagna- 
cavallo  was  taken  from  the  shelter  of  his  brother-in-law's 
house,  and  was  tortured  by  fire  until  he  revealed  the  names 
of  his  accomplices  and  the  motive  of  the  conspiracy,  into 
which  he  had  been  inveigled  by  Ghetti's  statement  that  the 
Countess,  the  Lord  Octavian,  and  the  Cardinal  Raphael 
wished   Feo  to  be  put  to  death. 

To  this  Catherine  replied  that  the  Riario  had  never  been 
traitors,  neither  had  the  Sforza  been  known  to  hire  assassins, 
when  they  wished  to  rid  themselves  of  a  man.  The  punish- 
ment of  the  wretched  priest  would  therefore  be  of  a  nature 
to  prove  how  the  Riario  loathed  treachery.  It  is  certain 
that  had  Catherine  chosen  to  rid  herself  of  Feo  he  would 
have  disappeared  in  the  fort  and  never  more  been  heard 
of,  but  would  not  have  been  assassinated  in  a  street.  If 
Catherine's  revenge  passed  all  bounds,  some  of  its  excesses 
may  be  ascribed  to  her  determination  to  wipe  out  this 
calumny.  In  avenging  Girolamo,  Catherine  did  not  pass 
the  bounds  of  the  justice  of  her  day.  Now  she  was 
no  longer  a  sovereign  with  the  murder  of  her  consort  to 
avenge,  but  a  woman  hardened  by  the  habit  of  command, 
of  bloodshed  and  strife,  a  woman  maddened  to  fury  by  the 
assassination  of  her  lover,  turning  like  a  tigress  on  his 
murderers  and  their  kin,  revelling  and  exulting  in  their  blood. 
The  names  of  the  Marcobelli  and  Orcioli  were  conspicuous 
in  the  long  list  of  the  priest's  accomplices ;  Catherine's 
amazement  at  their  ingratitude  lent  a  new  zest  to  her 
revenee. 


196  A   CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  priest's  trial  by  the  podesta  the 
wretched  man  was  handed  over  to  a  brutal  executioner  named 
Mongiardini,  who  stripped  him  and  tied  him  by  the  feet  to 
a  horse's  tail  and  thus  dragged  him  to  the  bridge  where  Feo 
had  met  his  fate,  and  thence  to  the  square,  where  the  soldiers, 
tired  of  chasing  the  horse,  battered  out  what  life  remained 
in  him,  while  with  his  last  breath  he  muttered  words  of 
penitence  and  prayer.  His  body  was  strung  up  under  the 
arch  where  hung  that  of  Gian  Antonio  Ghetti.  His  house 
and  that  of  his  brother-in-law  were  sacked,  and  Giacomo 
dalle  Selle,  his  two  sons,  and  the  sons  of  Filippo  dalle  Selle 
(the  latter  had  escaped)  cast  into  the  dungeons  of  Ravaldino. 

Mongiardini  and  his  myrmidons  knocked  at  the  door  of 
Bernardino  Ghetti,  brother  of  Gian  Antonio,  who  had  escaped, 
took  his  wife  and  three  children  in  his  stead  and  thrust  them 
into  the  dungeons.  Mongiardini  then  learnt  that  a  child  of 
five,  belonging  to  Gian  Antonio,  was  still  in  charge  of  his 
nurse ;  he  ferreted  him  out,  dragged  him  to  the  fort  and 
there  "  immediately  cut  his  neck."  ^ 

On  the  same  morning  of  the  28th  an  edict  was  proclaimed 
ordering  those  who  harboured  conspirators  or  their  property 
to  give  them  up  to  justice,  under  penalty  of  the  gallows. 
A  few  hours  later,  to  the  blare  of  trumpets,  a  second  edict 
promised  a  thousand  gold  ducats  and  the  possessions  of  the 
captive  to  him  who  brought  one  of  the  assassins,  alive  or 
dead.  The  public  crier  had  no  sooner  read  their  edict,  when 
a  beautiful  girl  was  dragged  into  the  fort ;  she  was  the 
paramour  of  Don  Pavagliotta  with  whom  were  three  of  the 
profligate  priest's  children.  "  They  were  immediately  put  to 
death,"  says  Cobclli,  "  as  also  the  children  of  Filippo  dalle 
Selle,"  and  it  was  rumoured,  "two  children  of  the  House  of 
Orso,"  who  had  been  taken  after  the  murder  of  Count 
Girolamo,  The  executioners  had  forced  the  Regent's  hand  ; 
the  punishment  outstepped  the  offence. 

Pietro  Bosi  and  Giovanno  Caroli  (the  latter  master  of  the 
pantry  to  Catherine)  were  implicated  and  thrown  into  chains, 
and    Don    l\'ivMgliotta  was  captured    between   Ravenna  and 

'  Cobclli. 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF    GIACOMO    FEO  197 

F'errara,  subjected  to  torture  until  he  denounced  the  innocent 
with  the  guilty  and  then  put  to  death  with  the  same  horrible 
refinements  of  cruelty  to  which  Don  Domenico  had  been 
subjected. 

The  Marcobelli  had  imprudently  remained  at  Forli.  Two 
of  them  perished  in  a  scuffle  with  their  jailers  that  nighty 
and  a  third,  named  Agostino,  was  grievously  wounded.  The 
Countess,  who  heard  cries  of  "  Ottaviano  !  Ottaviano  !  " 
from  her  apartments,  asked  the  meaning  of  these  sounds 
at  that  hour.  She  appeared  distressed  by  the  occurrence^ 
and  ordered  that  every  care  be  taken  of  Agostino.  This 
benevolence  was  not  extended  to  other  members  of  the 
family,  for  soon  afterwards  his  prison  was  shared  by  his 
brother  Francesco.  The  sumptuous  houses,  large  properties 
and  lucrative  warehouses  of  the  Marcobelli  and  Orcioli  were 
stripped  and  sequestrated,  and  the  proceeds,  which  amounted 
to  a  considerable  fortune,  "  given  to  whom  Madonna  chose. "^ 
The  women  of  these  families  were  hunted  from  their  empty 
houses  by  the  auditor. 

Caglianello,  castellane  of  Schiavonia,  a  former  dependent 
of  Cardinal  Raphael  Riario,  with  whom  he  was  known  to 
have  been  in  correspondence,  Pietro  Bosi,  and  Fra  Ilario,. 
once  tutor  to  Catherine's  sons,  were  imprisoned.  The  latter 
was  liberated,  but  not  before  he  had  been  so  dislocated  by 
torture  that  he  went  on  crutches  ever  after.  Catherine  does 
not  appear  to  have  interfered  with  the  liberty  of  public 
opinion  ;  the  only  persons  who  suffered  punishment  for  it 
were  a  peasant  who  had  said,  in  a  shop,  that  the  conspirators 
were  unwise  in  sparing  Catherine  when  they  killed  Feo,. 
and  another  who,  at  an  inn,  had  dilated  on  the  grounds  the 
conspirators  might  have  had  for  killing  the  Countess.  They 
were  imprisoned  for  inciting  their  hearers  to  sedition  ;  one 
survived  his  punishment  and  was  ultimately  liberated,  the 
other  died  of  the  damp  and  stench  of  the  dungeon  into  which 
he  had  literally  been  thrown. 

Catherine  had  fought  the  murderers  of  Girolamo,  for  and 
with  her  children,  but  in  the  death  of  Feo  she  must  have 
felt  they  had  a  hand.     They  had  sought  refuge,  away  from 


198  A   CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

her,  under  the  roof  of  Paolo  Denti,  the  populace  had  fawned 
on  them,  paid  homage  to  them,  carried  them  to  the  palace 
and  there  again  acclaimed  them  rightful  lords.  Two  days 
passed  before  Catherine  sent  for  them,  and  the  people  of 
Forli  seized  this  occasion  for  what  would  now  be  terined  a 
demonstration.  Indignant  with  Catherine,  they  surrounded 
her  children — who  were  led  trembling  to  the  fort,  as  into 
the  lion's  den — determined  to  protect  them  against  their 
mother,  to  show  them  to  her  and  to  lead  them  in  safety  to 
the  city.  But  the  draw-bridge  was  let  down,  the  great  door 
opened  and  vomited  a  body  of  foot  soldiers,  armed  to  the 
teeth  and  covered  with  shining  armour  who  charged  the 
howling  and  retreating  populace.  When  the  people  stopped 
the  soldiers  came  up  with  them  and  cleared  the  way  with 
their  pikes  to  where  the  young  lords,  surrounded  by  their 
most  zealous  partisans,  stood  :  they  were  hurried  into  the 
fort  like  prisoners  of  war,  while  the  populace  from  whom 
they  had  been  torn,  continued  to  raise  piercing  cries.  Then 
the  cannon  roared  and  the  frightened  crowd  rushed  back  to 
the  city.  Soon,  in  every  house  and  inn  at  Forli  the  Countess 
was  slandered  as  a  woman  and  accursed  as  a  ruler.  When 
night  fell,  the  dungeons  and  secret  places  of  the  fort  were 
filled  with  poor  wretches  who  had  been  captured  by  force 
or  strategy.  Scipio,  natural  son  of  the  late  Count,  raised  his 
voice  in  protest  against  these  cruelties,  for  which  he  was 
thrown  into  a  dungeon,  where  he  languished  in  chains  for 
eighteen  months.  Lamed  and  ruined  in  health,  he  left  his 
prison  to  take  service  with  Catherine's  enemies,  the  Venetians. 
Catherine  realizing  that  the  blow  struck  at  Octavian  had  cost 
Feo  his  life,  confined  the  former  in  the  fort.  He  was  her 
eldest-born  and  the  head  of  the  State,  but  she  chose  to  avenge 
her  lover  without  let  or  hindrance.  All  Romagna  trembled, 
neighbouring  Powers  shuddered  with  horror,  the  Milanese 
Orator  wrote  from  Bologna  that  he  could  not  but  grieve 
"  that  so  much  infamy  be  attributed  to  the  Countess  of 
Imola,  .seeing  that  .she  is  of  the  House  of  Sforza."  And 
I'opc  Alexander,  hitherto  not  prone  to  scruple,  lost  faith  in 
C".ithcrine.     "His   Holiness,"  wrote  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza, 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    GIACOMO    FEO  199 

"wonders  and  sorrows  that  she  should  venture  to  attack  a 
cardinal  and  chamberlain  (Cardinal  Raphael  Riario,  who  had 
helped  to  save  the  State  for  herself  and  her  children;  of  the 
Holy  See,  thinking  perhaps  thereby  to  justify  the  unheard- 
of  bloodshed  committed  within  the  last  few  days  to  satisfy  a 
passion  which,  had  she  rightly  governed  herself,  she  should 
have  buried."  This  hecatomb  brought  no  peace  to  Catherine, 
who  could  never  forget  that  the  blood  of  innocent  children 
had  mingled  with  that  of  the  guilty.  From  the  blood  of 
the  first  victims  a  kind  of  vapour,  that  blinded  the  sight, 
unhinged  the  brain  of  those  who  decreed,  pronounced,  and 
executed  sentence,  would  seem  to  have  arisen.  The  subter- 
raneans of  Ravaldino  were  turned  into  abodes  of  lamentation 
and  death  ;  the  hall  where  the  podesta  examined  prisoners 
rang  with  the  clank  of  instruments  of  torture  and  the 
desperate  cries  of  the  victims  ;  the  air  was  polluted  by  the 
stench  of  burned  and  scalded  flesh. 

Small  wonder  if  the  voices  and  phantoms  of  the  victims 
robbed  Catherine  of  her  sleep,  and  that  in  the  watches  of 
the  night  she  was  heard  to  call  upon  the  children  of  Orso  ! 


CHAPTER    XXII 

CATHERINE   AND    LUDOVICO    IL   MORO 

Towards  the  end  of  1495  Catherine  sent  troops,  under 
Achilla  Tiberti  of  Cesena  and  Cicognano  of  Castrocaro, 
against  Guidoguerra,  Count  of  Chiaggiolo,  from  whom  they 
took  Castelnuovo,  Tudoranno,  Molino  Vecchio,  Cosercoli,  and 
other  castles  which  he  had  taken  from  the  Archbishop  of 
Ravenna.  The  Venetians  sent  troops  to  recapture  Castel- 
nuovo, to  the  amazement  of  Catherine,  who  wrote  the  Milanese 
Orator  in  Bologna  that  she  marvelled  "they  should  so  doggedly 
attack  a  petty  castle,  and  for  its  sake  utter  such  threats,  that 
were  I  of  a  fearsome  nature,  I  should  have  died  of  them  .  .  . 
perchance  to-day  they  give  battle,  but  they  need  not  think 
to  win  it  with  a  cry  of  their  stradiotti."  Catherine,  having 
made  her  protest,  handed  the  useless  castle  over  to  the 
pontifical  president  at  Cesena,  saying  that  it  was  more  the 
Pope's  affair  than  hers  to  impede  the  progress  of  the  Venetians 
in  Romagna,  and  that  to  the  protector  of  her  family  and  the 
god-father  of  Octavian  she  made  a  free  gift  of  Castelnuovo. 
Of  this  the  president  took  no  notice,  while  the  castellane, 
possibly  bribed  by  the  Venetians,  surrendered  to  them. 

In  that  same  year  Catherine's  troops,  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  Venice  and  liologna,  repulsed  Octavian  Manfredi, 
who  had  been  liberated  by  Charles  VIII.  after  six  years' 
imprisonment  at  Pisa.  With  the  help  of  Vincenzo  Naldi  and 
the  men  of  Valdilamone,  Octavian  Manfredi  attempted  to 
depose  his  cousin  Astorrc,  Lord  of  Faenza  (a  minor,  then 
betrrjthcd  to  Catherine's  daughter,  Bianca).     Naldi  was  pur- 

200 


CATHERINE   AND    LUDOVICO    IL   .MORO  201 

sued  as  far  as  Brisighclla,  where  his  property  was  laid  waste, 
and  Octavian,  poor  and  friendless,  retired  to  Florence. 

In  1496  Bernardi,  among  other  phenomena,  records  a  rain 
of  stones,  five  of  which  he  saw  in  the  palace  of  the  Lord  of 
Valdinoce,  who  sent  a  fragment  of  one,  weighing  a  pound 
and  a  half,  as  a  present  to  Catherine.  On  these  stones  the 
learned  and  the  astrologers  wrote  many  dissertations.  The 
year  was  otherwise  memorable  for  floods  that  carried  away 
bridges,  winds  that  unroofed  towers,  famine  and  pestilence 
which  the  Countess  alleviated  as  far  as  in  her  lay.  She  also 
embellished  the  fort  by  a  beautiful  park  and  partly  destroyed 
the  official  palace,  so  that  she  need  no  longer  look  upon  the 
walls  wherein  her  first  husband  had  met  his  death  and  she 
had  been  a  prisoner  of  his  assassins. 

The  chiefs  among  them  died  in  exile  within  a  few  months 
of  each  other :  Checco  Orsi  as  chief  officer,  and  Ludovic  as 
Podesta  of  Camerino,  it  was  rumoured  of  poison,  with  their 
wives,  children  and  remaining  relatives.  "  It  would  have 
been  much  better  for  them,"  remarks  Bernardi,  "  had  they 
not  taken  the  trouble  to  assassinate  the  aforenamed  Count, 
for  then  had  they  died  in  their  beds.  .  .  ." 

Astorre  Manfredi,  the  boy  Lord  of  Faenza,  had  accepted 
the  Venetian  Protectorate,  in  virtue  of  which  the  Signory 
agreed  to  pay  him  8000  ducats  yearly  and  to  defend  his 
State.  The  Countess  wrote  to  Ludovic,  Duke  of  Milan, 
that  the  Venetian  Resident  was  "  so  haughty,  it  seemed  as  if 
there  were  no  lord  but  he  ...  he  cared  for  nothing  but  to 
capture  the  good-will  of  the  populace."  Fortunately  the 
castellane  was  of  another  mind.  Although  not  afraid  of  the 
enmity  her  words  might  provoke,  she  prayed  the  Duke  not 
to  mention  either  herself  or  her  letters  to  the  Venetians.  A 
council  summoned  by  the  resident  had  determined  on  re- 
moving Astorre  and  the  seat  of  Government  to  the  palace, 
the  official  residence  of  the  resident,  "to  which  the  Lord 
Astorgio,  albeit  a  child,  would  not  consent."  Yet  the  die 
was  cast,  and  the  Venetian  wife  of  the  castellane  would  end 
in  persuading  him  to  retire  in  favour  of  a  Venetian  patrician, 
and  the  Signory  would  appoint  one  of  their  own  captains  at 


203  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

Val  da  Lamone.  In  this  manner  the  Venetians  would  absorb 
the  State  (of  Faenza).  Catherine  did  not  think  the  Floren- 
tines had  any  designs  on  Faenza,  but  had  promised  herself 
to  be  vigilant  on  behalf  of  her  future  son-in-law,  "  who  stood 
to  her  as  a  son." 

Astorre  sent  an  account  of  his  grievances  to  Venice,  and 
the  Signory  replied  that  despite  their  resident's  urgent  request, 
he  might  remain  in  the  fort — the  matter  of  the  castellane 
was  still  under  consideration.  This  question  Catherine — 
persuaded  that  an  enemy  of  Astorre  would  be  appointed — 
held  to  be  very  grave,  for  his  guardians  had  prohibited  his 
removal  from  the  fort  during  his  minority,  and  the  young 
lord  had  declared  that  nothing  but  force  would  induce  him 
to  leave  the  fort. 

Catherine  wrote  again  that  the  Venetians  were  "  ill-dis- 
posed towards  that  castellane,  and  that  the  resident  was  lying 
in  wait  to  play  him  a  trick  against  which  there  would  be  no 
redress.  And  this  castellane  was  the  key  to  everything  .  .  . 
it  avails  not,  in  such  danger  as  this,  to  send  Astorre's  envoy 
to  Venice.  .  .  ."  She  could  not  sufficiently  impress  on  the 
Duke  "that  the  Venetians  hanker  after  what  is  ours."  That 
morning  the  Podesta  of  Ravenna  had  come  to  dine  at  a 
sanctuary  on  her  territory  on  his  way  to  Castelnuovo,  which 
they  had  taken  from  her  last  winter.  .  .  .  Although  it  was 
but  a  paltry  place,  the  Venetians  "  had  their  arms  painted  on 
it  ,  .  .  and  would  hold  and  fortify  it."  At  the  same  time 
they  were  intriguing  to  obtain  possession  of  the  State  that 
had  belonged  to  Guidoguerra  ...  "to  extend  their  posses- 
sions to  these  our  hills.  Now  I  submit  to  your  judgment," 
the  Countess  added,  "that  if  they  be  careful  of  these  hovels, 
how  much  more  eagerly  will  they  set  their  minds  to  things 
of  real  iini)ortance  ? " 

Meanwhile  the  house  of  Giovanni  Bentivoglio,  Lord  of 
Bologna,  had  become  a  den  of  robbers  in  which  Catherine's 
enemies  from  Rome  and  elsewhere  conspired  against  her. 
Yet  she  wrote  her  uncle  that  she  was  comforted  and  of  good 
cheer,    knowing    lliat    the    ducal    orator    had    expressed    his 


CATHERINE   AND    LUDOVICO    IL    .MORO  203 

master's  displeasure  to  Bentivoglio.  Though  she  confided  in 
the  Duke's  protection,  she  was  constantly  pre-occupied  by  the 
inimical  attitude  of  the  Lord  of  Bologna.  "  I  accept  the 
counsel,  given  me  by  Your  Lordship,  which  is  in  every  way 
worthy  of  your  wisdom  and  goodness,  not  to  follow  the 
example  of  others  in  avenging  my  wrongs,  but  rather  to 
forgive  them.  Be  therefore  assured  that  had  I  not  been  more 
than  once  provoked  and  harried  beyond  measure,  I  would 
have  tolerated  this  last  occurrence  as  I  have  done  before  many 
times  ;  scd  furor  fit  sacpius  laesa  paticntia,  and  the  not  resent- 
ing so  many  injuries  would  encourage  the  wicked  in  evil 
doing,  .  .  .  Still  I  w^ill  so  far  restrain  myself  as  the  conduct 
of  others  may  permit  me  to  lean  rather  towards  forgiveness 
than  vengeance.  .  .  ." 

She  dared  no  longer  write  to  the  ducal  orator  at  Bologna 
on  the  subject  of  Faenza,  for  there  were  not  wanting  fresh 
proofs  of  Bentivoglio's  ill-will.  A  mere  ne'er-do-weel,  who 
had  run  away  for  debt,  had  offered  to  reveal  to  her  the  names 
of  persons  who  betrayed  her  trust  in  them  ;  she  thought  this 
a  silly  fact  in  itself,  yet  a  proof  of  bad  feeling.  .  .  .  She  had 
learned  from  Trachedini  that  Bentivoglio  complained  of  her. 
It  might  well  be  that  months  ago,  under  provocation  from 
Bentivoglio,  she  had  said  that  she  would  give  shelter  to  the 
Malvezzi  who  had  conspired  against  him.  Worse  things 
might  happen.  Yet  she  had  not  done  it.  .  .  .  "  They  com- 
plain of  words  w'ho  would  not  have  me  complain  of  deeds." 
She  had  not  entertained  any  of  his  enemies,  yet  he  had 
received  the  Broccardi  and  Vaini,  exiled  by  her,  and  those 
who  had  conspired  against  her  person  ;  "  my  words  are  sins 
against  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  their  deeds  are  venial.  .  .  ." 

The  letter  of  gravest  import  is  dated  March  27,  1496. 
Bentivoglio  had  intimated  to  Duke  Ludovic  that  the  Countess 
had  sent  persons  who  were  in  her  confidence  to  murder 
Giovanni  Battista  de  Broccardi  at  Bologna.  "  I  will  not  deny 
the  truth,"  replied  Catherine  to  her  uncle's  queries.  "  If 
Messer  Giovanni  hath  naught  but  hate  for  me,  some  people 
there  are  who  love  me,  and  knowing  that  man  to  be  con- 
spiring against  my  life,  under  the  roof  of  Messer  Giovanni, 


204  A   CLAXDESTIXE    MARRIAGE 

many  of  my  trusty  ones  came  to  me  offering  to  deliver 
Broccardi  ■  into  my  hand,  alive  or  dead.  I,  having  been 
offended  by  him,  and  desiring  to  have  him  in  my  power,  to 
the  confusion  of  my  enemies,  did  not  refuse  either  offer, 
which  I  confess  to  have  been  ill  done,  as  Your  Excellency 
says.  .  .  .  But  this  should  be  matter  for  small  marvel  to 
Messer  Giovanni,  an  he  remember  that  I  am  composed  of 
the  same  elements  as  himself,  who  hath  persecuted  those  who 
offended  him  less  grievously  than  did  Broccardi  me  .  .  . 
even  in  holy  places.  We  all  feel  our  own  grievances,  where- 
fore he  should  cease  to  wonder  if  one  day  it  be  understood 
that  I  am  not  dead." 

On  April  9  Catherine  wrote  the  Duke  that  she  "had  done 
her  utmost  to  live  on  neighbourly  terms  with  Messer  Giovanni 
Bentivoglio":  "Your  Excellency  is  aware  how  willingly  I  con- 
sented to  become  related  to  him  (Astorre  Manfredi,  betrothed 
to  Bianca  Riario,  was  grandson  to  Bentivoglio).  Why  should 
he  conspire  with  Cardinal  San  Giorgio  (Raphael  Riario)  for 
my  ruin  .'  Why  lend  himself  to  intrigues  to  depose  me  ?  I 
will  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  him,  either  as  a  kinsman 
or  in  any  other  capacit)',  and  will  henceforward  show  myself 
to  him  as  he  is  to  me,  doubting  not  that  when  his  ears  have 
been  sufficiently  pulled  by  Your  Excellency,  he  will  no  longer 
interfere  with  me  iior  mine.  And  I,  unless  I  be  provoked, 
will  not  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  others." 

]3ut  how  could  she  avoid  being  entangled  in  the  affairs  of 
others.''  Her  neighbour's  houses  were  on  fire.  In  the  pre- 
ceding July,  the  Tiberti  of  Cesena  had  stirred  up  a  tumult 
in  the  town.  "Yesterday,"  wrote  the  Countess  to  the  Duke 
of  Milan,  "they  hanged  the  house-steward  of  the  Archbishop 
of  Aries  and  helped  Guidoguerra  to  capture  the  old  fort,  to 
the  cry  of  '  Chicsa,  CJiicsa  !  '  "  Of  this  the  Countess  hastened 
to  inform  the  Pope  (being,  as  she  said,  the  better  able  to 
gauge  events  that  were  happening  so  near  to  her),  and  as  he 
was  in  great  danger  of  losing  Cesena  .she  added  that  it 
behoved  him  to  take  immediate  measures.  She  concluded  : 
"I   have   no  other  end    in   appealing  to   Your    Holiness   but 


CATHERINE    AND    LUDOVICO    IL    MORO  205 

the  immense  zeal  and  affection  I  bear  to  Holy  Church,  and 
especially  to  the  person  and  honour  of  Your  Holiness,  of 
whom  I  have  ever  been,  and  shall  remain  to  my  life's  end, 
the  devoted  daughter  and  servant." 

In  August  Pope  Alexander  sent  the  Archbishop  of  Aries 
to  restore  order  at  Cesena,  asking  for  the  co-operation 
of  Catherine  and  her  neighbours  against  Guidoguerra  and 
other  disturbers  of  the  peace.  Catherine  replied  that,  "hold- 
ing as  We  do  this  Vicariat,  I  will  do  all  that  is  possible, 
promptly  and  willing!}'."  She  knew  not  what  would  happen 
next ;  Guidoguerra  was  then  mining  the  New  Fort.  Mean- 
while he  had  quarrelled  with  the  Tiberti,  "  who  hitherto  had 
been  as  one  with  him,"  and,  suspecting  them  of  designs  on 
his  life,  had  slain  a  chief  of  their  party,  while  his  people  had 
killed  seven  others.  The  Tiberti  had  retired  to  the  fort,  and 
their  houses  had  been  sacked. 

One  night  the  Martinelli  of  Cesena  assailed  a  castle  of 
the  Tiberti,  took  it,  with  the  wife  and  children  of  Messer 
Polidoro  (Tiberti),  and  threatened  to  turn  the  whole  brood 
out  of  Cesena.  "  The  Tiberti,"  wrote  Catherine  to  Ludovic, 
"  have  ever  been  devoted  to  me  and  my  State."  Seeing 
that  the  quarrel  between  the  two  families  was  not  com- 
plicated by  the  intervention  of  "principalities  and  powers," 
Catherine  had  permitted  some  of  her  soldiers  to  side  with 
the  Tiberti,  who  were  joined  by  those  sent  by  the  Duke  of 
Urbino,  and  the  castle  was  besieged.  The  besieged,  failing 
the  succour  they  expected  from  the  Lord  of  Rimini,  sur- 
rendered on  condition  that  all  aliens  within  the  walls  should 
leave  with  a  safe-conduct.  Some  of  the  Martinelli  with  their 
braves  threw  themselves  unconditionally  on  the  mercy  of  the 
Commune.  "But  no  sooner  had  ■  my  people  and  those  of 
Urbino  retired,"  wrote  the  Countess,  "  than  a  Commissioner 
sent  by  the  Commune  had  them  all  hung  up  to  the  battle- 
ments :  a  most  horrible  spectacle." 

Meanwhile,  Catherine's  most  bitter  anxieties  came  to  her 
from  Rome.  "  Were  it  not  for  my  hope  and  faith  in  Your 
Excellency,"  she  wrote  the  Duke  of  Milan,  "  I  should  have 


2o6  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

to  think  of  going  to  drown  myself."  Once  the  cardinals  of 
her  blood  had  been  her  refuge,  now  everything  was  reversed. 
Her  nephew,  Cardinal  Raphael,  had  turned  so  violently 
against  her  that  Ludovic  had  confiscated  his  Lombard 
revenues.  Catherine  thanked  him,  adding  that  "  within  three 
or  four  days  she  would  send  full  account  of  those  who  had 
participated  in  the  said  machinations."  She  entreated  him 
to  instruct  his  orator  in  Rome  to  see  to  it  that  a  certain 
conspirator  be  conscientiously  examined,  and  to  prove  to  the 
Pope  that  she  is  as  a  daughter  to  the  Duke,  whom  if  she 
be  in  error,  none  other  may  presume  to  correct.  Cardinal 
Ascanio,  instead  of  defending  her,  was  in  league  with  Cardinal 
Raphael  .  .  .  who  even  during  the  lifetime  of  Count  Girolamo 
had  begun  to  repay  his  benefits  with  the  money  of  ingratitude. 
She  added  that  for  many  reasons  she  would  wish  to  have 
gone  to  Milan,  but  "  that  daughter  of  mine  (Bianca  betrothed 
to  Astorre  Manfredi)  is  growing  up;  neither  would  the  times, 
nor  affairs  of  State  permit  my  absence." 

Gianfrancesco  Gonzaga,  menaced  by  Bentivoglio,  sought  to 
ally  himself  with  Catherine,  whom  he  knew  was  exposed  to 
the  same  danger,  by  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  to  Octavian. 
Catherine,  without  committing  herself  to  refusal,  replied  that 
"the  prevailing  turbulence  and  bad  case  of  Italian  affairs 
obliged  her  to  set  aside  every  consideration  but  the  preserva- 
tion and  weal  of  her  State."  The  Gonzaga  appealed  to 
Ludovic,  Duke  of  Milan,  to  whom  the  Countess  reiterated — 
"  Until  I  sec  the  things  of  Italy  take  a  better  turn,  I  am 
not  minded  to  giv^e  a  wife  to  my  son,  in  whose  marriage  I 
cannot  overlook  my  own  advantage."  When  she  had  con- 
sented to  the  betrothal  of  Bianca  to  the  grandson  of  Benti- 
voglio, Messer  Giovanni  "  had  attempted  to  govern  us  over 
here  .  .  .  therefore  I  must  adequately  consider  the  matter 
and  then  ask  Your  Excellency's  advice."  The  times  were 
indeed  troublous,  and  Catherine  was  torn  between  her  desire 
to  hold  to  her  alliance  with  her  uncle's  State  and  the  sympathy 
which  drew  her  ever  closer  to  the  Florentine  Republic — a 
sympathy  which,  since  the  arrival  of  Giovanni  Medici  the 
Morcntinc  envoy,  was  strengthened  by  a  new  and  personal 


CATHERINE   AND    LUDOVICO    IL    MORO  207 

clement.  Despite  licr  impetuous  but  loyal  nature,  the 
Countess  found  herself  enmeshed  in  the  most  difficult  of  all 
policies,  that  of  dissimulation. 

"  I  wonder,"  she  wrote  the  Duke,  '■  that  Your  Lordship 
should  write  me  that  you  hear  that  I  am  treating  with 
Florence  for  the  levying  of  troops.  .  .  .  Had  I  thought  of 
such  a  thing,  I  should  have  written  to  Your  Lordship  for 
advice.  Am  I  then  so  wanting  in  good  faith,  love  and 
reverence  that  I  could  so  deceive  one  to  whom  I  would  fain 
be  as  a  daughter?  And  had  I  not  been  minded  to  accept 
Your  Lordship's  advice,  I  would  have  frankly  said  so,  as  to  a 
father.  ...  I  have  no  business  in  Florence,  unless  it  be  to 
buy  stuffs  and  to  try  and  recover  certain  things  I  have  there 
in  pawn.  Forget  not  to  provide  my  son  Octavian  with  an 
honourable  opening,  of  which  for  every  reason  he  is  as 
deserving  as  any  other  in  Italy.  For  in  idleness  there  is 
neither  use  nor  honour." 

On  this  "  opening  for  Octavian "  she  insists  in  a  second 
letter,  in  which  she  expresses  her  pleasure  in  the  Duke's 
approval  of  her  neutrality  and  his  refusal  to  give  credence  to 
rumours  anent  her  alliance  with  Florence.  Her  trust  in  him 
was  such  that  "  had  she  one  thought  more  than  another,  she 
would  have  declared  it  to  him." 

But  in  November  all  traces  of  this  confidence  and  filial 
pliancy  had  vanished.  "We  have  never  ceased  to  remind 
you  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  the  Most  Holy  League,"  wrote 
Duke  Ludovic,  "yet  have  you  heedlessly  persevered  in  doing 
only  that  which  seemed  good  to  you."  After  reproaching 
her  for  permitting  an  export  of  wheat  from  Forli  to  Florence, 
the  Duke  proceeds — "  We  have  not  failed  to  entreat  you  as 
we  should  a  daughter  or  sister,  therefore  we  pray  Your  Lady- 
ship will  hold  us  excused  should  aught  occur  which  you  wish 
to  avert,  for  We  have  not  failed  to  admonish  and  advise  you 
for  your  good  as  if  it  had  been  Our  own  :  for  if  Your  Lady- 
ship thinks  that  conceding  to  the  Florentines  that  of  which 
the  League  seeks  to  deprive  them,  so  that  thereby  they  may 
be  obliged  to  join  it,  is  a  small  matter,  you  are  mistaken,  for 
it  will  offend  the  League.  .  .  ."     "  Doubt  not,"  he  continued. 


2o8  A    CLANDESTINE    MARRIAGE 

on  November  12,  "that  We  will  willingly  do  all  We  can  for 
you  and  yours.  But  we  do  not  hide  from  you  that  in  not 
sending  your  orators  to  the  King,  and  in  permitting  the 
Florentines  to  draw  forage  from  your  land,  We  cannot  think 
you  love  Us  as  you  should,  which  We  regret  the  more  for 
your  own  sake." 

Now  timid,  now  daring,  Catherine  strove  to  emancipate 
herself  from  her  uncle's  tutelage  and  to  cast  in  her  lot  with 
Florence,  centre  of  her  hopes  and  aspirations.  Giovanni 
Medici,  once  her  neighbour,  was  now  her  guest,  her  friend, 
lover,  counsellor,  and  the  arbiter  of  her  State.  For  him  she 
was  ready  to  imperil  that  sovereign  power  she  had  both  used 
and  abused.     She  was  on  the  eve  of  another  secret  marriage. 


BOOK  VI 

THE   HOUSE   OF    MEDICI 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

GIOVANNI    POPOLANO 

Giovanni  di  Pierfrancesco  Medici,  born  in  1467,  was 
the  handsomest  and  one  of  the  most  accomph'shed  Florentines 
of  his  short  day.  During  the  Hfetime  of  Lorenzo  il  Magnifico, 
Giovanni  had  presumed  to  love  a  lady  beloved  by  his  cousin 
Piero,  and  a  lawsuit,  instigated  by  the  hatred  and  jealousy  of 
the  future  head  of  the  republic,  had  resulted  in  the  confine- 
ment of  Giovanni  and  his  brother  Lorenzo  to  their  respective 
villas  of  Caffaggiolo  and  Castello,  under  the  pretext  of 
alleged  secret  negotiations  with  France. 

To  put  an  end  to  this  ill-feeling,  Lorenzo  il  Magnifico 
purposed  giving  a  daughter  in  marriage  to  one  of  his  nephews, 
but  she  had  died,  it  was  rumoured,  of  poison  administered 
by  a  brother,  to  frustrate  the  marriage  project  and  the 
reconciliation. 

The  nature  and  extent  of  the  brothers'  negotiations  with 
Charles  VIII.  were  never  fully  elucidated  :  the  Florentine 
people  were  dissatisfied  with  their  imprisonment  and  anxious 
for  their  delivery ;  a  wish  soon  to  be  gratified  by  their  flight. 
Giovanni  joined  Charles  VIII.  at  Vigevano,  and  succeeded  in 
persuading  him  that  the  Florentines  were  favourable  to  him 
and  would  ally  themselves  with  him  if  he  found  means  to 
rid  them  of  his  tyrannical  cousin,  Piero  de  Medici.  The 
king  therefore  advanced  on  Naples  by  the  Tuscan  road,  the 
Florentines  dismissed  Piero,  and  Giovanni,  on  recovering  his 
civic  rights,  changed  his  surname  to  that  of  Popolano,  in 
gratitude  to  the  republican  party. 


212  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

In  1496  and  1497  he  was  appointed  Ambassador  to  Imola 
and  Forli  and  Commissioner  for  all  the  Florentine  possessions 
in  Romagna,  where  the  political  effects  of  his  presence  were 
soon  apparent  in  Catherine's  rule.  "  In  the  year  1498,"  says  an 
ancient  writer,^  "she  contracted  an  alliance  with  the  Florentines 
by  means  of  the  Magnificent  Giovanni  de  Medici,  with  whom 
our  lady  the  Countess  was  so  infatuated  that  she  would  hear 
of  no  other  power."  According  to  Cobelli,  "  every  one 
thought  of  him  as  a  mere  ambassador,  and  as  such  he  has, 
for  many  months,  sojourned  in  the  citadel  :  since  then  our 
Illustrious  Madonna  has  had  a  chamber  nobly  painted  and 
adorned  near  to  her  own  apartment  and  there  has  lodged 
the  Magnificent  Giovanni.  .  .  ." 

The  Milanese  Orator  in  Bologna,  who  had  been  instructed 
to  watch  Catherine,  had  written  the  Duke  on  October  10,  1496, 
that  Giovanni  Medici  was  staying  with  the  Countess,  by  whom 
he  was  treated  with  marked  favour,  and  that  competent 
persons  had  told  him  that,  in  all  probability,  she  had  married 
him.  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  fanned  the  flame  by  telling  the 
ducal  orator  that  Catherine  had  liberated  prisoners  at  the 
intercession  of  Giovanni  Medici,  whom  she  would  marry  "as 
soon  as  she  had  built  herself  a  safe  nest."  A  few  days  later, 
Count  Nicolo  Rangoni  informed  the  orator  that  Catherine 
had  a  secret  understanding  with  the  King  of  France  relative 
to  her  marriage.  Alarmed  at  this  news,  Ludovic  instructed 
the  orator  to  send  a  confidential  person  to  his  niece,  informing 
her  of  current  rumours,  which  he  (the  orator)  "did  not  dare 
repeat  to  the  Duke  without  her  sanction." 

"  You  do  well,"  wrote  Catherine  to  the  orator,  "  not  to  give 
credence  to  the  gossip  of  Bologna  .  .  .  which,  however,  does 
not  surprise  me,  as  these  are  not  the  first  slanders  that  have 
been  fabricated  in  that  place  to  do  me  an  injury.  .  .  .  May 
God  give  them  enough  to  think  of  for  themselves,  so  that 
they  may  forget  to  gossip  about  others.  According  to  them 
I  have  already  taken  to  myself  many  husbands  :  yet  an  I 
chose  to  have  one,  I  would  that  he  be  given  me  by  my  Lord 
Duke,  my  uncle,  who  alone  hath  that  right.     But  I   am  no 

'  Storia  di  Romagna,  MS. 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  313 

longer  of  an  age  to  be  governed  by  such  juvenile  appetites, 
and  the  government  of  my  State  occupies  my  whole  thought. 
Yet  the  wicked,  who  have  never  ceased  from  persecuting  me 
in  my  honour  and  person,  will  not  stay  their  fabrications  ; 
perchance,  one  day  their  malignity  will  be  recognized  and 
punished  ...  if  not  in  this  world,  in  the  next.  I  have 
neither  married,  nor  sent  Giovan  Bettino  to  France,  neither 
have  I  trafficked  nor  treated  with  any  one  :  had  I  wished  to 
do  so,  it  would  not  be  without  the  consent  of  the  afore-named 
Lord  Duke  my  uncle,  whom  I  revere  as  a  father  as  in  duty 
and  propriety  bound.  .  .  .  Forli,  vij  November  29.  .  .  ." 

The  orator  communicated  the  whole  correspondence  to  the 
Duke,  adding  that  he  had  pretended  to  believe  in  Catherine's 
assertions.  He  had  sent  his  letter  to  Forli  by  his  secretary, 
Anton  Bugado,  "  habited  like  a  cavalier  "...  a  wily  man  on 
whom  he  had  enjoined  to  deftly  sift  the  matter,  but  he  had 
returned  saying  that  it  was  not  spoken  of  in  public  either  at 
Forli  or  Imola.  Benedetto  Aldrovandi,  Podesta  of  Forli  and 
brother-in-law  of  the  late  Giacomo  Feo,  had  neither  affirmed 
nor  denied  the  fact,  saying  that  within  a  few  days  he  would 
be  in  Bologna  and  would  tell  the  orator  "  verbally  of  what 
had  happened."  Before  Bugado  had  left,  the  Podesta  had 
recalled  him  and  said — "  You  will  convey  the  reply  of  the 
Countess  to  the  ducal  orator,  but  supposing  it  were  true,  what 
would  happen  .''  "  "  Were  it  true  it  would  have  to  stand,  but 
Madonna's  marriage  with  a  merchant  citizen  would  be 
derogatory  to  her.  .  .  .  Oh,  nobody  would  cavil  at  that,  but 
rather  for  some  other  reason,"  the  Podesta  had  replied,  with 
a  subtle  smile. 

It  was  the  custom  of  Giovanni  Medici,  after  hearing  mass, 
to  go  to  the  Countess  in  the  fort,  and  after  discussing  with 
her  any  letters  that  might  have  arrived,  to  return  to  dine 
in  his  own  apartment,  which  was  the  one  which  had  been 
occupied  by  Feo,  and  it  was  there  that  after  dinner  he 
received  the  secretary  and  auditor  of  Catherine :  all  those 
who  desired  audience  of  her  sought  it  through  Giovanni,  who 
settled  every  question,  as  if  he  had  been  her  lieutenant.  He 
lived  there  with  sixteen  servants  and  twenty-five  horses  and 


214  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

mules.  Bugado  had  not  been  able  to  see  the  Countess,  who 
had  kept  her  room  from  an  attack  of  fever. 

Those  Venetians  who  discussed  matters  with  the  Milanese 
Orator,  said  that  Catherine  owed  the  stability  of  her  State  to 
Milan  and  Venice  and  that  she  must  look  to  these  powers 
for  her  future  salvation,  instead  of  those  (the  Florentines)  to 
whom  must  be  ascribed  her  past  adversities  (the  murder  of 
Girolamo).  The  Doge  had  said  that  "  the  nature  of  her  sex, 
which  had  often  led  her  into  error,  must  be  her  excuse,  but 
she  must  not  be  permitted  by  her  uncle  to  persevere  in  her 
present  mistaken  enterprise." 

Meanwhile,  Catherine  wrote  her  uncle  that  she  w^ould  never 
cease  to  be,  unto  him,  an  obedient  daughter,  and  would  never 
take  any  important  decision  without  consulting  him  ;  her 
greatest  sorrow  was  that  the  wicked  had  the  power  to  make 
him  doubt  her.  But  soon  he  would  realize  her  affection  for 
him  and  the  malignity  of  her  enemies,  for  the  orator  would 
explain  everything  to  him.  .  .  . 

Indeed,  Trachedini  had  been  requested  to  go  in  person  to 
Forli,  and  Catherine  had  sent  Octavian  to  meet  him  two 
miles  outside  the  town,  and  that  evening,  accompanied  by 
her  children,  she  received  him  in  the  apartment  lately  built 
for  Octavian.  The  orator  on  presenting  his  letters,  said  that 
he  had  matters  of  importance  to  discuss  with  the  Countess. 
The  Countess  then  gave  every  one  but  himself  permission  to 
retire  and  they  were  left  alone.  The  orator  said  that  although 
the  Duke  his  master  did  not  believe  the  current  rumour  of  her 
alliance  with  France  and  Florence,  he  had  charged  him  to 
learn  directly,  from  her  own  lips,  whether  she  intended  to 
side  with  T^rance,  or  with  the  League,  as  it  was  her  interest 
and  duty.  .  .  .  The  Countess  gently  and  graciously  replied, 
it  pained  her  that  the  Duke  should  imagine  things  to  be 
possible  that  were  absolutely  the  reverse  .  .  .  such  as  the 
supposition  that  she  thought  of  marriage  for  herself  or  her 
childrtMi  without  first  consulting  him,  who  was  to  her  as  a 
father  .  .  .  and  ignoring  her  union  with  Feo,  added  that 
"  until  now  she  had  never  thought  of  taking  a  husband  since 
slu:  had  beer,  widowed  of  the  Count  her  consort." 


I 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  215 

The  Florentines  had  made  advances  to  her,  but  she 
distrusted  them,  and  it  seemed  to  her  "  a  noble  sport  "  to  be 
a  spectator  of  passing  events,  with  her  State  at  peace  under 
the  protection  of  the  Duke  her  uncle.  To  be  with  whom  was 
to  be  with  the  League :  she  would  neither  ally  herself,  unless 
obliged  to  do  so,  with  France  nor  other  powers  :  for  her 
children  she  wished  that  they  might  owe  their  career  and 
advancement  to  him,  rather  than  to  others.  "  And  here  took 
God  to  witness  that  she  laid  bare  to  me  the  core  and 
innermost  of  her  heart :  if  it  be  otherwise  she  is  willing  for 
Your  Excellency  to  deprive  her  of  her  State  and  even  of  life." 
.  .  .  The  Countess  then  wished  him  good-evening,  as  if  to 
dismiss  him,  but  the  orator  continued  to  convey  to  her  the 
Duke's  expressions  of  good-will,  and  then,  as  if  of  his  own 
accord,  entered  "on  rumours  that  were  to  her  discredit"  .  .  . 
the  prolonged  stay  of  Giovanni  Medici  ...  of  which  the 
Orator  spoke  in  a  manner  "  opportune  and  consistent,  from 
the  lips  of  a  devoted  servitor." 

Catherine  replied  that  Giovanni  Medici  was  not  there  to 
interfere  in  her  government,  but  as  a  guest  to  whom  she 
owed  courtesy  for  service  rendered.  He  had  lent  and 
procured  for  her  about  10,000  ducats,  to  redeem  jewels  and 
plate  that  from  the  time  of  Count  Girolamo  had  been  partly 
at  Modena  and  partly  in  the  hands  of  Domcnico  Ricci  of 
Genoa.  She  had  given  Giovanni  about  6000  sacks  of  wheat. 
The  Florentines  had  asked  him  for  some  of  it  for  forage,  but 
as  yet  he  had  not  given  them  any.  At  first  she  had  welcomed 
him  for  his  evident  devotion  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  then  he 
had  given  her  to  understand  that  he  wished  to  stay  away  from 
Florence  for  some  time  to  avoid  the  clash  of  party,  perhaps 
because  he  disapproved  of  the  present  democratic  government. 
True,  he  had  a  suite  of  sixteen  persons  and  some  horses,  but 
his  great  liberality  repaid  the  expense  of  entertaining  him. 
To  Bianca,  he  had  given  brocade  that  was  worth  more  than 
three  hundred  ducats,  to  her  brothers  velvets  and  silks  of 
even  greater  value.  With  Giovanni  was  his  friend  Filippo 
Ridolfi  and  another  Florentine  named  Corbizo,  who  was 
useful    to    her  in   supervising   the   accounts    of  her   factors. 


2i6  THE    HOUSE   OF   MEDICI 

Ridolfi  had  discovered  that  she  had  "been  eaten"  and  preyed 
upon  and  had  obhged  some  of  them  to  disgorge  two  or  three 
thousand  ducats  :  others,  to  avoid  exposure,  had  fled.  The 
Countess  ended  the  audience  by  saying  that  Giovanni  Medici 
would  have  the  honour  of  paying  his  respects  to  her  uncle's 
envoy. 

"  I,"  wrote  the  orator,  ''  being  in  the  citadel  of  Forli,  where 
sojourned  also  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  on  the  morning  of  the 
New  Year  (1497)  he  came  to  visit  me  at  my  lodging,  first, 
he  said,  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  representative  of  the  Duke 
of  Milan,  and  to  renew,  in  the  person  of  the  orator,  that 
friendship  which  had  ever  subsisted  between  the  two  houses. 
Without  waiting  to  be  questioned,  he  at  once  proceeded  to 
justify  his  presence  at  Forli,  repeating,  '  but  with  less  art  and 
grace,'  Catherine's  explanation,  almost  word  for  word.  It 
would  not  always  be  thus,  the  day  would  come  when  he  and 
his  would  be  able  to  prove  their  affection  for  the  House  of 
Sforza  ;  but  this  was  not  the  moment,  although  he  and  his 
house  were  as  ever  ready  to  stake  their  life  and  power  for  the 
former,  so  intimately  were  the  fortunes  of  the  two  families 
bound  together  .  .  .  showing  that  not  a  hair  grew  on  him 
that  was  inclined  to  France.  .  .  .  On  departing,  he  declared 
to  mc,"  continues  Trachedini,  "  that  he  preferred  meanwhile 
to  be  the  guest  of  Madonna  than  any  one  else's,  feeling  as  he 
did  so  much  at  hom.e  under  the  roof  of  one  of  your  blood  : 
Madonna  to  him  represents  Your  Excellency,  for  whose  sake 
he  helped  her  in  the  loan  she  needed,  as  well  as  for  old 
friendship's  sake  and  to  mark  his  appreciation  of  her  gracious 
hospitality." 

He  added  that  he  never  thought  of  going  to  France,  there 
was  no  foundation  for  the  Florentine  rumour.  Trachedini 
"thanked  and  i)raised  him  exceedingly."  Giovanni  inquired 
if  he  had  news  of  the  return  of  Charles  VIII.  ...  "I  replied 
cautiously, /^r  verba  generalia,  \h.-aX  I  rather  disbelieved  than 
believed  in  it,  for  had  the  King  intended  to  come  he  would 
not  have  waited  for  his  kingdom  to  be  lost  and  the  number 
of  his  friends  lessened.  .  .  .  This  argument  appeared  to  him 


(GIOVANNI    l'(M'()LA\()  217 

unassailable  and  he  said  no  more,  save  '  perdition  seize  the 
King  of  France  and  those  who  love  him.'  ...  I,  however, 
am  not  so  credulous  to  take  for  granted  these  fair  words  of 
Giovanni,  whom  I  have  known  for  years,  as  I  also  know  the 
Countess  your  niece  to  be  too  astute  for  me  to  pin  my  faith 
to  their  assertions." 

A  few  days  later,  Battista  Sfondrati,  ducal  orator  at  Venice, 
wrote  the  Duke  that  the  reply  of  the  Countess  had  pleased 
the  Doge,  who  yet  had  said  that  "  Priests  are  not  to  be 
trusted  .  .  ,  neither  should  you  pin  your  faith  to  women." 

Yet  another  few  days  and  Trachedini  wrote  Duke  Ludovic 
that  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  had  confided  to  him  that  he  knew 
from  an  intimate  friend  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  that  "  for 
certain  the  said  Giovanni  had  married  the  illustrious  Countess 
of  Imola,  and  for  excellent  reasons  the  alliance  will  be  kept 
secret  for  some  time.  ...  I  know  not  what  to  say  .  .  .  nisi 
inaledictiis  homo  qui  confidit  in  honiine  ct  maxime  in  viulicrer 

A  month  later  Benedetto  Aldrovandi  wrote  Catherine  from 
Bologna  that  the  Milanese  Orator  had  told  him  that  her 
marriage  had  again  been  spoken  of  as  an  accomplished  fact. 
She  replied  that  there  was  no  foundation  for  this  calumny. 

Catherine  persisted  in  her  denial,  yet  the  report  she  denied 
was  either  true,  or  on  the  eve  of  becoming  true.  "  Giovanni 
de'  Medici,"  writes  Vecchiazzani,^  "had  long  served  Catherine 
with  the  chivalry  inherent  to  his  illustrious  birth.  This 
gratified  her,  inasmuch  as  it  is  of  great  good  fortune  to  princes 
to  be  served  by  nobles,  and  her  gratitude  was  so  vehement 
that  it  became  love."  She  wedded  her  beloved,  and  was 
universally  pitied  for  the  enforced  secrecy  of  this  union, 
necessitated,  as  it  was,  by  State  reasons.  The  child  to  whom 
she  gave  birth,  on  April  6,  1498,  was  christened  Ludovico, 
in  honour  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  but  he  lives  in  history  as 
Giovanni  delle  Baiide  Nere,  with  the  additional  surname  of 
Italia,  because  of  the  glory  his  country  owes  him,  through 
whom  the  blood  of  Catherine  was  transmitted  to  the  royal 
houses  of  England,  France,   Spain   and    Portugal.     But,   as 

^  Storia  di  Forliinpopoli. 


2i8  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

Cobelli  wrote,  "none  dared  speak"  of  this  event,  for  Catherine 
had  taught  her  good  people  of  Forh  the  danger  of  discussing 
her  affairs. 

Her  third  marriage  did  not  bring  her  the  discredit  that 
had  attended  her  union  with  Giacomo  Feo,  and  she  so  ably 
demonstrated  the  political  opportuneness  of  this  alliance  that 
it  was  sanctioned  by  Duke  Ludovic  and  her  eldest  son.  The 
Signory  of  Florence,  on  being  acquainted  with  the  marriage, 
conferred  the  freedom  of  the  city  on  the  Countess  and  her 


GIOVANNI    De'    MEDICI    DELLE    BANDE    NEKE    {ijftcr    Titian). 

children,  born  or  unborn,  without  any  mention  of  Giovanni, 
lest  the  secret  should  transpire  and  supply  Cardinal  Raphael 
Jviario  with  a  pretext  for  depriving  her  of  the  regency  and 
the  guardianship  of  her  children. 

In  1497  Catherine  built  the  1^'ort  of  Bubano,  around  which 
soon  rose  many  private  houses.  In  November  of  that  year 
she,  with  the  help  of  Maestro  Bruchello,  added  other  buildings 
to  these,  and  finally  a  church,  which,  with  great  solemnity, 
she  dedicated  to  the  Virgin.  The  ancient  fort  was  restored, 
strengthened,    and    completed    by    a    ^\•all    with     towers    and 


GIOVANNI    POFOLANO  219 

bastions,  which  surrounded  the  village,  henceforward  to  be 
called  Castello  della  Contessa  "  under  penalty  of  a  ducat." 
Catherine's  idea,  judged  at  the  time  to  be  a  mere  freak  of 
fancy,  was  wholly  strategic,  for  in  1494  the  garrison  of  Bubano, 
thanks  to  its  commanding  position,  had  been  able  to  stem 
the  French  invasion,  thus  closing  Imola  and  a  great  portion 
of  the  territory  to  the  invaders,  who  retired  on  Mordano. 

This  did  not  prevent  the  SassatelH  and  others  who  wanted 
to  extort  compensation  for  losses  sustained  in  war,  from 
Catherine's   children,  by  blackening  their  mother's  memory 


COSIMO    I)E'    MEDICI,    SON    OF    GIOVANNI. 

from  stating  in  a  memorial  that  she  had  "  erected  the  fort  ^ 
...  at  the  expense  of  the  poor  peasants  who  had  been  forced 
to  drag  the  cement  and  other  material  to  the  site,  while  the 
master-carpenters  and  masons  had  to  work  gratis  at  the 
construction  of  the  fort  ...  as  at  Imola  citizens  had  been 
obliged  to  draw  water  from  the  fort  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers 
(their  defenders),  to  turn  the  grain  belonging  to  Catherine 
(forage)  to  save  it  from  moth,  and  to  render  other  services 
it  were  shameless  to  write,  so  piteous  was  the  servitude  in 
which  they  lived  until  they  were  freed   by  Alexander  VI., 

^  Lawsuit  between  the  Riario,  -tlie   Commune,    and    some   citizens  of  Imola. 
Archivio  SassatelH  Imola. 


220  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

the   Vicar   of  Divine   Justice,   and    Duke  Valentino    (Caesar 
Borgia),  its  minister." 

"...  I  am  not  minded  for  the  present  to  give  a  wife  to 
the  Lord  Octavian,  my  son,  and  when  I  am  so  minded  I 
shall  have  to  think  of  finding  a  person  suitable  for  the  main- 
tenance and  prosperity  of  the  house  .  .  ."  wrote  Catherine, 
on  January  18,  to  Duke  Ludovic,  who,  "in  reiterated  letters," 
enjoined  on  her  to  give  the  daughter  of  the  late  Giovan 
Francesco  Gonzaga  to  wife  to  her  eldest  son,  adding  that  she 
united  to  other  advantages  that  of  being  the  grandchild  of 
the  King  of  Naples.  Catherine  thanked  him  for  the  honour- 
able alliance  suggested  by  his  paternal  affection,  but  reminded 
him  that  to  himself,  to  Gasparre  Sanseverino  (better  known 
as  Fracasso)  and  to  twelve  monks  sent  to  her  by  the  maiden's 
mother,  she  had  always  declared  that  she  would  have  none 
of  this  marriage.  She  was  convinced  that  the  Duke's  letters 
were  dictated  by  the  importunities  of  others.  She  had  said  : 
"  now  let  him  convey  her  decision  to  the  family  of  the  maid 
once  and  for  all." 

In  the  following  May  the  Bishop  of  Volterra  arrived  at 
Forli  to  offer  Catherine,  on  behalf  of  Alexander  VI.,  the 
greatest  alliance  that  was  then  available  in  Italy.  Would 
she  accept  his  daughter,  Lucretia  Borgia,  as  a  wife  for  her  son 
Octavian  ?  .  .  .  What  was  there  that  she  might  not  ask  of 
the  Pope  ?  Cities,  provinces,  other  States  :  the  Riario  would 
once  more  command  the  treasures  of  the  Church,  as  they  did 
under  Sixtus  IV.  This  proposal  was  made  at  the  time  that 
the  most  horrible  accusations  were  levelled  at  Lucretia  and 
especially  at  the  Pope.  In  1493  Lucretia  had  wedded  Giovanni 
Sforza,  Lord  of  Pesaro.  In  1497  the  Pope  wished  to  annul 
this  marriage,  but  to  this  his  daughter's  husband  would 
not  consent.  One  evening  Giacomino,  page  or  servant  to 
Giovanni  Sforza,  was  in  the  room  of  Madonna  Lucretia ;  he 
heard  the  approaching  steps  of  her  brother  Caesar,  and 
Giacomino,  at  her  bidding,  hid  himself  behind  a  portiere. 
Ca;sar  entered,  and  in  the  course  of  conversation  told  his 
sister  that  he  had  given  orders  to  kill  her  husband.     When 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  221 

Caesar  left,  Lucrctia  said  to  Giacomino,  "Hast  heard?  Go! 
tell  him."  Giacomino  obeyed,  and  Giovanni  Sforza  mounted 
his  Arab,  which  in  twenty-four  hours  flew  to  Pesaro,  where, 
on  arriving,  it  fell  dead.  Thus  Giovanni  escaped  the  daggers 
and  poison  of  his  brother-in-law.  In  the  following  June,  the 
body  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  elder  brother  of  Caesar,  was 
found  in  the  Tiber,  and  every  one  credited  Caesar  with  the 
assassination  of  his  brother.  In  September  Pope  Alexander 
assembled  a  commission,  which  included  two  cardinals,  to 
annul  the  marriage  of  Lucretia  and  Giovanni  Sforza,  and 
sentence  to  that  effect  was  passed  on  December  20  amid  the 
ridicule  and  scandal  of  all  Italy. 

The  Bishop  of  Volterra,  who  was  now  the  Pope's  envoy  to 
Catherine,  was  intimate  with  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  and  through 
him  the  Borgia  hoped  to  gain  their  ends.  He  told  every  one 
of  the  new,  vast,  and  splendid  States  that  were  reserved  for 
the  Riario,  but  did  not  venture  to  speak  of  them  directly  to 
the  Countess,  who  was  too  wise  not  to  have  seen  through  his 
design.  She  heard  of  them  through  persons  in  whom  the 
Bishop  had  confided,  in  the  hope  of  finding  co-operators 
among  courtiers  sufficiently  ambitious  to  persuade  Catherine 
to  fall  in  with  his  views.  For  the  rest,  he  held  that  the 
consequences  of  her  acceptance  were  self-evident :  she  and 
hers  would  once  more  be  arbiters  of  Italian  politics  and 
masters  of  the  treasures  of  the  Church.  The  consequences 
of  her  refusal  were  the  enmity  of  the  Pope,  the  possible  loss 
of  her  States,  and  the  probable  dagger  and  poison  of  the 
Borgia. 

Catherine's  very  soul  revolted  at  the  suggestion.  "  I  under- 
stand," she  wrote  her  trusty  Christofero  Ricerboli,  "  that  their 
plan  is  to  remove  me  from  here.  I  have  replied  that  as  my 
son  is  about  to  travel  to  perfect  himself  in  the  art  of  war,  I 
do  not  intend  to  entangle  him  in  this  labyrinth  at  the  outset 
of  his  career,  but  intend  him  to  be  free  to  become  a  man. 
Nor  do  I  believe  that  the  afore-named  lords,  my  uncles, 
would  foist  upon  me  the  wife  of  another,  who  for  three  years 
had  shared  the  bed  of  one  of  our  House.  This  could  not  be 
unless  I  could  believe  ...  in  the  shame  and  infamy  of  Their 


222  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEUICI 

Lordships.  They  know  too  well  that  all  my  past  anguish 
and  dangers  merit  other  remuneration,  and  I  am  capable  of 
enduring  anything  before  I  will  submit  to  leave  this,  unless 
of  my  own  will. 

"  I  am  writing  fully  to  the  afore-named  Lord  Duke,  my 
uncle,  so  that  when  he  is  applied  to  he  will  know  how  to 
answer.  When  I  wish  to  give  a  wife  to  my  son  I  shall  not 
choose  a  person  prejudicial  to  my  needs  and  peace.  .  .  .  His 
Holiness  will  take  offence  at  my  refusal,  but  to  that  I  give 
little  thought,  being  careful  We  should  not  be  wanting  in  the 
duty  We  owe  to  him  of  faithful  vicars.  .  .  ." 

Catherine  had  saved  the  State  for  her  son,  and  had  guarded 
it  for  him,  but  now  Octavian  was  of  an  age  to  acquire  experi- 
ence, and  to  make  a  reputation  for  himself.  His  mother 
realized  that  without  this  all  her  efforts  and  strategy  would 
be  vain ;  she  grieved  that  he  should  grow  up  fat  and  lymphatic, 
with  the  sluggish  temperament  of  his  father.  She  longed  to 
emancipate  him,  and  an  occasion  presented  itself  where  least 
she  had  expected  it.  The  Pisans,  wishing  to  retain  the  liberty 
granted  them  by  Charles  VHL,  had  obtained  help  from  the 
Venetian  Senate  to  resist  the  Florentines,  who  were  attempting 
to  subjugate  them  anew.  The  Venetians  intended  to  establish 
a  protectorate  over  the  Republic  of  Pisa,  and  thus  obtain  a 
port  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  they  also  intended  replacing 
Piero  de'  Medici,  who  for  four  years  had  lived  in  exile. 
War  had  raged  for  some  time,  when  in  1498  the  Florentines, 
who  had  hitherto  been  unfortunate,  were  signally  defeated 
at  Santo  Regolo.  Florence,  in  dismay,  sought  aid  from  the 
Baglioni  of  Perugia,  the  Vitelli  of  Citta  di  Castello,  and  the 
Bentivoglio  of  Bologna.  Catherine,  known  to  have  long 
trafficked  in  arms  and  ammunition,  to  have  levied  and  trained 
foot  and  horse,  was  requested  to  place  her  son  Octavian,  with 
a  good  company,  in  the  service  of  the  Republic.  To  this 
Catherine  agreed  without  hesitation,  happy  to  combine  her 
son's  interest  with  that  of  the  husband  to  whom  she  could 
refuse  nothing,  while  Giovanni  Medici  was  glad  to  help  his 
country  and  put  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  Piero,  his  cousin 
and  rival. 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  223 

The  diaries  of  Sanuto  prove  that  no  event  in  ItaHan  poHtics 
was  long  unknown  at  Venice.  When  the  Venetians  learnt 
that  the  Countess  was  sending  her  son  to  the  relief  of  their 
enemies,  they  tried  to  terrorize  her.  They  strengthened  their 
battalions  at  Ravenna,  and  spread  the  rumour  that  Antonio 
Ordelaffi,  the  most  dangerous  enemy  of  the  Riario,  would  be 
sent  against  her  and  her  future  son-in-law,  the  young  Lord  of 
Faenza.  "  But  little  heed  pay  I  to  this  gossip,"  wrote 
Catherine,  on  June  6,  to  Ludovico  il  Moro.  The  Venetians 
had  already  sent  Naldi  and  Ordelaffi  to  hinder  the  departure 
of  Octavian.  "  But  for  all  that,"  she  wrote,  "  I  do  not  desist 
from  sending  the  Lord  Octavian,  my  son,  on  his  journey, 
both  because  I  will  not  fail  to  my  given  word,  and  because  I 
think  but  little  of  the  coming  of  the  man  Antonio.  ...  I  do 
not  think  myself  so  lightly  bound  to  these  States  that  I  need 
consider  it  much.  Would  to  God  I  had  more  hope  in  other 
places  where  they  know  the  government  to  be  weak  and 
have,  perchance,  laid  deeper  plans.  ...  If  without  prejudice 
to  her  State  she  sent  Octavian  to  learn  soldiering  with  the 
Florentines,  that  was  no  reason  why  the  Venetians  should 
attack  or  insult  her,  and  if  even  they  so  did,  I  have  the 
spirit  wherewith  to  defend  myself."  A  few  days  later,  she 
wrote  that  she  had  dispatched  her  son  with  her  best  soldiers 
to  the  service  of  the  Signori  of  Florence.  "  I  have  provisioned 
the  fortresses,  and  provided  for  the  other  needs  of  this  State 
in  such  wise  that  at  the  first  shot  fired  we  can  count  not  only 
upon  the  services  of  our  own  men,  but  on  those  of  the 
Florentines  who  are  on  this  side  of  the  Alps." 

Stern  guard  was  kept  at  Forli  within,  as  without.  A 
wretched  citizen  was  suspected  of  abetting  Antonio  Ordelaffi; 
he  was  promptly  condemned  to  death  by  the  Countess, 
and  was  soon  afterwards  seen  hanging  to  the  battlements. 
Catherine,  sooner  than  break  her  word  to  the  Florentines, 
had  not  hesitated  to  irritate  the  Venetians,  but  if  she  was 
daring,  she  was  not  foolhardy.  Abandoned  by  Fracasso,  her 
chief  stay,  without  the  help  promised  by  Ludovic,  alone  and 
menaced  on  every  side,  she  wrote  ;her  uncle  :  "War  is  not  for 
women  and  children,  like  my  sons." 


224 


THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 


Octavian,  owing  to  his  mother's  passion  for  arms  and 
mihtary  pomp,  entered  Florence  with  a  suite  which  seemed 
worthy  rather  of  a  king  than  of  a  minor  prince.  He  was 
received  with  great  rejoicing  in  Florence,  accompanied  in 
state  to  San  Giovanni,  and  twice  reviewed  his  troops  by 
request  of  the  Signori,  so  great  was  their  admiration  of  the 
pageant.  Catherine  continued  from  afar  to  direct  these 
soldiers  she  had  trained  and  exercised,  and  minutely  regulated 
their  administration.  "  Her  Excellency  Madonna  desires 
that  the  lists  be  kept  in  the  accustomed  order,  and  that  man 
and  horse  be  catered  for  discreetly  and  moderately,"  runs  a 
letter   to    Christofero    Ricerboli,  dated  June   24.      Catherine 


OCTAVIANO    RIARIO. 
Medal  cohied  by  Nicolo  Fiorentino. 

sent  her  husband  and  Giovanni  Corradino,  castellane  of  Forli, 
to  join  Octavian  in  camp  at  Pisa,  on  whom,  despite  his  poor 
capacity,  fortune  smiled  under  the  guidance  of  these  experi- 
enced warriors.  Catherine,  in  the  delight  brought  her  by 
tidings  of  her  son's  first  victory,  struck  the  equestrian  medal 
which  represents  him  equipped  as  a  captain-general. 


Hut  while  Catherine  triumphed  as  a  sovereign  and  exulted 
as  a  mother,  Giovanni  Medici  fell  ill  and  returned  to  Forli. 
What  would  befall  Octavian  without  him  ?  One  fear  trod  on 
the  heels  of  another,  and  Catherine's  short-lived  happiness 
was  tlrawing  to  its  end.     Tier  husband  became  rapidly  worse. 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  225 

and  was  sent  by  his  physicians  to  San  Picro  in  Bagno.  After 
writing  his  wife  as  to  a  commercial  agreement  with  a  certain 
Maestro  Ambrosio  of  Milan,  he  continues,  "  Your  Ladyship 
will  send  me  one  or  two  of  my  black  barets  {berets)  to 
change  when  I  perspire,  and  also  two  other  double  pinkish 
ones,  large,  hollow,  and  light,  to  wear  the  days  I  take  my 
bath,  and  sufficient  cloth  of  Lucca  for  two  skull-caps;  a  little 
more  of  that  wax  for  my  head,  and  some  of  that  hemp 
wadding  to  wear  under  the  baret.  ...  I  have  already  bathed 
two  days  in  the  women's  bath,  and,  thank  God,  up  to  now 
everything  agrees  with  me  ;  I  hope  to  completely  recover 
my  wonted  health.  I  commend  myself  to  Your  Ladyship 
with  the  Piovano  (Fortunati),  who  to-day  is  better.  .  .  . 
Written  in  my  rooms  at  the  Baths  die  2  Sett.,  1498."  On  the 
eleventh  he  wrote  again,  instructing  his  wife  how  to  write  to 
him,  and  begging  her  to  be  advised  in  all  things  by  Simone 
Ridolfi,  without  mention  of  his  health.  Suddenly  he  grew 
worse.  Catherine,  summoned  by  a  courier,  hastened  to  his 
side  and  found  him  dying,  but  still  conscious.  In  the  night 
of  September  14  he  expired  in  her  arms.  Bernardi  relates 
that  his  brother  Lorenzino  conveyed  the  body  to  Florence, 
and  on  the  following,  which  was  a  Saturday,  "  his  beautiful 
wife,  our  Madonna,  returned  home."  The  deepest  mourning 
was  observed  in  her  household  and  court,  to  the  wonder  of 
many  of  her  subjects,  to  whom  the  marriage  had  remained  a 
secret.  "  To  my  mind,"  adds  the  historian,  "  the  affairs  of 
the  great  are  difficult  to  fathom." 

Catherine's  grief  was  profound.  "  The  Florentines,"  says 
Machiavelli  in  the  Fragments,  "sent  Andrea  dei  Pazzi  to  the 
Countess  of  Imola,  partly  to  condole  with  her  on  the  death 
of  her  husband,  Giovanni  dei  Medici,  partly  to  keep  her 
well-disposed  towards  our  republic.  As  they  could  not 
levy  soldiers  here,  they  sent  her  5000  ducats  to  enable  her 
to  place  3000  foot  in  the  company  of  Signor  Fracassa, 
officer  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  who  was  here  at  the  time 
with  a  hundred  men-at-arms  and  a  hundred  mounted 
archers." 

"Stunned    by    mortal    grief,"    wrote    Lorenzo    Bossi    (Fra 

Q 


226  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

Lauro)  to  Duke  Ludovic  on  September  17,  "  I  entreat  Your 
Excellency  to  send  some  one  immediately  to  the  Madonna 
of  Forli,  for  she  is  in  danger,  without  any  one  to  sustain  her 
.  .  .  and  I  know  what  I  say."  He  had  heard  from  the 
Venetian  orators  that  the  Signory  of  Venice  was  determined 
to  profit  by  the  grief  which  had  overwhelmed  Catherine,  to 
demand  passage  for  the  soldiers  they  were  sending  to  Tuscany 
through  her  dominions.  The  Venetians  had  reinforced  their 
garrison  at  Faenza  to  coerce  her,  and  the  advice  of  Bentivoglio 
was  to  yield  to  their  numbers  and  accede  to  their  demands. 
But  the  Venetian  Proveditore  asked  in  vain  for  the  right 
of  way  from  Faenza  to  Florence  ;  Catherine,  once  again  a 
dauntless  widow,  decisively  refused  it  to  him. 

In    August  of  the    following   year,   when    the    designs  of 

Alexander   VI.  on  the  whole  of  Romagna  were  no   longer 

secret,  the  Medici  asked  Catherine  to  provide  for  the  safety 

of  their    little   cousin  and  nephew,   Giovanni,  by  entrusting 

him  to  their  guardianship.     Catherine  replied  that  there  was 

nothing  but  her  child  that  she  could  refuse  to  the   House  of 

Medici.     The  Medici   contended   that  she  was  not  justified 

in  exposing  an  innocent  child  to  the  ruin  which  menaced  her, 

and  that  if  she  insisted  on  keeping  him  with  her  she  must 

find  sureties  for  his  safety.     To   this    Catherine  acceded,  and 

on  August  14  the  Medici  arrived  at   Castrocaro,  where  they 

were    met   by    Catherine,  accompanied    by    Octavian,  Luffo 

Numai,  the  notary  Aspini,  and  several  nobles  of  Forli.     Ser 

Giacomo  Aldobrandini  of  Florence  had  already  drawn  up  a 

deed  which  conferred  the  guardianship  of  the  infant  Giovanni 

and    his  property  on    Catherine,  who  in  return   gave   them 

personal  securities  ;  Octavian,  in  soliduni  with  Luffo  Numai, 

being  sureties  for  25,000  gold  ducats.    The  Medici  complained 

that  the   marriage  of  Catherine   to  Giovanni   Popolano  was 

still   kept  secret,  there  being  nought  in  this  alliance  but  what 

was   honourable   to   her   and    the    House  of   Medici.     They 

argued  that  secrecy  was  no  longer  of  any  use  to  Catherine's 

policy,  while  it  was  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  infant 

Giovanni.    The  Medici  were  becoming  indignant  at  Catherine's 

hesitancy,   when,  moved    by   the    thought  of  her   child,  she 


GIOVANNI    POPOLANO  227 

consented  to  deposit  in  the  public  archives  a  document  by 
which  she  declared  herself  the  widow  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici. 
As  a  memorial  of  their  marriage  she  struck  a  medal  on  which 
her  portrait  was  surrounded  by  the  inscription  CatJiarina 
Sfortia  Medices. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

THE    FLORENTINE   ALLIANCE 

Catherine,  who  despite  her  anxiety  did  not  recall 
Octavian  from  the  camp  at  Pisa,  occupied  her  early  widow- 
hood in  repairing  the  wall  of  Forli  towards  Ravenna — for 
which  she  lent  the  necessary  funds  to  the  commune — in 
drilling  her  soldiers  and  providing  new  arms  and  copious 
supply  of  ammunition.  She  levied  4000  troops  for  the  Duke 
of  Milan.  The  Venetians,  who  were  being  reinforced  at 
Ravenna,  threatened  to  deprive  her  of  her  State  in  favour 
of  Antonio  Ordelaffi  and  intimated  to  her  to  cease  levying 
soldiers.  Catherine,  deaf  to  their  threats,  continued  to  levy 
soldiers  for  Milan  and  Tuscany. 

Her  manner  of  raising  a  levy  was  singular.  Two  citizens 
were  deputed  to  make  a  census  of  able-bodied  men  and  notify 
them  to  present  themselves  at  the  fort.  Scarcely  any  one 
appeared.  Catherine,  infuriated,  ordered  her  deputies  to  go, 
at  the  fifth  hour  of  the  night,  to  the  houses  of  all  those  who 
had  not  appeared  and  to  order  them  to  present  themselves  at 
a  stated  hour  at  the  fort,  under  penalty  of  the  gallows.  "  Our 
Madonna  caused  six  bombs  to  be  fired,"  says  Bernardi,  "  so 
that  all  our  people  might  be  informed."  (October  4,  1498.) 
These  rigorous  measures  had  the  effect  of  putting  to  flight 
the  few  who  had  already  presented  themselves — one  alleged 
that  his  ignorance  of  warfare  would  make  him  an  incumbrance 
to  the  arm)',  another  that  he  had  a  family  and  no  mind  to 

abandon  it  for  the  "fine  eyes"  and  political  intrigues  of  the 

228 


THE    FLORENTINE    ALLIANCE  229 

Countess,  yet  another  that  it  was  a  great  mistake  for  ForH  to 
pit  herself  against  Venice,  which  fed  her  commerce.  It  was 
therefore  very  difficult  to  find  recruits,  but  at  last  they  were 
obtained  from  the  neighbouring  castles. 

Some  Venetian  troops  having  entered  the  territory  of  Forli, 
the  Countess  sent  a  protest  to  the  Podesta  of  Ravenna,  through 
her  son  C?esar.  True,  the  Riario  were  in  the  pay  of  Florence, 
but  this  had  nothing  to  say  to  the  politics  of  cither  State, 
Had  Venice  demanded  their  services  in  time,  they  would 
have  given  them  on  the  same  terms.  The  Podesta  appeared 
convinced  and  replied  courteously,  yet  the  inroads  were 
repeated,  A  sentinel  was  then  posted  on  the  tower  of  the 
commune  who  rang  a  bell  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  its 
numbers  being  indicated  by  the  strokes  of  the  bell,  which 
hung  there  from  1498  to  1788,  when  on  its  removal,  the 
following  inscription  was  found  on  its  inner  rim. 

Sfortiades  Jaetor  Catharinae  tempore  facta 
Quae  populum  vigilem  reddo,  et  arma  voco. 

On  the  outer  rim  was  : 

Opus  Bernardini  Gongonzolae  MCCCCLXXXXVIIL 

with  the  arms  of  the  commune  on  one  side  and  those  of 
Catherine  on  the  other.  On  October  24,  a  priest  whose  curi- 
osity had  led  him  to  climb  the  tower  of  the  Dome,  perceived 
the  enemy's  troops,  and  tolled  the  bell.  Armed  citizens 
rushed  to  the  Gate  of  Schiavonia,  where  they  found  Catherine, 
vigilant  and  self-possessed,  who  posted  them  along  the  city 
wall.  The  Venetians,  seeing  them  so  well  defended,  turned 
back  and  were  pursued  but  not  overtaken  by  Fracassa. 
Catherine  then  granted  a  safe-conduct  to  all  exiles — except 
those  condemned  for  rebellion — with  the  restoration  of  their 
confiscated  property.  They  returned  in  great  numbers  and 
the  Christmas  festivities  were  more  than  usually  joyous. 

Unprotected  against  daily  and  increasing  insults  and 
menace  ..."  If  I  be  more  timorous  than  is  needful,"  she 
wrote  the  Duke  of  Milan,  "  Your  Excellency  must  ascribe  it 
to  my  being  a  woman  and  therefore  of  a  fearsome  nature." 

Dangers,  indeed,  multiplied  on  every  side.     The  numbers 


^ 


230  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

of  the  Venetian  troops  had  so  augmented,  that  soon  they 
would  be  all-powerful  in  Romagna.  Not  one  horse  had 
arrived  of  all  those  promised  by  Ludovic.  "  The  not  having 
sent  two  hundred  men-at-arms  in  time,  has  caused  us  to  lose 
Faenza,"  she  wrote  him  ;  "  may  tardy  provision  against  so 

-P««-  /i^r  •  f^   '^^'**H.   ^■"<"^-    ion  fU**    mJviJW**\     d^ls-  L-jk^itC  y^ 

u    U-    (j>uiM/hi     Xt   -yyt^  ■jf-ru.S/lie-'     -ve/iU*^^      'i^  ucth^      JC~   ^■>*i1tytr*1,  \ 

,ff^-iul*ve    fine      A/i^n^    *ti-    ^»»»nn*»»  ■  t]r   or   'vnn,o*vt'A*no     ,yy,   ^.     !i_^4,,._ 

^r'r^'^^  ^/i*»f-M/i  ^-rjir^'tv  naCrtrtij  y,^tC^  t^  rn  otn, 
'MfUe  ft*f'*f^  ■  »*^  »*»■  W?r  Ptfvtta  liA.Cnr  .■  -mA.  «w*m^  ■  ^tWKfjtnt  "A 
^/t/^/tv.-    U     ^U^      i^hL^'a      m    tur**   9****^^  thpp    IrrrmSh  .  ^  .f-  i/ ' 

^    ^v*wV-     4'    f • -ot^n    »m-»     ^A«A\     ^.    puy***tf     rru>^     nejyUyi      mi*- 

I.HTTKK    OK    CAIUKKINK    SIDKZA,    DATKU    .SliPTKMBER    I4,     I498. 

great  a  need  not  give  them  so  firm  a  hold  that  it  cannot  be 
undone.  My  affection  dictates  the  freedom  of  my  speech." 
Military  cares  engrossed  her  life,  she  rode  the  hills  with 
Fracassa  and  with  him  planned  the  manner  and  defences  for 
the  war.     "  On   our  side,  over    here,  we  fail    not  to  provide 


THE    FLORENTINE   ALLIANCE  231 

as  well  as  in  us  lies,  and  to-morrow  I  go  with  Jo.  Gaspare 
(Fracassa)  to  Marradi,  which  is  a  step  from  the  Florentines  in 
Valdilamone,  to  sec  the  country  and  fortify  the  passes  where 
I  may  find  it  necessary,  to  encourage  our  men  and  to  prove 
to  others  that  we  do  not  sleep."  She  sent  messages  every- 
where and  hoped  for  victory,  but  all  depended  on  prompti- 
tude, "If,"  she  wrote  on  the  following  day,  "we  do  not 
provide  speedily  and  well  .  .  .  the  enemy  will  have  its  way." 

Two  days  later,  she  wrote  again.  Her  fears  were  justified, 
the  Venetian  army  had  poured  down  upon  Romagna.  "  I 
grieve  that  my  words  have  been  disbelieved,  as  coming  from 
a  timorous  woman."  The  Venetians  had  passed  Valdi- 
lamone and  were  yet  reinforcing  at  Ravenna.  Words  were 
of  no  avail.     Troops  must  be  sent  at  once. 

At  last  Duke  Ludovic  awoke,  stirred  himself  and  dis- 
patched the  Count  of  Caiazzo,  brother  of  Fracassa  and  almost 
his  equal  in  war.  The  Duke  wrote  his  niece  that  he  had  sent 
this  captain  to  Imola,  "  and  thus  have  appointed  you  and 
the  aforesaid  Count  our  Captains-general  in  those  territories, 
trusting  in  the  success  which  is  (assured)  by  your  courage 
and  wisdom."  The  Duke's  courier  was  met  by  one  from  the 
Countess  on  his  way  to  summon  Caiazzo,  without  further 
delay.  "  One  hour  was  worth  thousands."  Catherine  thence- 
forward shared  the  command  and  responsibilities  of  a  war 
against  Venice  with  the  two  most  famous  captains-general 
of  her  time. 

Meantime  the  Orsini,  who  had  entered  the  service  of  Venice, 
sent  a  former  man-at-arms  of  the  Riario  to  inform  the 
Countess  that  the  Venetians  had  determined  to  reinstate 
Piero  de'  Medici  :  they  (the  Orsini)  would  do  nothing  that 
could  injure  her  and  offered  their  mediation  and  negotia- 
tion in  the  attainment  of  any  v/ish  of  hers.  The  Countess, 
ascribing  their  courtesy  to  gratitude  for  benefits  received 
from  her  first  husband,  thanked  them  "  with  many  loving 
words.  She  had  nothing  to  say  on  the  restoration  of  Piero  : 
her  son  was  in  the  Florentine  service  as  a  soldier.  As  such 
he  did  his  duty,  without  interfering  in  other  matters.  If  she 
sided  with  the  Duke  of  Milan,  it   was  because  she  was  his 


232  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

niece.     She   was  grateful,  but  there   was    nothing   that    she 
wanted." 

A  letter  from  Catherine  to  Duke  Ludovic,  dated  September 
26,  sheds  some  h'ght  on  her  relation  to  Fracassa.^  In  the 
society  of  this  rugged  soldier  the  fair  Countess  cannot  have 
rejoiced.  She  had  longed  for  his  arrival  and  had  received 
him  as  the  angel  of  deliverance,  yet,  one  morning,  he  had 
ridden  away  without  saying  why,  unmoved  by  the  tears  and 
soft  words  of  the  lady  he  had  been  sent  to  obey  and 
defend. 

"Your  Excellency  knows  how  I  sorrowed  when  he  went 
away  the  first  time.  I  have  striven  to  honour  and  please 
him  by  doing,  on  my  side,  all  that  was  possible  .  .  .  out  of 
respect  to  Your  Excellency,  and  to  prove  how  acceptable  is 
his  presence  to  me  here.  Yet  I  have  never  succeeded  in 
doing  enough  to  satisfy  him.  ..."  If  she  spoke  of  helping 
the  Florentines,  Fracassa  had  always  met  her  with  difficulties. 
On  the  question  of  tactics,  Catherine  assures  the  Duke  that 
she  had  with  the  utmost  delicacy  always  "  deferred  to  him, 
yet  sometimes  he  had  turned  upon  her  as  if  she  had  presumed 
to  give  him  orders."  On  that  day  in  the  presence  of  every  one, 
he  had  "  of  his  own  accord  opened  a  discussion  as  to  whether 
or  no  he  should  help  the  Florentines."  Catherine  had  replied 
that  he  must  do  as  he  thought  best :  he  held  his  commission 
from  the  Duke  and  she  was  not  the  one  to  tell  him  to  go  or 
stay.  She  had  then  succeeded  in  changing  the  subject  of 
conversation  to  forage,  lodging,  and  some  complaints  that 
had  arisen  among  the  soldiers.  The  Countess  expressed 
surprise  that  they  should  now  make  complaints  which  she 
had  never  heard  when  she  had  had  soldiers  from  Milan  in 
much  greater  numbers.  "When.''  when  .-^  In  whose  time  .^  " 
said  Fracasso,  The  Countess  replied  :  "  In  the  time  of  Gian 
Piero  of  Bergamo  and  Count  BorcUo:"  "Then,"  continued 
Catherine,  "  he  took  the  name  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  vain  and 
cursed  .St.  Peter  as  if  I  had  compared  him  to  drunkards  and 
cowards.  I  replied  that  I  was  not  talking  of  himself,  but 
was  only  saying  that  at  that  time  there  was  a  greater  number 

'   Macliiavclli  and  other  historians  write  Fracassa.     Catlicrine  writes  Fracasso. 


THE    FLORENTINE   ALLIANCE  233 

of  soldiers.     He   left   me   in   anger   and  displeasure  as  if  to 
make  me  understand  that  he  was  going  away," 

The  Duke's  reply  is  contained  in  his  instructions  to  a 
certain  Battistone,  who  was  returning  to  Forli  on  September  22. 
"  We  regret  the  words  and  expressions  used  by  the  Signor 
Messer  Caspar  (Fracassa),  but  as  we  have  already  told  Her 
Ladyship,  it  is  necessary  to  tolerate  him,  for  his  deeds  are 
better  than  his  words,  therefore,  we  pray  her,  if  he  is  to  stay 
there,  to  bear  with  him  .  .  .  she  will  conquer  him  by 
courtesy." 

The  Venetians  attempted  to  occupy  Marradi  in  Romagna, 
but  were  thwarted  in  this  design,  by  troops  "  sent  there  by 
the  Duke  of  Milan,  and,  at  his  request,  by  Catherine  Sforza, 
Lady  of  Forli,"  says  Capponi  in  his  History  of  the  Florentine 
Republic.  But  now  Fracassa,  whose  soldiers  were  deserting  for 
want  of  pay,  declared  that  he  would  abandon  Marradi,  unless 
the  promised  infantry  were  sent  to  him,  and  Catherine  wrote 
her  brother-in-law,  Lorenzo  Medici,  that  in  this  Fracassa  was 
justified.  She  had  written  and  rewritten  to  the  Ten  (di  Balia) 
for  money,  but  "  had  not  yet  seen  anything  but  words  .  .  . 
the  enemy  strengthens  in  these  parts  and  ours  diminish.  And 
it  would  not  appear  that  the  Venetians  have  begun  this  dance 
to  finish  it  so  soon.  ...  I  am  the  only  one  menaced,  for  it 
appears  that  they  consider  themselves  to  have  been  greatly 
injured  by  what  I  have  done  to  further  your  interests,  and 
they  add  that  I  have  robbed  them  of  victory.  .  .  .  If  the  Ten 
do  not  intend  to  send  the  money,  I  do  not  care  to  pass  for  a 
fool  with  these  people,  whom  I  have  kept  together  by  good 
words.  .  .  ."  The  Duke  of  Milan  proceeds  most  cautiously 
against  the  Venetians,  "  but  we  have  come  to  such  a  pass  that 
we  shall  have  to  raise  our  masks.  .  .  ."  When  others  are 
so  cautious,  how  much  more  does  it  behove  her,  who  is  so 
much  weaker  than  they,  to  be  circumspect !  "  But  the  last 
thing  I  will  do  is  to  forfeit  these  States,  seeing  that  there 
be  none  who  will  give  me  others  or  any  like  them.  ...  I 
know  that  you  love  your  own  Republic  and  believe  that  you 
do  not  hate  mc."     Catherine  concludes  by  appealing  to  him 


234  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

to  provide   against  their  coming  need.     Fracassa  was  about 
to  leave  Modigliana :  what  would  happen,  if  he  did  ? 

The  Countess  sat  up  at  night  going  through  the  accounts, 
so  that  she  might  provide  for  the  payment  of  his  soldiers;  she 
sent  to  beg  him  to  remain,  to  accept  this  preliminary  payment 
for  the  infantry  until  the  Florentines  decided  whether  ot  no 
they  will  contribute  additional  funds.  "  If  he  stays,  provision, 
other  than  by  words,  will  have  to  be  made.  An  hour,"  she 
repeated,  "is  worth  thousands."  On  the  evening  of  the  i8th 
(/lora  XL  noctis)  she  again  wrote  Lorenzo  that  "  now  the  enemy 
was  upon  them,  she  trusted  that  there  would  be  no  further 
indecision.  .  .  .  Fracassa  will  persevere  in  his  intention  .  .  . 
he  is  not  one  to  alter  his  mind."  Count  Ranuccio  Farnese 
had  arrived  but  had  been  unable  to  get  word  or  deed  from 
Fracassa.  ..."  Had  he  been  left  alone,  perhaps  he  would 
have  behaved  better."  If  possible,  it  would  be  well  to  keep 
him  ;  his  brother,  Caiazzo,  might  have  influenced  him,  but 
that  he  was  in  bed  with  a  great  fever :  she  now  feared 
that  Fracassa  had  some  understanding  with  the  Venetians 
at  Ravenna  ;  was  anxiously  awaiting  money,  which  when  it 
came  she  would  not  squander,  but  the  arrears  of  pay  were 
heavy.  She  had  lent  money  to  Octavian  Manfredi,  who  was 
poor,^  and  whom  she  would  like  to  reinstate  at  Faenza,  to  have 
some  near  on  whom  she  could  depend.  She  could  no  longer 
count  on  Astorre  Manfredi,  the  poor  boy  who  was  to  have 
been  her  son-in-law,  now  caught  in  the  toils  of  the  Venetians. 
"  I  do  not  feel  obliged  to  give  my  daughter  to  that  child,  for 
his  tender  years  and  relationship  to  Bentivoglio  would  prevent 
his  being  of  any  comfort  to  mc.  .  .  .  The  Count  of  Caiazzo 
has  asked  for  the  hand  (of  Bianca)  in  marriage  .  .  .  there  is 
the  question  of  (the  difference  in)  age,  otherwise  the  reputation 
he  has  throughout  Italy  would  make  him  acceptable  to 
mc.  .  .  ."  To  the  Duke,  Catherine  wrote  asking  him  to 
consider  tin's  proposal  and  inform  her  of  his  opinion  :  "she 
woukl  not  do  anything  without  his  advice,  and  if  the  Count 
returned  to  the  subject  she  must  give  him  a  decisive  answer." 

'  Whom  ill  1495,  Catlicrinc  and  ihc  W-iiutians  had  repulsed  and  pursued  in 
defence  of  tiie  1  iglits  of  Astorre  Manfredi. 


THE    FLORENTINE   ALLIANCE  235 

At  last,  on  October  20,  1498,  2000  ducats  arrived 
from  Florence,  the  more  necessary  "  in  that  some  persons 
I  have  detained  here,  on  my  word  and  faith,  for  which  I 
would  rather  die  than  fail  them,"  wrote  Catherine  to  her 
uncle.  "  Pressing  need  to  sweep  the  enemy  from  our  house 
has  necessitated  more  ample  provision  than  you  realize,  .  .  . 
If  you  will  lay  aside  your  mask  and  tread  less  cautiously, 
making  the  requisite  provision,  be  sure  that  victory  will  be 
yours."  Bentivoglio  had  attempted  to  corrupt  the  captain  of 
her  archers,  but  the  latter  had  proved  himself  a  good  soldier 
and  loyal  servitor.  Was  she,  or  not,  justified  in  her  distrust 
of  him  .''  The  Ten  (Dieci  di  Balia)  had  learnt  that  the  enemy 
were  about  to  pour  down  3000  German  and  Swiss  mer- 
cenaries on  Romagna.  "  They,"  continued  Catherine,  on 
the  2 1st,  "do  everything  promptly,  and  do  not  hesitate  over 
much.  Woe  unto  us  if  they  are  the  victors.  They  will  not 
be  so  gingerly  as  we.  We  must  have  more  troops  at  once 
...  it  is  time  to  have  done  with  words,  and  with  painted 
horses."  To  Lorenzo  Medici,  who  had  written  encouraging 
her  "  to  be  of  good  courage,  as  she  had  ever  been,  and  devise 
some  high  deed  which  would  save  them  all,"  she  replied  that 
she  "was  more  likely  to  feel  the  blow  before  the  fear."  ^  But 
at  that  moment  the  enemy  had  entered  Bibbiena.  How  many 
times  had  she  written  to  avert  this  calamity.  ,  .  . 

While  Catherine  devoted  herself  to  defending  the  Floren- 
tines, she  was  herself  exposed  to  the  greatest  danger ;  the 
Venetians  brought  their  camp  to  Villafranca,  within  two  miles 
of  her,  and  summoned  Antonio  Ordelaffi  from  Ravenna,  thus 
threatening  her  both  with  open  warfare  and  civic  sedition. 
They  stole  cattle,  some  of  which  they  consented  to  return  on 
payment  of  ransom.  "  This  is  cowardly,"  wrote  Catherine. 
"  I  would  that  our  people  had  no  more  consideration  for  them 
than  they  show  us.  Why  this  consideration .''  I  have  had 
less  in  risking  all  that  is  mine."  She  had  ever  advised  the 
people  of  Faenza  "  not  to  follow  in  the  steps  of  others  lest 
they  draw  down  upon  themselves  both  friends  and  enemies." 

Her  experience  with  Fracassa  and  others  caused    her  to 

^  Suiii  prima  per  sent  ire  le  botte  elie  liavere  paiiva. 


236  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

write  the  Florentines  that  if  they  intended  sending  soldiers 
to  her  for  winter  quarters  she  would  prefer  "  the  small  change  " 
of  men-at-arms,  not  coiidottieri  nor  captains-general. 

On  October  30,  Catherine  wrote  Lorenzo — "  After  dis- 
missing the  cavalcade,  I  remained  with  Signer  Fracassa  and 
your  commissioner.  We  went  to  the  quarters  of  the  Count 
of  Caiazzo  to  discuss  these  expensive  and  burdensome 
winter  quarters.  I  spoke  my  mind  to  them,  telling  them 
that  while  in  words  they  affected  to  carry  out  my  orders 
according  to  the  commission  they  hold,  in  deed  they  are 
averse  to  any  useful  action.  I  was  obliged  to  remind  them 
that  they  have  no  muddle-head  to  deal  with,  I  had  suggested 
an  attack  on  Brisighella,  which  would  have  been  a  certain 
victory — I  know  it — but  they  would  have  none  of  it.  When 
the  enemy  had  left  Marradi  and  encamped  on  my  territory,  I 
advised  them  to  come  to  Castrocaro,  and  harry  the  territory 
of  Faenza  :  they  did  not  choose  to.  I  advised  them  to  make 
some  raids  at  Faenza  and  proved  to  them  they  could  do  so 
with  impunity  :  they  would  not  make  them.  Had  we  done 
any  of  these  things,  the  enemy  were  not  now  either  on  my 
land  or  at  Bibbiena,  but  would  be  employed  in  guarding 
their  own.  They  would  wish  me  to  acknowledge  that  they 
are  in  the  right,  but  that  would  neither  be  consistent  with  my 
nature  nor  with  the  importance  of  your  States  and  mine. 
But  if  one  differs  from  them  in  opinion  or  desire,  they  turn 
upon  one  in  fury. 

"  I  have  become  a  laughing-stock  here,  and  were  it  not  for 
my  interest  in  your  glorious  Republic,  pray  believe  that  I 
would  not  endure  this  conduct  patiently.  Picture  to  yourself 
the  state  of  my  mind,  and  if  at  times  my  letters  betray 
despair,  wonder  not  at  it.  Provision  might  have  been  made 
against  tiie  attacks  of  the  enemy,  which  were  all  foreseen  : 
they  were  not  made  ;  we  might  have  lived  in  security :  it 
has  not  been  permitted  to  us  ;  wc  might  have  prevented  the 
enemy  from  injuring  either  you  or  ourselves  :  but  despite  our 
reminders,  nothing  has  been  done.  .  .  .  PZnough  to  make  the 
hardest  head  despair,  much  less  me,  who  am  but  a  woman." 
"I  have  written  my  Lord  Duke  to  send  hither  a  confidential 


THE    FLORENTINE    ALLIANCE  237 

person  to  investigate  the  truth,  so  that  His  Excellency  may 
realize  what  is  happening,  for  others  whom  I  know  to  be  only 
writing  him  what  they  please  might  gain  more  credence  than  I. 
...  I  will  not  have  any  Horse,  and  even  if  they  wished  it  I 
would  not  lodge  any  of  his  nor  theirs,  for  at  home  and  abroad 
I  am  robbed  by  their  men,  and  they  will  not  listen  to  any 
complaint.  See  that  when  my  son  is  sent  to  winter  quarters 
he  be  sent  to  me  here :  he  will  at  least  have  more  affection 
and  care  for  my  subjects  and  yours.  ...  I  think  from  what 
has  passed  between  us  that  they  will  give  up  the  idea  of 
making  this  their  winter  head-quarters  and  will,  instead,  all  go 
to  Castrocaro  ;  for  yesterday  evening,  we  settled  with  Signor 
Fracasso  and  Andrea  de'  Pazzi  that  it  should  be  so.  I  know 
not  if  they  will  change  their  minds  ;  if  they  do  we  shall  be 
guided  by  circumstances.  The  affairs  of  Casentino  have  not 
miscarried  through  me,  neither  will  I  cease  to  do  all  that  is 
possible  ;  but  you  too  must  stir  yourselves  ...  if  you  make 
a  gallant  effort,  our  side  will  win  an  early  victory,  but  if  you 
dally,  you  will  sow  a  fever  in  your  bowels  that  it  will  be  hard 
to  cure.  Have  a  care  to  whom  you  entrust  State  matters, 
it  is  not  enough  for  such  men  to  be  trusty.  .  .  .  You  see  how 
much  inclined  are  these  lords  to  free  me  of  my  enemies  .  .  . 
they  do  not  obey  the  Duke's  commands  to  let  the  enemy 
understand  .  .  .  that  any  injury  done  to  me  is  as  an  injury 
done  to  His  Excellency.  ...  If  they  shirk  their  duty  in  a 
question  of  words  how  can  I  expect  deeds  of  them  .''... 

"To  all  of  which  I  call  the  attention  of  Your  Magnificence, 
quae  betie  valeat,  Forli,  vii  30  Oct.,  1498,  Jiora  XII IT 

Catherine,  who  suffering  for  her  zeal  on  behalf  of  the 
Florentines  by  menace  and  invasion  from  Venice,  prayed  and 
cried  in  vain  ;  the  Florentines,  unmoved,  did  not  come  to  her 
help,  but  no  sooner  had  the  enemy  set  foot  on  Tuscan  soil 
than  they  awoke  and  turned  to  Catherine,  of  whom  they 
asked  "  as  many  Foot  and  Light  Horse  as  she  could  send  to 
Casentino.  .  .  ." 

The  Countess,  indignant  at  the  ingratitude  and  impudence 
of  the  Florentines,  wrote  the  Duke  complaining  of  their 
treatment,  yet  was  too  loyal  an   ally  not  to  rob  herself  of 


238  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

soldiers  for  them.  "  I  send  these  our  archers  that  the  Signori 
may  know  us  to  be  incapable  of  neglecting  to  do  all  we  can 
for  their  comfort  and  satisfaction."  .  .  .  Yet  she  had  written 
in  another  letter,  "  being  without  other  soldiers,  it  would  fare 
ill  with  us  in  case  of  sudden  need."  Her  loyalty  and  high 
spirit  made  her  a  terrible  enemy,  whom  the  Venetians  already 
regretted  to  have  irritated  and  provoked.  "  Times  were 
indeed  bad,"  wrote  Sanuto, "  and  the  Madonna  of  Forli  was 
sending  8000  mercenaries  against  us." 

She  still  continued  to  regulate  the  expenses  and  discipline 
of  her  son's  company  at  Pisa  :  to  her  were  submitted  all 
accounts  and  information  and  from  her  instructions  were 
awaited.  The  new  soldiers  "have  been  levied  by  us  and  not 
by  the  Count  Albertino  (the  commandant) ;  We  are  their 
chief  and  others  are  but  our  ministers."  After  entering  into 
the  minutest  details  of  daily  expenditure,  and  promising  the 
soldiers  better  remuneration  in  better  times,  she  continues — 
*'  You  will  have  everything  looked  into  that  comes  from  the 
camp,  so  that  everything  be  forthcoming  that  had  been 
confided  to  individuals  ;  give  orders  for  all  the  mules  to  be 
sent  here  as  well  as  the  credenza  and  linen  for  the  use  of  the 
Lord  my  son."  This  iron  discipline  was  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  her  servants.  "The  accounts,"  wrote  a  certain 
Lionardo  to  the  Piovano  Fortunati,  a  canon  of  San  Lorenzo, 
Catherine's  agent  and  later  her  confessor,  "  the  accounts  will 
be,  indeed  are  forthcoming;  but  they  are  all  in  a  sheaf, 
Plgure  to  yourself  a  field  that  hath  been  sown  with  wheat, 
barley,  hay,  beans,  peas,  lentils,  etcetera  .  .  .  and  in  which 
everything  has  grown  in  a  tangle  :  how  can  you  keep  each 
product  separate } "  He  then  discusses  horses  sent  for  by  the 
Countess  from  Inlanders  and  mentions  a  grey  horse  that  was 
to  be  sent  back  to  Forli. 


CHAPTER   XXV 
ASSASSINS   IN   ROMAGNA 

Catherine  had  always  openly  protected  the  Tiberti  of 
Cesena  in  their  quarrels  with  rival  factionists.  Of  this  family 
were  Achille,  a  doughty  captain  of  men-at-arms,  and  Polidoro, 
a  loyal,  intelligent  man  of  agreeable  manners,  who,  like  Messer 
Giovanni  da  Casale,  the  worthy  priest  Fortunato,  and  many 
others,  owing  to  the  enthusiasm  w^ith  which  they  served  their 
Lady,  were  reputed  to  be  her  lovers.  Lovers  they  w^ere, 
devout  but  unrequited,  whom  Catherine  alternately  defended 
with  all  her  might,  entangled  in  the  vicissitudes  of  her  state- 
craft, or  sacrificed  to  the  cruel  necessities  of  her  wars. 

In  November  1498,  the  mission  of  asking  the  Pope  and 
Cardinal  Riario  for  a  bishopric  or  rich  benefice  for  Caesar 
Riario,  fell  to  the  lot  of  Polidoro  Tiberti.  Catherine  would 
have  preferred  to  have  moulded  her  second  son  on  the  pattern 
of  his  maternal  ancestors  ;  failing  in  this  endeavour,  she 
destined  him  for  "  the  army  of  the  Church,"  and  sent  her 
trusty  Polidoro  as  a  scout,  to  explore  the  Roman  field.  The 
Pope  had  had  time  to  forget  and  forgive  her  refusal  of 
Lucretia  Borgia,  who  now  as  the  wife  of  Alfonso  of  Aragon 
should  feel  a  certain  gratitude  to  those  who  had  denied  to  her 
Octavian  Riario,     Tiberti  wrote  from  Rome — 

"  Immediately  on  my  arrival,  I  was  received  in  audience  by 
the  Pope — with  whom  I  stayed  until  the  fourth  hour  of  the 
night — with   a  warmth   of  cordiality   that   is   beyond   me  to 

describe His  Holiness  questioned  me  at  length  about 

Your  Ladyship  :  if  you  w^ere  as  beautiful  as  ever,  if  you  were 

239 


240  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

happy,  how  you  governed  your  State,  if  the  Castle  of  ForH 
was  strong  and  well-provisioned,  what  money  Your  Excellency 
had,  how  many  children  ;  to  all  of  which  I  replied  properl)-, 
much  to  the  satisfaction  of  His  Holiness,  who  praised  Your 
Excellency's  great  understanding,  giving  me  to  understand 
how  much  he  appreciated  it.  When  I  came  to  the  subject  of 
the  Lord  Cssar,  I  said  :  '  Holy  Father,  Madonna  places  her 
hope  in  Your  Holiness  (for  she  has  determined  that  the  Lord 
Csesar,  because  of  his  virtue  and  modesty,  shall  become  a 
priest),  believing  that  of  Your  clemency  You  will  promote 
him  to  some  ecclesiastical  dignity,  .  .  .  although  she 
doubts  not  the  gratitude  of  Cardinal  San  Giorgio  (Raphael 
Riario)  for  benefits  received.'  The  Pope  replied,  turning 
to  the  Cardinal  of  Perugia  :  '  Therein  is  she  justified,'  .  .  . 
and  altogether,  I  found  His  Holiness  very  well  disposed 
towards  Your  Excellency  and  Your  children,  as  I  will  verbally 
and  more  minutely  relate  to  Your  Excellency  on  my  return, 
which  I  hope  will  be  soon.  .  .  ." 

On  leaving  the  Pope,  Tiberti  presented  himself  before 
Cardinal  Riario,  of  whose  courtesy  and  good  intentions  he 
assures  the  Countess,  as  well  as  of  the  writer's  devotion  "  in 
life  or  death."  Within  the  month  Catherine  was  informed 
that  her  nephew,  Cardinal  Raphael  Riario,  renounced  his 
rights  in  the  archbishopric  of  Pisa  in  favour  of  Caesar,  so  that 
she  found  herself,  still  young  and  in  the  prime  of  her  classical 
and  famous  beauty,  mother  to  a  youthful  archbishop.  She 
sent  him  to  Milan  on  a  farewell  visit  to  her  uncle  Ludovic, 
and  in  the  month  of  May  to  Rome.  On  receiving  the 
papal  bull,  Catherine,  in  public  acknowledgment  of  her  joy, 
opened  the  doors  of  their  prison  to  six  captives  in  the 
citadel. 

Meanwhile  Ctsar  Riario,  by  command  of  his  mother,  who 
still  regulated  every  step  of  the  adolescent  prelate,  proceeded 
to  his  See  at  Pisa.  On  the  door  of  his  palace  he  quartered 
the  arms  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany  w^ith  those  of  the  Duke 
of  Milan,  those  of  Riario  with  the  arms  of  the  Sforza,  while  a 
third  shield  bore  the  arms  of  Cardinal  Raphael,  and  a  fourth 
those  of  Giovanni   Medici. 


ASSASSINS    IX    ROMAGNA  241 

The  correspondence  continued  between  Lorenzo  Medici 
and  Catherine,  who  was,  however,  losing  patience  with  the 
Florentines.      Her  sentiments  are  revealed  in  a  confidential 

letter  to  her  agent,  the  Piovano  Fortunati "I  am  at 

last  so  sick  of  them  that  I  will  have  no  more  to  do  with 
them  ;  for  I  see  that  they  have  no  respect  for  one  who 
has  given  of  her  own  for  the  benefit  of  that  city,  and  who, 
having  no  obligation,  yet  has  not  hesitated  to  impoverish  and 
endanger  her  State.  They  have  given  us  an  assignment  of 
Alfonzo  Strozzi  for  the  loan,  but  nothing  has  come  of  it. 
This  seems  to  me  so  simple  a  mode  of  dismissal,  that  I  will 
wait  for  none  other,  neither  shall  it  be  thought  (of  me)  that  I 
am  content  to  further  wait  and  serve.  .  .   ."' 

.  .  .  .  "  Make  my  excuses  to  the  Magnifico  Lorenzo  in  that 
I  can  no  longer  endure  this  dishonourable  treatment  .  .  ." 
For  him,  personally,  she  expressed  herself  ever  ready  to  run 
the  same  risks,  but  she  could  no  longer  expose  herself  to  ruin 
for  the  sake  of  Florence.  "  All  our  soldiers  have  been  paid 
their  weight  in  gold  and  to  the  last  carat,"  yet  they  (the 
Florentines)  denied  any  obligation  to  her.  "  Let  them  find 
those  who  will  do  better  for  them  than  we  .  .  .  and  we  will 
live  at  peace  and  without  loss  ;  for  it  is  much  better  for  us  to 
be  mere  spectators  than  spend  our  substance  in  vain  and 
endanger  our  State.  And  pray  believe  that  these  are  no  idle 
words,  for  it  is  not  in  my  nature  to  use  many,  but  you  will  see 
their  effects."  He  is  instructed  to  speak  clearly  to  Lorenzo, 
her  brother-in-law,  so  that  he  may  never  complain  that  he  has 
not  been  warned,  and  to  leave  immediately  ;  she  has  need 
of  him,  and  longs  for  his  arrival  ;  "  neither  will  I  that  you 
remain  there  longer,  for  it  would  be  an  indignity  to  Us.  .  .  ." 
The  news  of  this  dissension  reached  Venice,  where  it  was 
hoped  that  Catherine  might  be  won  over  to  an  alliance. 

On  the  9th  of  the  following  February  Virginio  Orsini 
arrived  at  Ravenna  in  command  of  the  Venetian  troops,  the 
same  Orsini  who  had  been  the  friend,  defender  and  companion 
of  her  youth.  Fearing  that,  being  on  the  other  side,  he  would 
be  obliged  to  attack  her,  she  wrote,  entreating  Duke  Ludovic 
to  come  to  her  assistance,  otherwise  she  would  be  obliged  to 


242  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

save  herself  by  throwing  herself  into  the  arms  of  the  Venetians. 
She  levied  troops  to  meet  Orsini,  condemning  the  standard- 
bearers  entrusted  with  the  levy  to  a  fine  of  ten  ducats  for 
every  conscript  they  allowed  to  escape  them.  The  peasants 
were  to  be  armed  and  in  readiness  to  enter  the  city  in  case 
of  need  ;  several  who  failed  to  appear  nearly  died  of  their 
whippings.  Simone  Ridolfi,  the  friend  of  Giovanni  Medici 
and  husband  of  a  sister  of  Giacomo  Feo,  was  then  appointed 
Governor  of  Imola.  He  levied  and  exercised  conscripts  with 
so  much  zeal  that  artisans  and  peasants,  tired  to  death  of 
drilling,  reviewing  and  standing  in  the  sun,  were  loud  in 
recrimination  against  Ridolfi  and  Catherine.  That  did  not 
move  her,  the  times  demanded  many  soldiers,  and  they  must 
be  had  at  any  price  ;  lances  and  coats  of  mail  were  given  to 
those  who  had  none,  and  their  price  taken  off  the  pay.  Eight 
hundred  breast-plates  and  looo  cuirasses  arrived  from  Milan 
.  .  .  every  movement  being  watched  from  Ravenna  and 
reported  to  Venice. 

While  the  Florentines  exasperated  Catherine,  at  heart  she 
was  still  devoted  to  Florence  and  Casa  Medici.  She  declared 
that  she  could  no  longer  endure  them  and  was  obliged  to  turn 
her  back  upon  them,  yet  was  the  first  to  resent  any  injury 
done  to  them,  to  burn  with  the  desire  of  avenging  it,  and  to 
devise  means  and  opportunity.  Who  touched  the  honour  of 
the  Republic,  touched  hers.  They  had  lost  Bibbiena  to 
Venetians  to  whom  Ramberto  of  Sogliano  (of  a  younger 
branch  of  the  Malatesta)  had  given  right  of  way.  Things 
had  gone  so  well  till  then.  Paolo  Vitelli,  under  whom  the 
Florentines  had  taken  Librafratta,  and  the  besieged  Pisans 
were  almost  at  his  mercy,  for  the  Apennines  were  closed  to 
the  army  of  their  allies,  the  Venetians.  The  Duke  of  Milan 
would  not  suffer  them  to  pass  through  Genoa,  nor  the 
Republic  of  Lucca  through  Ferrara  and  Modena,  nor 
Bcntivoglio  through  the  mountainous  passages  of  Bologna, 
while  the  fortresses  and  archers  of  Catherine  Sforza  blocked 
the  Apennines  of  Romagna  and  confined  the  Venetians  to 
the  Valley  of  the  Po.  Then  it  was  that  Ramberto  Sogliano 
had  opened  to  them  the  gates  of  his  castle  on  the  confines  of 


ASSASSINS    IN    ROMAC.NA  243 

Urbino  and  Casentino,  and  the  Venetians,  under  Hartolomo 
d'Alviano,  had  pushed  on  to  Camaldoli  in  a  single  night. 
The  monks,  who  were  singing  matins,  thought  they  recognized 
in  the  Venetian  leader  St.  Romuald,  their  founder,  and  the 
convent  was  soon  taken  by  the  enemy.  Thence,  d'Alviano 
sent  an  order  to  the  Florentine  garrison  at  Bibbiena,  purport- 
ing to  come  from  the  Ten,  to  prepare  lodging  for  fifty  of 
Vitelli's  Horse,  and  in  the  guise  of  a  Florentine  captain,  rode 
into  Bibbiena  with  a  hundred  men-at-arms,  followed  by  the 
bulk  of  the  Venetian  army. 

The  Florentines  were  in  despair,  but  they  did  nothing. 
Catherine,  who  alone  persisted  in  her  intent  to  punish 
Ramberto  for  opening  the  gates  of  Tuscany  to  the  Venetians, 
wrote  : 

"  It  would  please  me  mightily  if  we  could  besiege  this 
Count  of  Sogliano,  to  convince  him  of  the  mistake  he  has 
made  ...  it  would  be  a  small  enterprise  to  deprive  him  of 
one  of  his  castles  .  .  .  for  indeed  the  enemy's  troops  are  all 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps."  This  was  on  December  2, 
1498.  .  .  .  On  January  15,  1499,  she  wrote  again  to  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici — "Although  little  heed  has  or  will  be  paid  to  words 
of  mine,  either  because  they  have  no  weight,  or  because  of 
internal  dissension  in  your  city,  I  will  not  cease  from  caring 
for  what  is  born  of  my  love  to  your  Republic  and  the  similarity 
of  our  positions.  If  there  be  no  result,  neither  will  there  be 
remorse  on  my  side  for  having  failed  in  what  I  hold  to  be  my 
duty.  I  make  much  difference  in  that  which  I  do,  according 
for  whom  it  is  done.  ...  I  intimated  some  days  past  that 
the  Count  of  Sogliano,  having  behaved  to  you  as  he  has,  it 
would  be  well  to  bring  him  to  his  senses.  .  .  .  Had  the 
said  Count  his  deserts,  he  would  have  already  lost  three  or 
four  castles.  .  .  .  Remember  that  delay  means  danger  and 
many  ills.   .  .  ." 

They  had  intended  that  Andrea  de'  Pazzi  should  take  the 
offender  by  surprise,  but  the  Florentine  commissioner  had 
been  detained  by  a  slight  indisposition,  and  the  plan  had  leaked 
out.  Sanuto  mentions  that  Sogliano  had  written  Nicolo 
Venier  that  the  Countess  was  trying  to  "  get  him  in  her  hands, 


244  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

to  avenge  her  niece,"  ^  and  entreated  the  Venetians  to  send 
him  four  hundred  Foot  for  his  protection.  He  was  thus 
enabled  to  keep  at  bay  the  troops  sent  against  him  by 
Catherine,  under  Naldi,  Tiberti  and  Octavian  Manfredi,  as 
Catherine  had  foretold,  and  he  shortly  afterwards  fled  to 
Ravenna,  where  he  sheltered  himself  from  her  displeasure  in 
the  shadow  of  St.  Mark.  Meanwhile,  Octavian  Riario  had 
gone  to  his  uncle  at  Milan. 

In  the  following  February  Corbizzo  Corbizi,  a  citizen  of 
Castrocaro,  of  ancient  Florentine  lineage,  was  returning  from 
Forli,  whither  he  had  been  summoned  by  Catherine,  to  Castro- 
caro, when  he  was  set  upon  and  brutally  murdered  by  four 
assassins.  The  true  motive  of  this  assassination  was  never 
divulged,  but  it  was  rumoured  that  Corbizi  had  had  a  hand  in 
the  death  of  the  father  of  one  of  his  assailants.  The  Venetian 
Sanuto  accuses  Catherine  of  this  murder.  "  Misier  Corbize 
{sic)  had  held  Castrocaro  for  Zuam  di  Medici,  who  was 
husband  to  that  Madonna,  and  had  lent  money  to  the  said 
Madonna.  Now  she  would  fain  have  held  Castrocaro,  but 
to  this  he,  who  now  is  dead  at  the  hand  of  the  archers  of 
Madonna,  would  not  consent,  but  kept  it  for  the  Florentines. 
It  is  thought  that  the  Florentines  will  avenge  him." 

But  the  truth  was  that  in  Corbizi,  whose  influence  was 
predominant  at  Castrocaro,  Catherine  lost  and  lamented  a 
friend  and  trust}-  counsellor,  and  grieved  the  more  because  he 
had  met  his  death  on  a  journey  undertaken  in  her  service. 
She  published  two  edicts,  one  of  which  forbade  the  use  of 
arms  for  purposes  of  private  vengeance,  and  referred  those 
who  held  themselves  aggrieved  to  public  justice,  which  would 
punish  the  guilty  and  compensate  the  injured.  Another  was 
against  the  arbitrary  decisions  of  public  officials,  who  were 
forbidden  henceforward  to  be  partial  in  their  judgments. 
Favour  and  privilege  were  to  be  things  of  the  past. 

The  suspicions  of  Machiavelli,  who  passed  through  Castro- 
carr)  ill  the  f(jllowing  July,  fell  upon  Dionisio  Naldi  of 
Brisigiiclla,  captain  of  Catherine's  archers.  In  the  first  of  a 
'  Catherine's  resentment  appears  to  have  been  complicated  l)y  a  private  grievance. 


ASSASSINS    IN    ROMAGNA  245 

series  of  letters  written  during  his  legation  to  Catherine 
Sforza,  he  informs  the  Signori  that  he  thinks  a  feud  is 
imminent  between  the  followers  of  Naldi  and  those  of  the 
late  Corbizo.  "  Some  envy,"  he  writes,  "  is  at  work,  for  every 
one  would  like  to  inherit  his  (Corbizo's)  reputation,  and  unless 
this  humour  be  inflamed  by  those  who  might  use  it  for  their 
own  ends,  its  effects  will  not  be  bad.  But  great  suspicion 
prevails  that  this  Naldi  may  commit  some  outrage,  with  the 
sanction  of  Madonna."  In  another  letter  he  writes — "  To- 
morrow I  shall  return  to  Castrocaro  to  see  if  I  can  do 
something  for  the  protection  of  those  of  Corbizo  against 
Dionisio  Naldi  and  his  partisans,  in  which  Madonna  cordially 
offers  to  co-operate."'  Catherine's  archers  were  implicated, 
but  as  she  was  an  ally  of  the  Florentines,  the  men  of  Castro- 
caro could  neither  quarrel  with  her  nor  trust  her.  It  is  possible 
that  Naldi  or  his  party  employed  some  of  these  archers  to 
murder  Corbizo.  Catherine  employed  Naldi  to  uphold  her 
influence  in  those  parts,  whence  the  Venetian  story  that  she 
was  the  instigator  of  the  assassination. 

The  murder  of  Corbizo  was  followed  by  that  of  Octavian 
Manfredi,  a  young  man  of  conspicuous  beauty,  who  had  spent 
that  winter  at  Forli  as  the  inseparable  companion  of  Octavian 
Riario,  with  whom  he  had  served  in  the  Florentine  army. 
Catherine  had  openly  declared  her  interest  in  him  ;  wearied 
of  the  childish  Astorre,  who  was  now  completely  under  the 
thumb  of  the  Venetians,  she  had  proposed  to  the  Floren- 
tines to  depose  him  in  favour  of  his  cousin,  Octavian.  When 
he  was  ordered  to  winter  quarters  at  Faenza,  Catherine  had 
been  offended  and  displeased.  "  Why  remove  him  ?  "  she  had 
written.  "  Is  it  to  annoy  me,  because  I  am  fond  of  him  .''  If 
his  soldiers  must  go,  there  is  no  reason  why  his  person  and 
his  archers  should  not  stay  here."  She  had  written  Lorenzo 
Medici  that  nothing  could  be  more  agreeable  to  her.  Octavian 
was  poor,  but  so  delicately  high-minded,  that  although  he 
accepted  from  the  Riario  the  hospitality  of  the  citadel,  he 
refused  to  burden  his  hosts  with  his  maintenance  and  that  of 


246  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

his  suite.  As  he  had  nothing  but  his  pay,  he  decided  on 
going  to  Florence  to  obtain  payment  of  money  due  to  him, 
and  on  returning  to  live  with  his  friends  in  easier  circum- 
stances. From  this  project  the  Countess  and  the  captain  of 
her  archers,  that  same  Dionisio  Naldi,  of  whom  mention  has 
been  made,  sought  to  dissuade  him  by  every  means  in  their 
power.  Manfredi  was  not  to  be  dissuaded,  and  still  conceal- 
ing the  real  reason  of  his  departure  (which  was  that  he  was 
penniless),  borrowed  sixty  ducats  of  Luffo  Numai,  and  having, 
from  motives  of  economy,  refused  the  escort  which  Catherine 
had  pressed  on  him,  on  April  13  rode  towards  Florence, 
followed  by  only  six  men.  At  Castrocaro  he  refused  renewed 
offers  of  adequate  escort,  and  rode  on  through  the  Apennines 
until,  when  night  had  set  in,  he  dismounted  at  an  inn  that 
had  once  formed  part  of  a  convent  of  the  Benedictines.  At 
dawn  he  resumed  his  journey,  and  within  two  miles  of  the  inn 
was  fallen  upon  by  some  thirty  men  led  by  a  certain  Galeotto 
de'  Bosi,  who  had  walked  all  the  night  by  the  light  of  their 
lanterns  to  lie  in  wait  for  their  victim.  He  fell,  bleeding  from 
thirteen  mortal  wounds.  The  worthy  Canon  Fortunati  received 
his  last  sigh,  and  by  the  time  his  other  travelling  companions 
had  arrived,  he  was  a  corpse,  which  was  borne  by  enemies  and 
friends  to  the  church  of  San  Benedetto. 

This  cruel  death  was  universally  lamented.  Catherine 
demanded  his  body  of  the  Abbot  of  San  Benedetto,  and  four 
Black  Flagellants,  followed  by  an  ample  escort,  conveyed 
it  to  Castrocaro,  where  they  were  met  by  the  whole  of 
the  confraternity  who  bore  it  in  procession  to  Forli.  On 
April  18  Catherine  caused  obsequies  to  be  celebrated  in 
the  church  of  the  monks  of  Valverde,  and  on  the  following 
morning  the  body  was  brought  to  the  citadel  and  thence,  with 
solemn  i)omp,  to  tlie  church  of  San  Girolamo,  where  it  was 
buried  under  the  sepulchre  of  Barbara  Manfredi,  his  aunt  and 
the  unhappy  wife  of  Piero  Ordelaffi,  erstwhile  Lord  of  Forli. 
The  people  of  Forli  were  moved  to  pity  and  sorrow,  and  on 
the  following  day  Catherine  ordered  a  hundred  masses  for  the 
repose  of  the  soul  of  Octavian. 


ASSASSINS    IN    ROMAGNA  2^7 

But  it  was  not  in  her  nature  to  limit  itself  to  prayers  and 
tears  ;  her  strong  soul  was  bent  on  vengeance.  She  soon 
discovered  that  a  certain  Galeotto  de  Bosi  of  P^acnza,  who 
dreaded  the  advent  of  Octavian  Manfredi,  had  determined  to 
surprise  and  remove  him.  Masked,  disguised,  hidden  in  the 
woods,  and  lying  in  wait  in  inns,  Catherine's  myrmidons 
and  archers  were  soon  on  the  trail  of  Galeotto.  Whether  they 
killed  or  spared  him  does  not  transpire  ;  we  only  read  that 
the  homicide's  right  hand  was  presented  to  Catherine  as  a 
trophy. 

Catherine,  who  did  not  recoil  from  tyranny  when  she  found 
it  expedient,  had,  on  becoming  suspicious  of  the  power  and 
popularity  of  the  Sassatelli  of  Imola,  sought  to  alienate  and 
weaken  them.  But  Pensiero  Sassatelli  had  behaved  with  such 
remarkable  prudence  that  she  had  neither  succeeded  in  exiling 
him  nor  lessening  his  popularity.  At  last  she  determined  to 
bestow  on  him  a  guide  who  would  rule  and  watch  over  him  as 
she  wished,  and  to  this  end  offered  him  in  marriage,  through 
Giovanni  of  Castrocaro,  a  gentlewoman  "  in  whom  she  had 
every  confidence." 

Sassatelli,  in  alarm,  saved  himself  by  the  pretext  that  he 
intended  to  become  a  priest,  but  Catherine,  to  whom  words 
did  not  suffice,  exacted  from  him  a  document  which  still 
exists,  in  which,  after  thanking  the  Countess  for  the  bride  she 
had  destined  for  him,  he  declared  that  he  would  wed  no  woman 
because  he  was  determined  to  become  a  priest,  and  gave  a 
security  on  all  his  property  that  not  only  would  he  never  marry 
but  that  he  would  not  even  ask  permission  from  the  Countess 
to  do  so.  Pensiero  ultimately  married,  a  few  months  before 
Catherine's  death,  a  certain  Leona  Sacchi,  of  Ravenna,  by 
whom  he  had  no  issue. 

Related  to  the  Sassatelli  and  their  equals  in  rank  and 
power  were  the  Vaini  of  Imola.  The  imprisonment  of  Enea 
Vaini  had  given  rise  to  correspondence  between  Catherine 
and  the  Duke  of  Eerrara,  in  the  heat  of  which  she  remarked 
that  "all  Italy"  would  approve  of  what  Enea  had  driven  her 


248 


THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 


to  do  in  self-defence.  "  I  learn,"  wrote  Francesco  Trachedini 
to  the  Duke  of  Milan  in  1492,  "that  Bendetto  Aldrovandi  .  .  . 
induced  Enea  to  present  himself  to  the  Illustrious  Countess 
by  means  of  a  safe-conduct  which  stipulated  that  if  he  gave 
security  he  should  be  at  liberty.  .  .  .  Enea  agreed  to  this, 
and  offered  it  in  Imola  and  elsewhere.  But  it  appears  that 
the  Countess  would  have  it  in  Venice  in  a  sum  of  three  or 
four  thousand  ducats.  But  as  Enea  cannot  find  any  one  who 
will  lend  him  so  much,  he  finds  himself  in  honourable  custody 
in  a  room  in  the  Citadel  of  Forli."  He  escaped  with  his 
brother  Domenico,  and  in  1499  they  came  to  Massa  Lombarda, 
which  was  then  occupied  by  the  Venetians. 

According  to  Cerchiari^  "Catherine  nourished  such  bitter- 
ness and  suspicion  of  those 
two  fugitives  who  were  now 
on  territory  occupied  by  her 
enemies  that  she  recalled  them, 
under  safe-conduct,  to  establish 
their  innocence,  and  throwing 
aside  her  mask  on  their  return, 
had  them  seized  and  beheaded 
in  the  fort.  .  .  ." 

A  certain  Antonio  Baldrac- 
cani  was  that  year  secretary 
to  the  Countess.  He  had  been 
often  sent  on  missions  to  the 
Duke  at  Milan,  but  as,  on  re- 
turning from  his  last  journey, 
he  was  attacked  by  some 
assassins  of  Faenza,  Catherine, 
who  would  not  expose  him  to 
further  danger,  wrote  the  Duke 
to  send  Mcsscr  Giovanni  da  Casale  "secretly"  to  P'orli,  whom 
on  many  occasions' she  had  found  most  faithful  to  the  Duke 
and  devoted  to  herself.  This  was  the  same  Giovanni  of 
Casale  who  pla\'cd  such  an  important  part  in  all  Catherine's 

'   Slorta  d^ Imola,  p.  55. 


ARMS  OK    POPE    ALEXANDER   VI. 


ASSASSINS   IN   roaia(;na  249 

affairs  and  of  whom  it  was  said  that  he  was  her  lover,  and 
later  that  he  had  betrayed  her  and  the  fort  to  Valentino. 
But  these  rumours  were  founded  on  deceptive  and  con- 
tradictory appearances.  The  fact  was  that  Catherine  needed 
a  man  in  whom  she  had  the  utmost  confidence,  whom  she 
could  send  to  inform  the  Duke  of  Milan  of  all  she  had  done 
for  Florence  and  how  she  had  been  requited. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE    LEGATION   OF    MACHLWELLP 

"  RPXALL  to  the  Signori,"  wrote  the  Countess  to  her  faithful 
Fortunati,  "  that  Our  faith  and  service  deserved  better  re- 
quital. .  .  ."  All  Italy  was  witness  that  for  their  sakes  she 
has  staked  her  all.  .  .  .  Although  she  owed  them  nothing, 
no  allied  prince,  nor  cojidottierc  had  done  for  them  what 
she  had  done,  and  she  had  been  met  with  indifference  and 
despicable,  cruel  ingratitude.  Possibly  the  Signori  were  not 
to  blame  so  much  as  .  .  .  vile,  malevolent  insinuations,  yet 
this  was  how  matters  stood.  She  had  been  taught  by  this 
experience  to  attend  to  her  own  business  .  .  .  and  times 
might  come  when  the  Florentines  would  need  her  more  than 
they  had  done.  "  It  is  not  our  wont  to  call  attention  to 
benefits  We  have  conferred,  but  in  this  case,  Our  sorrow  lends 
freedom  to  our  speech."  Thus  wrote  Catherine  on  June  28, 
1499,-'  and  soon  afterwards  came  signs  of  the  coming  storm. 

Caesar  Borgia,  Duke  of  Valentino,  was  gradually  attaining 
to  higher  power  ;  he  ruled  the  Pope,  and  disposed  of  the 
treasures  of  the  Church.  He  had  determined  to  build  his 
kingdom  in  Romagna,  which,  as  usual,  lent  itself  easily  to 
every  change.  The  life  of  Ludovico  il  Moro,  Catherine's 
uncle,  was  held  to  be  a  precarious  one,  and  his  throne  was 

'  Tlic  surname  of  MachiavcIIi  is  derived  from  Mains  clavcUiis,  and  is  written 
with  one  c. 

-  The  Florentine  year  hegan  on  March  25,  ah  iiicarnatiouc.  For  instance,  the 
days  from  January  10  to  Marcli  24,  1498,  all  belong  to  1499,  new  style.  This 
computation  was  reformed  in  1750,  wlien  the  new  year  counted  from  the  first  of 
January. 

250 


THE    LEGATION    OF    MACHI.WEIJT  251 

endangered  by  the  King  of  France.  Catherine,  fearing  to 
find  herself  isolated  and  defenceless  against  Borgia  and  the 
King  of  P^'ance,  felt  that  at  any  cost  she  must  resume  her 
alliance  with  Florence,  the  only  State  that  was  then  allied  to 
France.  It  appeared  to  her  that,  under  these  circumstances, 
Borgia  would  not  attempt  to  attack  her,  neither  would  the 
P'rench  king  suffer  injury  to  the  friend  of  his  allies. 

But  she  was  on  the  worst  possible  terms  with  Florence. 
The  contract  with  Octavian  had  been  for  one  year,  with  the 
option  of  extending  it  to  two,'^  with  four  months'  notice.  And 
the  Florentines  had,  at  the  prescribed  time,  invited  Octavian 
to  remain.  But  he,  imprudent,  inconsiderate,  and  ignorant  of 
the  politics  of  Italy,  had  refused,  by  a  legal  act,  and  on 
December  30,  1498,  had  declared  to  the  Ten  that  he  would 
no  longer  serve  the  Republic,  because  the  terms  of  the 
contract  had  not  been  adhered  to. 

His  refusal  was  confirmed  by  his  mother,  and  how  grievous 
had  been  the  complaints  and  recriminations  that  had  reached 
her  from  Florence!  How  could  she  now  approach  them? 
But  her  need  was  pressing,  supreme  .  .  .  the  phantom  of 
Caesar  Borgia,  the  Pope's  master,  in  search  of  a  State,  left  her 
no  peace.  The  wily  Catherine  even  then  found  means  to 
offer  her  armed  and  friendly  hand  to  the  Republic.  The 
pretext  was  a  natural  one  :  she  wrote  the  Signori  that  her 
uncle,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  had  inquired  whether,  in  case  of 
need,  she  would  send  him  fifty  men-at-arms  and  as  many 
archers,  to  help  him  to  resist  the  French  invasion.  But 
determined  as  she  was  not  to  shirk  the  obligations  of  her 
contract  with  Florence,  she  had  not  been  able  to  reply  to 
him.  It  was  for  the  Florentines  to  decide  whether  services 
rendered  by  her  to  their  State  entitled  Octavian  to  stay  with 
them  for  the  optional  year  and  to  reply  to  her  inquiry  without 
delay,  that  she,  in  turn,  might  reply  to  the  Duke.  She  could 
not  think  that  the  Republic  would  ignore  the  devotion  with 
which  she  had  served  it.  The  same  courier  carried  two  other 
letters  written  with  no  less  warmth,  one  for  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
the  other  for  Fortunati,  begging  for  "an  early  and  decisive  reply." 

^  This  option  was  called  heueplacito. 


252  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

The  Florentines  understood  the  game,  in  which  the  first 
move  had  been  made  with  so  much  tact  that  they  might 
accept  her  terms  without  loss  of  dignity.  Florence  was  the 
friend  of  France,  by  whom  the  Duke  of  Milan  was  menaced. 
The  Countess,  allied  to  Florence,  and  niece  to  the  Duke,  asked 
in  whose  defence  she  should  co-operate  ;  if  allowed  to  side 
with  the  Duke  she  would  be  opposed  to  Florence.  For  now 
the  partners  had  changed  hands,  and  the  Duke  who  had  been 
their  ally  against  the  Venetians  was  now  an  enemy.  It 
became  vital  to  them  to  detach  from  him  the  Lady  of  Forli, 
and  to  conciliate  her  by  the  expression  of  due  gratitude  for 
the  preference  she  had  shown  them.  A  letter  from  Fortunati, 
dated  July  ii,  announces  that  Nicolo  Machiavelli  would  be 
sent  to  treat  with  her. 

"  I  have  been  with  the  Signori,"  wrote  Fortunati,  "to  learn 
whom  they  would  send,  and  when.  They  tell  me  that 
Nicolo  Machiavelli,  a  learned  young  Florentine  noble,  secretary 
to  my  Lords  the  Ten,  is  to  leave  with  me  at  once  ;  to  which  I 
replied,  that  to  that  I  could  not  agree,  holding  as  I  do,  Your 
Excellency's  commission  not  to  leave  this,  without  Your 
Ladyship's  permission.  They  raised  the  devil  over  it,  so  that 
I  replied — '  so  tardy  had  they  been  in  deliberating  that  I 
knew  not  how  to  appear  before  Your  Excellency.'  They 
replied  that,  if  their  terms  do  not  prove  acceptable,  they  will 
satisfy  Your  Ladyship  at  any  cost,  and  that  they  are  deter- 
mined that  this  friendship  shall  never  wane,  and  therefore,  he 
must  go,  in  any  case.  I  replied  that  I  would  write  as  their 
Lordships  wished,  and  that  is  what  I  am  doing.  I  think  that 
he  (Machiavelli)  will  leave  on  Monday  and  stay  with  Your 
Excellency  for  ten  days,  or  indeed  until  you  have  come  to  an 
understanding.  .  .  .  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Signori 
intend  to  give  satisfaction  to  Your  Ladyship  .  .  .  and  they 
are  now  preoccupied  by  what  can  best  serve  and  comfort 
You  ;  none  can  say  otherwise,  even  if  then  they  do  their 
worst  in  deed  or  word.  True  it  is  that  the  funds  of  this  city 
arc  in  a  ])arlous  state,  having  been  incurred  for  so  many 
years  that  they  overtax  its  strength  ;  which  is  the  reason  why 
they   try   to    reduce   their   expenses   with  Your  Excellency. 


THE    LE(;ATI0N    of    MACHIAVELLI  253 

And  no  sooner  have  they  taken  Pisa  than  they  will  free 
themselves  of  many  of  their  coidotticri,  retaining  (they  say) 
the  services  of  Your  Excellency,  and  requiting  You  for 
services  rendered  and  injuries  endured.  ...  Be  therefore 
not  surprised  if  Machiavelli  begins  by  offering  Your  Lady- 
ship ten  thousand  ducats  ;  he  being  intrusted  to  do  all  he 
can  to  win  You  over  for  a  small  sum :  not  that  they 
would  take  advantage  of  You,  but  the  better  to  be  able 
to  recognize  and  cumulate  benefits  received  from  Your 
Ladyship.  Ask  for  what  you  will,  and  be  sure  that  it  will 
be  granted." 

The  Instructions  received  by  Machiavelli,  July  11,  1499, 
and  included  in  his  published  works,  beginning,  ''  Andrai  ad 
Furli,  0  dove  intendessi  trovarsi  qiiel/a  ilhistrissiina  Madottna" 
tally  with  the  contents  of  Fortunati's  letter.  He  was  to 
submit  to  Catherine  that  the  Florentines  were  under  no 
obligation  to  confirm  the  re-engagement  of  Octavian,  inasmuch 
as  the  latter  had  refused  his  consent  to  it :  besides,  Catherine 
herself  had  replied  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  who  advised  her  to 
leave  her  son  in  the  Florentine  service,  that  "  On  no  account 
would  she  give  her  consent,  she  had  been  too  ill  repaid  .  .  , 
Therefore  if  Her  Excellency  had  other  views,  the  Republic 
must  be  content  to  abide  by  her  convenience.  .  .  ."  And 
having  pointed  out  that  neither  Octavian  nor  the  Countess 
had  chosen  to  remain  in  the  Florentine  service,  "immediately 
wilt  add,"  continued  the  Instructions,  "  that  despite  all  that 
has  passed,  seeing  her  desire,  and  because  of  our  obligations 
to  her,  and  to  satisfy  her  so  far  as  the  times  permit,  and  to 
prove  our  gratitude  for  the  good  deeds  done  to  this  city 
by  her,  we  have  resolved  to  accord  this  re-engagement 
to  Their  Excellencies."  The  pay  of  15,000  ducats  was 
reduced  to  10,000,  but  the  Florentines  conceded  all  they 
could  ..."  in  the  hope  of  better  things,  when  the  city 
should  be  restored  to  its  normal  state.  .  ."  He  was  further 
instructed  to  leave  Catherine  "no  cause  of  complaint  .  .  ;  "  if, 
burdened  by  so  many  expenses,  their  payments  were  some- 
times deferred,  he  was  to  tender  such  excuses  as  would  be 
"  appreciated  and  accepted  by  Her  Excellency." 


254  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

On  July  1 6,  Catherine  gave  her  first  audience  to  MachiavcUi, 
"  there  being  present,"  wrote  the  envoy  to  the  Florentine 
Signori,  "only  Messer  Giovanni  da  Casale,  agent  for  the 
Duke  of  Milan,  because  the  Lord  Octavian,  her  son,  was 
absent  at  Forlimpopoli.  ...  I  exposed  the  object  of  the 
Commission  I  hold  from  Your  Lordships,  using  such  ex- 
pressions as  best  express  the  desire  of  Your  Lordships  that 
the  times  would  permit  You  to  adequately  prove  the  esteem 
with  which  you  regard  those  who,  in  Your  need,  have  loyally 
served  You  without  respect  of  risk  to  themselves,  as  had  Her 
Excellency.  .  .  although  there  had  been  some  dispute  with 
her  agents  as  to  Your  obligation  in  relation  to  the  beneplacito 
.  .  .  praying  her  to  add  to  past  favours  that  of  believing  that 
she  had  not  served  an  ungrateful  Government.  .  ." 

To  this  respectfully  prepared  discourse,  Catherine  replied 
impulsively  that,  "  in  all  times  the  words  of  Your  Lordships 
had  satisfied  her,  while  Your  deeds,  inadequate  to  her  deserts, 
had  displeased  her.  .  .  .  But  in  the  hope  expressed  by  Your 
Lordships,  she  concurred  without  caring  to  discuss  Your  obli- 
gation with  regard  to  the  beneplacito.  She  would,  however, 
take  time  to  consider  Your  request,  for  it  seemed  to  her 
reasonable  not  to  decide  hastily  on  what  Your  Lordships, 
with  commendable  prudence,  had  discussed  and  considered 
for  a  considerable  time.   .   .   ." 

"  On  the  following  day,"  wrote  Machiavelli,  "  about  the 
sixteenth  hour,  Messer  Antonio  Baldraccani,  Her  Ladyship's 
First  Secretary,  visited  me,"  to  inform  him  that  the  Duke  of 
Milan  had  that  day  invited  Octavian  to  enter  his  service,  and 
that  five  or  six  days  back  he  had  asked  the  Countess  for  a 
hundred  soldiers.  The  .secretary  added  that  "  Her  Ladyship, 
Madonna,  was  doubtful  which  side  to  espouse,  not  seeing 
how  she  could  prefer  the  Florentines  to  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
nor  what  excuse  she  could  make  for  refusing  conditions  so 
honourable  and  accepting  Yours,  which  are  less  so :  besides 
being  bound  to  that  prince  by  ties  of  blood  and  innumerable 
benefits  :  for  these  reasons  she  was  unsettled,  and  could  not 
give  a  decided  answer.  .  .  ."  "  Baldraccani  gave  me  to  under- 
stand that  1  had  better  inform  Your  Lordships  that  Madonna 


THE    LEGATION    OF    MACHIAVELLI  255 

would  not  decide  for  some  time,  promising  to  repeat  to  Her 
Excellency  all  that  I  had  replied,  adding  that  I  should  have 
every  opportunity  of  saying  the  same  things  to  her  personally. 
.  .  .  Yesterday  I  asked  the  Illustrious  Madonna  for  bombs 
and  saltpetre,  on  behalf  of  Your  Lordships  :  she  replied  that 
she  had  none  but  a  great  dearth  thereof,  for  her  own  use.  .  .  . 
On  local  affairs  I  cannot  presume  to  write  much,  because  of 
the  short  time  I  have  spent  here ;  yet  I  gather  from  persons 
at  Court  and  citizens  of  Your  Lordships,  that  Her  Ladyship 
could  not  be  more  attached  than  she  is  to  the  Republic." 

On  the  1 8th,  Machiavelli  wrote — "Your  Excellencies  having 
desired  me  to  again  apply  to  Madonna,  for  men  and  powder, 
I  immediately  presented  myself  to  Her  Excellency  and  again 
conveyed  your  wishes  to  her.  She  replied  that  she  had  no 
saltpetre  and  was  short  of  powder,  but  sooner  than  disoblige 
you,  she  would  permit  Lionardo  Strozzi  to  dispose  of  ten  of 
the  twenty  pounds  of  saltpetre  which  he  had  contracted  for  her 
use  at  Pesaro  to  Your  Lordships,  and  she  ordered  Risorboli  to 
write  the  said  Lionardo  to  that  effect.  Although  I  did  all  in 
my  power  to  induce  Her  Excellency  to  accede  to  Your  other 
requests,  I  could  not  obtain  more  from  her.  .  .  .  With  regard 
to  Infantry,  Her  Excellency  said  she  was  willing  to  give  her 
men  authority  to  take  service  under  Your  Lordships,  but  that 
she  had  not  the  power  to  make  them  move  without  money.  .  .  . 
Therefore  if  Your  Lordships  require  them  and  will  send  500 
ducats,  at  the  rate  of  a  ducat  each,  she  will  find  means  of 
sending  you  picked  men,  well-armed  and  faithful,  and  she 
believes  that  they  might  be  at  Pisa,  fifteen  days  from  to-day.  .  .  . 
This  morning  when  I  had  communicated  the  contents  of 
Your  Lordships'  letter  to  the  Illustrious  Madonna,  she,  with- 
out waiting  for  any  comment  from  me,  said :  '  This  is  good 
news,  for  this  morning  I  see  that  your  Signori  have  made  up 
their  mind  to  action,  since  they  are  levying  soldiers :  for 
which  I  commend  them,  and  am  as  pleased  as  I  was  ill-pleased 
by  their  former  tardiness,  when  it  seemed  to  me  that  they 
were  losing  invaluable  (irrecoverable)  time.'  I  warmly  thanked 
Her  Ladyship,  demonstrating  that  such  tardiness  had  been 
generated    by  necessity  :    to  which   Her  Excellency  agreed, 


256  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

adding  that  she  would  her  State  were  so  situated  that  she 
could  enlist  all  her  soldiers  and  subjects  in  Your  service,  for 
then  would  she  prove  to  the  whole  world  that  naught  but  the 
affection  and  faith  she  bears  Your  Lordships  had  made  her 
Your  partisan,  but  she  would  fain  be  better  understood,  with 
due  regard  to  her  honour,  which  she  holds  higher  than  any- 
other  thing.  This  she  judged  even  of  more  importance  to 
Your  Lordships  than  herself,  inasmuch  as  it  would  serve  as 
an  example  to  Your  other  adherents  of  Your  gratitude  for 
service  rendered."  "  I  did  not  fail,"  continues  Machiavelli, 
"  to  reply  as  I  should,  yet  was  forced  to  the  conclusion  that 
words  are  not  made  to  satisfy  her,  unless  they  be  partly 
corroborated  by  deeds.  And  I  really  believe  that  if  Your 
Lordships  either  pay  something  on  account  of  past  services 
or  concede  a  little  more  in  the  matter  of  the  new  contract, 
that  You  will  maintain  her  friendship.  More  affection  for 
our  city  she  could  not  have,  of  which  I  see  most  evident 
signs  .... 

"  P.S. — There  has  come  to  me  a  secretary  of  Madonna,  to 
inform  me,  on  behalf  of  Her  Ladyship,  that  there  be  two  ways 
of  levying  soldiers  in  her  dominions.  Fifteen  hundred  of 
them,  ready  armed,  whom  she  keeps  for  her  own  needs,  and 
whom  she  would  not  send  to  Your  Lordships  without  first 
paying  to  them,  herself,  a  month's  pay,  whether  or  no  they 
serve  the  whole  month  ....  to  each  man  eighteen  lire,  so  if 
Your  Lordships  would  have  any  of  these,  You  would  have  to 
send  1500  ducats  for  500  men.  .  .  .  She  has  other  infantry 
accustomed  to  serve  as  mercenaries,  but  they  are  not  bound 
by  contract  to  her.  These  you  can  levy  pTO  arbitrio,  their 
terms  being  a  matter  of  arrangement  between  You  and 
them.  .  .  ." 

On  the  24th  he  wrote — ".  .  .  I  tliink  that  to  content 
Madonna,  it  were  needful  to  guarantee  her  reimbursement 
for  past  .services,  this  being  matter  of  grave  anxiety  to  her, 
and  besides,  increase  the  pay  for  this  year  to  1200  florins.  In 
my  poor  opinion.  Her  Excellency  has  throughout  behaved 
honourably,  never  having  so  much  as  hinted  that  she  would 
accept  less  than  is  offered  her  by  the  Duke  of  Milan ;  there- 


THE    LEGATION    OF    MACHIAVELLI  257 

fore  it  is  difficult  to  gauge  her  mind  as  to  whether  she  be 
more  affected  towards  Milan  or  Your  Republic. 

''Primum,  I  see  her  Court  full  of  Florentines,  in  whose 
hands  her  State  appears  to  be ;  besides  I  find  her  naturally 
inclined  towards  this  city,  in  which  she  would  fain  be  popular. 
Of  this  there  are  abundant  signs,  for  she  has  a  son  by 
Giovanni  dei  Medici,  and  hopes  to  have  the  use  of  his 
revenues,  being  daily  on  the  point  of  assuming  his  guardian- 
ship. .  .  .  Ultcrius,  and  what  is  more  important,  she  sees  the 
Duke  of  Milan  assailed  by  the  King,  and  knows  not  how  far 
she  may  be  safe  in  joining  issues  with  him  in  the  present 
condition  of  affairs,  in  which  Her  Ladyship  is  well  versed  :  all 
of  which  reasons  strengthen  my  opinion  that  she  is  going  to 
accept  our  more  frugal  conditions. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  I  see  in  attendance  on  Her  Ladyship, 
Messer  Giovanni  da  Casale,  agent  here  for  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
held  in  great  esteem  and  wielding  great  influence,  which  is  of 
great  moment  and  might  have  great  effect  on  a  mind  in  doubt. 
"And  in  truth,  were  it  not  for  the  intervention  of  this  fear  of 
the  King  of  France,  I  think  that  in  the  pass  to  which  things 
have  come,  she  would  have  left  you,  especially  as  there  would 
have  been  no  breach,  you  being  on  terms  of  friendship  with 
the  Duke  of  Milan.  I  have  ventured  on  this  discussion  in 
the  belief  that  Your  Lordships  can  prevent  this  happening  by 
coming  to  a  speedy  decision  ;  and  this  Her  Ladyship,  who  is 
daily  persecuted  by  the  Duke,  eagerly  awaits.  Yesterday, 
there  was  a  review  of  five  hundred  Foot,  whom  Madonna  is 
sending,  under  Dionigi  Naldi,  to  the  Duke  of  Milan  :  two 
days  ago  fifty  mounted  archers  were  inspected  prior  to  their 
departure  with  one  of  the  Duke's  secretaries,  who  came  here 
for  the  purpose,  and  to  pay  them, 

"  I  think  Your  Lordships  must  have  altered  your  minds  with 
regard  to  the  Foot  soldiers  you  intended  taking  from 
Madonna,  which  is  the  best  thing  You  can  do,  if  You  can 
do  better  elsewhere  ;  but  if  Your  Lordships  are  in  need  of 
them,  these  would  be  good,  faithful  men,  well-trained  and 
promptly  despatched,  (that  is  to  say)  if  you  send  one  month's 
pay." 


258  THE    HOUSE   OF    MEDICI 

After  receiving  fresh  instructions  from  Florence,  Machia- 
velli,  on  July  23,  wrote  as  follows  : 

"  I  presented  myself  before  Her  Excellency,  Madonna,  and 
in  the  choicest  words  that  occurred  to  me  I  delivered  myself 
of  Your  Lordships'  instructions  as  to  offers  from  Milan,  and 
with  regard  to  the  alternative  You  offer  her,  giving  Her 
Excellency  to  understand  that  You  would  not  have  her 
sacrifice  aught  that  can  redound  to  her  well-being,  honour 
and  convenience.  .  .  .  Her  Excellency  replied  that  she  expected 
no.  less  from  Your  Lordships,  adding  that  her  only  trouble  in 
this  case  came  from  the  fear  of  incurring  what  seemed  to  her 
disloyalty  and  failing  in  the  respect  she  owed  her  uncle.  Yet, 
when  she  had  arrived  at  an  ultimate  understanding  with  Your 
Lordships,  she  would  come  to  a  resolution  and  find  the 
means  of  conquering  every  obstacle  in  her  way.  To  which, 
having  made  suitable  reply  and  said  a  few  words  as  to  Your 
Lordships'  letter  of  the  19th  on  injuries  done  to  Your 
subjects,  I  left  at  once,  praying  Her  Excellency  to  hasten 
her  decision." 

The  words  "  mi  part  it  subito  "  would  indicate  an  abrupt 
termination  of  this  interview,  and,  in  fact,  the  Countess  sent 
Baldraccani  to  Machiavelli  on  the  following  day  to  convey 
her  excuses  for  having  curtailed  the  audience  and  explain  the 
reason  of  her  apparent  curtness. 

"To-day,"  wrote  the  Florentine  envoy,  "Baldraccani  has 
been  with  me,  and  having  .  .  .  explained  to  me  that  why 
Madonna  had  not  verbally  opened  her  whole  mind  to  me 
(yesterday),  was  on  account  of  Her  Ladyship's  indisposition 
and  great  anxiety  due  to  the  illness  of  Ludovico,i  her  son  by 
Giovanni  dci  Medici  ;  he  proceeded  to  assure  me  on  behalf  of 
Her  l^xcellcncy,  how  glad  she  was,  niillo  habitu  respect u,  to  be 
once  more  on  terms  of  cordial  friendship  with  Your  Lordships, 
in  whom  henceforward  she  would  put  her  trust,  accepting  the 
beneplacito  in  time  of  peace  on  the  terms  lately  offered  by 
You  of  twelve  thousand  ducats, 

"  I'ut  that  she  may  be  herein  justified  in  the  eyes  of  others, 

'  (iiovaniii  dalle  Hande  Nerc,  then  aliout  a  year  old,  clnistencd  Ludovico  after 
liic  Duke  of  .Milan,  hut  called  Giovanni  from  the  time  of  his  father's  death. 


THE    LEGATION    OP^    MACHIAVELLI  259 

and  for  the  honour  and  reputation  of  her  State,  Her  Excel- 
lency desires  that  Your  Lordships  shall  bind  Yourselves  to 
the  defence,  protection  and  maintenance  of  her  State.  Albeit 
Her  Excellency  does  not  doubt  You  would  do  so  much 
without  any  sort  of  agreement,  tavicn  this  agreement  will  be 
to  her  an  infinite  cause  of  satisfaction  and  content,  bringing 
great  honour  to  Her  Excellency,  without  prejudice  to  Your 
Lordships. 

''Ultcriiis,  Her  Excellency  witnessed  an  assignment,  if  not 
for  all,  of  part  of  the  arrears  of  pay  which  she  can  use  for 
urgent  present  necessities  ...  of  the  importance  of  which  I 
am  charged  to  acquaint  Your  Lordships."  Machiavelli  replied 
to  Catherine's  secretary  "  in  the  most  loving  words  of  which 
he  was  master,"  that  experience  would  but  add  to  the  good 
opinion  vouchsafed  by  the  Countess  to  the  Republic.  With 
regard  to  the  agreement  for  defending  her  State,  that  was 
superfluous  ;  it  was,  besides,  outside  the  domain  of  his  com- 
mission ;  would  the  Countess,  therefore,  accept  the  beyieplacito 
from  him,  and  write  her  instructions  on  other  matters,  to  her 
agent  in  Florence? 

Baldraccani  replied  that  Her  Excellency  preferred  to  settle 
everything  at  the  same  time,  and  insisted  on  Machiavelli's 
writing  to  Florence  for  instructions. 

"  Yesterday,"  continued  Macchiavelli,  "  Her  Excellency 
deigned  to  make  every  excuse  to  me  when  I  tendered,  on 
behalf  of  Your  Lordships,  a  complaint  of  the  outrage  com- 
mitted by  her  archers  on  Your  subjects  at  Salutare  ;  informing 
me  that  she  had  sent  them  to  the  harvest  of  a  certain  Carlo 
de  Buosi  (Galeotto  de  Bosi),  on  property  lying  in  her 
dominions,  the  said  Carlo  having  lately  been  put  to  death  by 
Dionisio  Naldi  in  revenge  for  the  Lord  Octavian  (Manfredi, 
who  had  been  waylaid  and  killed  by  Bosi  on  his  way  to 
Florence).  These  peasants  had  told  them  (the  archers),  that 
if  they  gathered  the  harvest  they  would  be  cut  to  pieces,  and 
said  other  offensive  words,  so  that  they  were  goaded  into  re- 
prisals. Thereat  she  was  profoundly  grieved,  in  proof  of  which 
she  commanded  that  the  first  of  these  archers  who  retaliated 
be  immediately  deprived  of  his  arms  and  discharged  .  .  . 


26o  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

"  P.S. — To-morrow,  fifty  mounted  archers,  hired  by  the 
Duke,  will  leave  for  Milan." 

The  Florentines  thought,  by  accepting  Catherine's  offers,  to 
rob  the  Duke  of  Milan,  who  was  opposed  to  their  friend,  the 
King  of  France,  of  an  ally  ;  but  pending  an  agreement  with 
them,  Catherine  continued  to  send  reinforcements  to  Milan, 
to  prove  her  utility  as  a  friend,  and  for  the  sake  of  obtaining 
better  terms  from  them.  On  the  23rd,  Machiavelli,  believing 
that  he  had  succeeded  in  his  mission,  wrote  that  "  on  the 
morrow  (he)  hoped  to  obtain  the  signature  of  the  Illustrious 
Madonna  to  the  bcneplacito,  according  to  Your  latest  in- 
structions, and  besides  etiam  arrange  the  affairs  of  Your 
subjects  with  Her  Excellency  to  Your  Lordships'  satisfaction, 
I  may  not  add  more,  for  the  courier  is  in  a  hurry  to 
leave." 

On  the  24th,  he  wrote — "After  I  had  written  to  You  and 
despatched  Ardingo,  I  received  a  visit  from  Messer  Giovanni 
da  Casale  (agent  to  the  Duke  of  Milan),  who  informed  me 
that  I  need  not  have  written,  inasmuch  as  Her  Excellency 
was  content  to  ask  no  bond  of  Your  Lordships,  being  assured 
You  would  not  otherwise  behave  in  her  need  than  she  had 
done  in  Yours,  and  that  to-day  the  beneplacito  would  be 
signed.  Therefore,  as  I  believed  that  this  was  what  would 
happen,  and  the  Piovano  di  Cascina  (the  Piovano  or  Cure 
Fortunati)  was  writing  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  (brother- 
in-law  to  Catherine),  I  wrote  to  that  effect  by  the  same 
courier  to  Your  Lordships,  in  the  belief  that  everything  was 
settled.  This  morning,  on  finding  myself  with  the  said 
Messer  Giovanni,  in  the  presence  of  Madonna,  Her  Excel- 
lency told  me  that  overnight  it  had  occurred  to  her  that  it 
would  be  more  consistent  with  her  honour  if  You  declared 
Yourselves  bmiiid  to  defend  her  State,  according  to  her 
wishes  as  expressed  in  the  first  instance  by  her  chancellor 
(First  Secretary  Baldraccani),  which  she  desired  me  to 
communicate  to  You  :  if  the  tenor  of  the  message  I  had 
received  through  Messer  Giovanni  ran  otherwise,  I  must  not 
wonder  thereat,  for  the  longer  things  are  discussed,  the  clearer 
is  the  understanding  arrived  at. 


THE    LEGATION    OF    MACHIAVI':LLI  261 

"  When  I  heard  of  this  change  I  could  not  help  showing 
what  I  felt,  nor  could  I  restrain  my  words  and  gestures  from 
betraying  my  displeasure,  and  I  added  that  Your  LordshipS 
would  be  equally  surprised,  I  having  already  written  that 
Her  Excellency  retracted  every  exception.  .  .  ."' 

But  the  Countess  was  unmoved  by  the  envoy's  anger — 
"And  I,  being  unable  to  obtain  any  further  concession  from 
Her  Ladyship,  am  constrained  to  write  You  as  above."  The 
Countess  dismissed  Machiavelli  courteously,  promising  to  do  all 
in  her  power  for  the  welfare  of  Florentine  subjects  in  Romagna, 
and  although  the  young  envoy  found  more  than  his  match  in 
the  woman  he  had  failed  to  circumvent,  his  mission  had 
resulted  in  a  renewal  of  friendly  relations  without  increasing 
the  expenses  of  the  Government  he  served.  A  letter  from 
Biagio  Bonaccorsi,  Chancellor  to  the  Ten,  to  his  "  Charissimo 
Nicolo,"  testifies  to  his  chief's  warm  approval  of  Machiavelli's 
maiden  effort  in  diplomacy.  .  .  .  "To  my  mind,  your  execu- 
tion of  the  Commission  confided  to  you  is  greatly  to  your 
honour,  in  which  I  have  and  continue  to  take  the  greatest 
pleasure,  so  that  all  may  know  there  be  (at  least)  one  other, 
who  albeit  less  experienced,  is  nowise  inferior  to  Ser  Antonio 
.  .  .  who  thought  so  much  of  himself.  .  .  .  Go  on  as  you  have 
begun,  for  up  to  now,  you  have  been  a  credit  to  us.  I  would, 
above  all  things  ...  a  portrait  of  Madonna  ...  if  you  can 
send  me  one  make  it  into  a  roll  so  that  the  creases  may  not 
spoil  it.  And  at  present  can  think  of  nothing  else  than  to 
commend  myself  and  offer  my  services  to  you.  ,  .  .  Bcjie 
valete.     Ex.  Palatio,  die  XVH H.  Juli  MCCCCLXXXVI HI." 

Servitor  Blasiiis  Bona  :  Cancel. 
Tomasini,  in  his  Life  and  Works  of  Nicolo  Machiavelli  in 
Relation  to  Jllachiavellisni,  appeals  to  the  reader's  imagination 
by  a  mental  reconstruction  of  those  long-vanished  halls  that 
witnessed  the  interviews  of  Catherine  Sforza  and  Nicolo 
Machiavelli.  .  .  .  ''  Catherine,"  he  says,  had  "  demolished  that 
portion  of  the  citadel  that  had  w^itnessed  her  temporary 
humiliation  at  the  hands  of  revolutionaries,  so  that  she  might 
blot  out  the  memory  of  its  shame  :  and,  on  the  highest  point 
of  those  bulwarks,  which  were  held  to  be  impregnable,  had 


262  THE    HOUSE    OF    MEDICI 

built  her  new  and  superb  dwelling.  She  had  named  it 
'  Paradise,'  from  the  beauty  and  dainty  architecture  of  its 
lofty  rooms,  adorned  by  noble  paintings  and  resplendent  with 
gilded  and  carved  ceilings  on  which  were  emblazoned  the 
arms  of  Visconti  and  Riario.  ...  In  those  rooms,  amid  those 
ravelins,  where  later  the  intrepid  woman  awaited  the  ambition 
of  Borgia  and  her  own  ruin,  she  then  received  Secretary 
Nicolo,  who  took  away  with  him  a  profound  impression  of 
her  beauty,  her  greatness  of  soul,  and  the  powers  of  resistance 
of  her  castle." 

After  the  departure  of  Machiavelli,  Catherine  sent  Giovanni 
da  Casale  to  Florence,  with  the  following  credentials — 

"  Jlliistres  et  excelsi  D.  D.  Priores  obscrvandissimi. — That  I 
be  not  wanting  in  what  I  said  to  Messer  Nicolo  Machiavelli, 
Your  Commissioner,  I  send  to  Your  Excellencies  the  respect- 
able Messer  Joanni,  my  Auditor,  who  will  express  to  you  all 
that  I  have  commissioned  him  to  say  in  my  name.  I  pray 
Your  Excellencies  to  deign  to  receive  him  in  good  faith,  as 
You  would  do  to  me,  if  I  personally  presented  myself  to 
Your  Excellencies,  to  Whom,  as  ever,  1  commend  myself 
Forli,  die  August  3,  1499.' 


BOOK  VII 

CATHERINE  AND  THE  BORGIA 


AK.M.S    01-'    C.-KSAK    BURGIA. 


CHAPTER   XXVH 


THE  DEFENCES  OF  FORLI 


King  Louis  XII.  of  France,  valiant  in  war  and  resolute  in 
council,  had  in  the  preceding  year  succeeded  his  cousin 
Charles  VIII.  He  assumed  the  title  of  Duke  of  Milan  as 
heir  to  his  ancestress,  Valentina  Visconti,  and  that  of  King  of 
the  Two  Sicilies,  as  the  House  of  Anjou  had  ceded  that 
kingdom  to  the  Crown  of  France.  Having  resolved  on  an 
invasion  of  Italy  to  take  possession  of  these  two  States,  he 
had  made  peace  with  the  kings  of  England  and  Spain,  and 
with  Maximilian,  King  of  the  Romans  (brother-in-law  to 
Catherine),  and  needing  friends  in  the  Peninsula,  had  allied 
himself  with  the  worst  enemies  of  the  House  of  Sforza,  the 
Venetians,  promising  to  reward  them  by  the  cession  of 
Cremona  and  the  Ghiaradadda. 

Pope  Alexander  VI.  being  still  the  most  powerful  of  Italian 

princes,  King  Louis  formed  an  offensive  alliance  with  him,  of 

which  Ludovico  il  Moro  was  to  be  the  first  victim.    The  Pope's 

chief  aim  was  the  aggrandizement  of   his   son    Caesar,   upon 

265 


266  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

whom  Louis  XII.  had  already  showered  honours,  described  by 
Machiavelli,  in  a  letter  to  the  Ten,  as  excessive.^  When 
Caesar  discarded  the  cardinal's  hat,  the  Pope  had  deputed 
Ludovico  il  Moro  to  ask  for  the  hand  of  a  dauo-hter  of  King- 
Frederic  of  Naples  with  a  view  to  an  alliance  between  Rome, 
Naples  and  Milan.  But  King  Frederic  and  his  daughter  were 
revolted  at  a  proposal  of  marriage  with  a  priest  and  the  son  of 
a  priest,  and  C^sar  had  wedded  Charlotte  d'Albret,  daughter 
of  the  King  of  Navarre.  That  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs  ; 
the  Pope  and  his  son,  who  were  now  relations  of  the  King 
of  France,  became  the  enemies  of  the  States  of  Milan  and 
Naples,  and  promised  to  further  the  conquests  of  King  Louis 
if  he  would  aid  Caesar  to  conquer  a  State  for  himself  by 
dethroning  the  Lords  of  Romagna. 

Peace  between  Florence  and  Pisa  had  been  concluded  by  the 
arbitration  of  Duke  Hercules  of  Ferrara,  on  April  6,  but  war 
had  now  broken  out  again.  Fortune  had  at  first  favoured  the 
Plorentines,  whose  army  was  however  destroyed  during  the 
summer  by  malaria,  while  Paolo  Vitelli,  suspected  of  treason, 
was  iniquitously  decapitated  in  Florence  on  October  i.  King 
Louis,  whose  latest  ally  was  Philibert,  Duke  of  Savoy,  who 
held  the  key  of  Italy,  sent  his  vanguard  to  Asti  under  the 
command  of  Gian  Giacomo  Trivulzio,  a  mortal  enemy  of  Ludo- 
vico il  Moro,  by  whom  his  estates  had  been  confiscated. 

Duke  Ludovico  summoned  men  to  arms,  and  citizens  in 
council,  but  it  was  too  late  ;  the  people  he  had  persecuted  and 
tortured  hated  him.  Gian  Galeazzo  Sanseverino,-  whom 
he  had  loaded  with  gifts  and  honours,  and  who  was  the 
husband  of  one  of  his  daughters,  was  preparing  to  betray 
him  ;  he  himself  hesitated  and  trembled. 

The  P>ench  took  the  castles  of  Arazzo  and  Annone,  the 
towns  of  Valenza,  Tortona  and  Voghera  ;  Castelnuovo  and 
Ccronc  opened  their  gates  to  them  ;  the  Venetians  entered  the 
Ghiaradaddu  and  seized  Caravaggio.     The  P^rcnch  advanced 

'  On  Oclobcr  12,  Valenza  (Caesar  Borgia  had  been  Cardinal  of  Valencia  in 
Spain)  landed  at  .Marseilles,  Ho  was  received  by  the  King  with  excessive  honours. 
—  Letter  to  the  Ten  (di  Halia). 

'^  The  Count  of  Caiz/o,  once  an  as])iranl  to  tlie  liand  of  Catiierine's  daughter 
Hianca. 


THE    DEFENCES    OF    FORLI  267 

on  Alessandria,  held  by  a  strontj  garrison  under  the  two 
brothers  Sanseverino.  One  of  them,  under  the  pretence  of 
a  summons  from  the  Duke  to  attend  him  in  Milan,  ran  away 
from  Alessandria,  many  following  his  example.  Those  who 
remained  were  so  demoralized  that  the  French  disarmed  them 
with  impunity  and  sacked  the  town.  Terrorized  by  this 
example,  Mortara  and  Pavia  opened  their  gates  to  the 
invaders. 

The  unhappy  Ludovico  felt  that  divine  vengeance  had 
overtaken  him  and  his  House.  He  dared  neither  stay  nor 
resist,  and  prepared  for  flight  to  Germany,  where  he  had  sent 
his  children,  his  treasure  of  two  hundred  and  forty  gold  scudi, 
his  gems  and  marvellous  pearls.  Since  it  was  impossible  to  save 
Milan,  he  thought  that  a  garrison  of  3000  Foot  would  suffice 
to  hold  the  castle,  which  was  well  provided  with  arms,  ammu- 
nition and  victuals.  He  confided  its  defence  to  Bernardino 
da  Corte,  and  left  on  September  12,  in  the  hope  of  being 
reinstated  by  the  King  of  Naples,  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
and  the  Swiss. 

No  sooner  had  he  left  the  castle  than  he  was  approached 
by  his  son-in-law,  the  Count  of  Caizzo,  who  declared  that 
since  he  was  leaving  the  State,  the  soldiers  were  absolved  of 
their  allegiance  ;  raising  the  French  standard  he  pursued 
the  fugitive  Duke  as  far  as  Innspruck,  with  troops  in  the 
latter's  pay.  Meanwhile  the  Milanese  sent  orators  six  miles 
beyond  the  gates  to  offer  the  keys  of  the  city  to  the  French  ; 
Cremona,  besieged  by  Venice,  surrendered  to  France  and 
Genoa,  where  the  Adorni  and  Gian  Luigi  Fieschi,  vieing  with 
each  other  in  devotion  to  France,  had  already  surrendered 
to  her. 

When  the  French  had  occupied  Milan  for  twelve  days, 
Bernardino  da  Corte,  in  whom  Ludovico  had  put  his  trust, 
being  tempted  by  a  large  bribe,  surrendered  the  castle ; 
but  so  withering  was  the  contempt  of  his  corrupters  that  he 
died  in  a  few  days  of  shame  and  grief.  On  October  6, 
Louis  Xn.  made  his  state  entry  into  Milan,  where  he  was 
welcomed  as  the  liberator  of  a  people  wearied  with  the 
tyranny  of  the    Sforza,    and    met   b\'   the    orators    of    other 


268  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORCHA 

Italian  States.  The  King  received  the  Mantuan  envoy  with 
courtesy,  but  refused  to  come  to  any  agreement  with  those 
of  Ferrara  and  Bologna  until  they  had  disbursed  considerable 
sums.  He  received  the  Florentine  envoys  coldly,  because  his 
captains  were  unanimous  in  their  blame  of  the  execution  of 
Paolo  Vitelli,  who  at  Naples  had  been  their  beloved  and 
revered  companion-in-arms.  Besides,  the  King  admired  the 
heroic  defence  of  the  Pisans,  ancient  allies  of  the  kings  of 
France,  and  offended  at  the  recent  alliance  of  the  Florentines 
with  Ludovico  il  Moro,  forgot  their  services  in  the  past.  At  last 
he  grudging!}^  signed  an  agreement  with  them,  binding  him- 
self to  defend  them  in  case  of  attack  with  600  Lances  and 
4000  Foot.  The  Florentines  guaranteed  to  King  Louis  the 
services  of  400  Lances  and  3000  Foot,  and  promised,  on  re- 
covering Pisa,  to  provide  500  Lances  and  50,000  ducats 
towards  the  Neapolitan  expedition. 

Francesco,  the  imprisoned  heir  of  Catherine's  brother,  Gian 
Galeazzo,  whose  throne  had  been  usurped  by  Ludovico  il 
Moro,  now  eight  years  old,  was  restored  to  his  mother,  who, 
in  her  terror  of  the  usurper,  imprudently  confided  the  child  to 
Louis  XII.  Isabel  of  Aragon  returned  to  Naples,  where  she 
was  soon  to  be  a  witness  of  the  ultimate  downfall  of  her 
House.  Francesco  Sforza  died  in  early  youth  of  a  fall  from 
his  horse  while  hunting,  as  Abbot  of  Noirmoutier,  where  he 
had  been  compelled  to  take  vows. 

Meanwhile,  Bajazet,  Sultan  of  the  Turks,  had  fiercely 
attacked  the  Venetians,  not  only  in  the  Levant,  but  in  Friuli, 
where  unspeakable  cruelties  were  perpetrated.  Whence  had 
descended  this  sudden  and  unlooked-for  scourge  on  Italy.? 
It  must  be  traced  to  the  instigation  of' Ludovico  il  Moro, 
who,  powerless  to  defend  himself  against  the  French  with 
Italian  arms,  avenged  himself  on  their  Venetian  allies  by 
pouring  down  upon  them  a  barbarian  horde  of  rapacious 
corsairs. 

These  were  the  facts  which  fed  the  thoughts  and  fears  of 
Catherine,  from  February  to  November  1499.  More  than 
ever  she  fixed  her  attention  on  Rome,  which  had  become  the 


THE    DEFENCES    OF    FORLI  269 

very  centre  of  corruption  and  of  the  most  unbridled  licence 
and  ambition.  She  learnt  from  the  letters  of  the  more  far- 
seeing  of  her  friends  that  everything  tended  to  injure  her. 
"  In  this  alliance  between  the  Emperor  Maximilian  and  the 
King  of  France,"  wrote  Pegaso,  "  the  Pope  will  find  the  means 
of  aggrandizement  for  his  sons,  the  Duke  (elder  brother  of 
Caesar)  and  that  Cc'Esar  who  was  once  Archbishop  of  Valenza, 
and  will  no  longer  be  a  priest.  He  (the  Pope)  will  seek  to 
establish  them  firmly  in  Italy,  and  I  would  have  Your  Excel- 
lency believe  that  he  has  his  eye  on  Romagna  with  some 
forethought  and  judgment.  We  are  all  vigilant  and  alert  ..." 
The  trusty  Fortunati  added — 

"  These  be  times  that  call  for  money  and  men  ...  it  is 
better  to  spend  while  there  is  yet  time." 

Day  by  day  the  Countess,  on  horseback,  watched  the  drill 
of  her  men-at-arms,  her  Infantry  and  Light  Horse.  She  did 
this  in  order  that  they  might  be  hired,  hoping  thus  to  be 
sought  for  and  subsidized,  and  so  finding  friends,  she  trusted 
that,  among  the  many,  one  might  realize  the  duty  and  advan- 
tage of  protecting  her.  "  The  Madonna  di  Forli  writes  that 
she  has  sent  five  hundred  men  to  Milan,  under  her  son,  the 
Lord  Octavian,  and  that  she  is  sending  four  hundred  others 
to  the  Florentines  .  .  .  against  Pisa,"  wrote  Alvise  Venier, 
Captain  and  Podesta  (military  governor)  at  Ravenna,  to  his 
Government.  In  the  harassing  uncertainty  of  Italian  politics, 
Catherine,  according  to  an  Italian  proverb,  "  kept  her  feet  in 
both  stirrups."  When  she  had  supplied  a  State  with  men, 
arms  and  ammunition,  she  pacified  the  others  by  asserting 
that  this  purely  military  matter  did  not  involve  an  alliance. 
She  had  already  told  the  Venetians  that  "  Octavian  did  his 
duty  as  a  soldier  without  interfering  in  politics,  and  without 
prejudice  to  Our  State." 

Meanwhile  this  State  was  afflicted  by  a  new  scourge — the 
plague.  Catherine,  who  was  not  to  be  discouraged,  closed 
the  gates  of  the  city,  as  soon  as  she  found  that  the  real 
plague  w^as  within  them  ;  promptly  provided  doctors,  medi- 
cines, hospitals  and  gravediggers,  and  to  this  wise  and 
vigorous    treatment  the  citizens  soon  ascribed  the  cessation 


270  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

of  a  visitation  that  had  threatened  to  decimate  tlie  country. 
The  courage  and  provident  care  of  Catherine  in  times  of 
pestilence  had  always  been  an  important  factor  in  her  life, 
and  was  so  still  where  her  own  cup  was  full  to  overflowing. 
In  the  early  days  of  her  grief  for  the  loss  of  a  beloved 
husband,  she  found  herself  hemmed  in  by  French  and  Swiss 
mercenaries,  without  hope  of  relief  from  Milan,  surrounded 
by  a  plague-stricken  people,  her  State  already  assigned  as  a 
prey  to  the  frenzied  cupidity  of  Caesar  Borgia,  herself  and  her 
children  given  over  by  the  Pope  to  ruin  and  death,  as  if 
Providence  were  in  league  with  human  malice.  For  her 
little  Ludovic,  the  future  leader  of  the  Black  Bands,  who  had 
been  ill  during  the  stay  of  Machiavelli,  grew  worse  from  day 
to  day. 

"  Of  our  Ludovico,  I  know  not  how  to  write  henceforward," 
wrote  the  unhappy  mother  to  Lorenzo  dei  Medici.  "  This 
time  the  fever  has  come  upon  him  twelve  hours  sooner,  and 
has  been  more  violent  than  the  last  paroxysm."  She 
prayed  Lorenzo  to  pray  God  that  he  might  "  be  left  to  them, 
if  it  were  for  the  best." 

Her  faith  in  God  sustained  her ;  she  appealed  to  Heaven 
by  spending  liberally  in  alms.  To  the  Murate,  very  poor 
nuns  of  Florence,  she  had  sent  help,  and  having  received  a 
box  of  flowers  from  them,  wrote  the  Abbess — "  We  thank  you 
for  them,  but  pray  you  not  to  burden  yourselves  with  such 
expense  for  Us,  for  that  would  be  repaying  Us  for  alms  with 
which  We  hope  to  supply  you  regularly.  Pray  with  the  other 
sisters  to  Almighty  God  for  Us  and  all  Ours.  .  .  ." 

At  last,  she  could  write  that  "  Ludovico  had  so  improved 
that  if  nothing  else  happens  to  him,  we  hope  he  may  be 
considered  to  be  cured  of  this  illness.  .  .  .  God  be  thanked 
for  all!"  This  passage  occurs  in  a  letter  to  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  in  which  the  Countess  thanks  him  for  his  courtesy 
in  having  visited  her  orator,  Messer  Giovanni  da  Casale,  "  at 
his  inn,"  where  she  had  instructed  him  to  dismount,  from  a 
prudent  regard  to  present  conditions,  and  especially  to  those 
of  the  city  of  Florence. 

Meanwhile  strange  rumours  concerning  the  Countess  con- 


THE    DEFENCES    OF    FORLI  271 

tinued  to  be  transmitted  to  Venice.  "She  had  caused  the 
castellane  of  P'orh  to  be  hung,  and  had  placed  her  valuables 
in  the  fortress  of  Imola  for  safety."  Who  was  this  castellane? 
He  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere,  and  it  is  evident  that  the 
Podesta  of  Ravenna  was  misled  by  a  rumour  contradicted  by 
future  events.  There  is  also  mention  in  the  Diary  of  Sanuto 
of  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  this  same  castellane  to  bring 
about  an  alliance  between  Catherine  and  the  Signory  of 
Venice.  "  September  9  .  .  .  came  that  envoy  from  Zuam 
da  Casal  ...  he  was  given  fair  words  and  dismissed." 

At  this  point,  two  great  but  sinister  figures  appear  upon 
the  scene,  the  odium  of  whose  fame  is  unsurpassed  in  the 
whole  history  of  Italy.  The  expedition  against  Catherine, 
in  which  the  Borgia  compassed  her  downfall  and  proved  to  the 
world  the  heroic  grandeur  of  her  character,  originated  in  one 
of  the  most  appalling  crimes  that  history  has  recorded. 

On  June  14,  1497,  Csesar  Borgia,  Cardinal  of  Valencia, 
caused  his  brother  Piero,  Duke  of  Candia,  to  be  murdered 
and  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  on  returning  from  a  supper  in  the 
house  of  Vannozza,  his  mother.  The  vilest  rumours  and  a 
terrible  but  unproven  suspicion  darkened  the  minds  of  the 
people.  The  death  of  this  son  nearly  cost  the  Pope  his 
reason  ;  so  violent  and  of  so  strange  a  nature  had  been  his 
grief  that  it  was  whispered  he  had,  under  the  influence  of 
Caesar,  in  some  way  connived  at  the  assassination  of  Piero, 
and  that  the  father's  sorrow  was  complicated  by  a  monstrous 
remorse. 

Hence  tears  in  open  Consistory,  repentance  of  past  errors, 
vain  projects  of  reforming  the  corruption  of  the  Court,  repul- 
sion to  Caesar,  who  had  brought  upon  him  this  despair;  ending 
in  reconciliation,  a  new,  blind,  and  unbalanced  love  for  him, 
and  among  other  concessions  to  the  fratricide,  the  promise  to 
abet  his  attack  upon  Catherine  Sforza  and  other  Romag- 
nole  princes  ruling  as  Vicars  of  the  Church.  Their  States 
were  not  to  return  to  the  Church,  but  would  be  amalgamated 
into  an  independent  one,  under  Caesar,  as  really  a  step  on  the 
road  that  led  to  the  Crown  of  united  Italy. 


272  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

On  August  13,  1498,  Cardinal  C?esar  cast  aside  his  sacer- 
dotal vestments  and  left  for  France,  taking  with  him  a  much- 
desired  pontifical  brief,  which  authorized  the  King  to  contract 
a  second  marriage.  The  King  assigned  to  Caesar  a  pension 
of  20,000  livres,  besides  20,000  livres  pay  as  captain  of  a 
company  a  hundred  strong,  and  in  the  following  May  1499, 
gave  him  the  hand  of  Charlotte  d'Albret  with  the  city  of 
Valence  in  the  Dauphine  as  her  dower.  Henceforward  Caesar, 
ex-Cardinal  Valentino  of  Valencia  in  Spain,  was  known  as 
Duke  Valentino  of  France.  King  Louis  offered  Csesar,  as  a 
marriage  gift,  a  State  in  the  Duchy  of  Milan,  which  he  declined. 
But  the  Pope  promised  the  King  a  certain  number  of  pontifical 
troops  for  the  Milanese  expedition  on  condition  that  the 
French  arm}'  should  help  Caesar  to  depose  the  petty  princes 
whom  he  accused  of  usurping  the  rights  of  the  Church  in 
Romagna. 

In  twenty  days  the  King  had  conquered  Milan,  and  on 
October  16,  Catherine  received  a  letter  from  Nicolo  Machi- 
avelli,  in  which  he  announced  that  he  had  obeyed  her  com- 
mands, and  had  informed  the  King  of  France,  through  the 
Florentine  orators  at  Milan,  that  she  was  an  ally  of  the 
Florentine  Republic.  But  of  what  avail?  Catherine  had  said 
a  hundred  times  that  the  Florentines  were  generous  in  words, 
but  nothing  else. 

Valentino  obtained  15,000  French  troops  for  his  expedition 
in  Romagna.  It  was  notified  to  the  Republic  of  Florence  and 
the  other  States  which  had  not  joined  the  League  between  the 
Pope,  the  King  of  France  and  the  Venetians,  that  they 
must  abstain  from  helping  any  State  attacked  in  the  name  of 
the  Pope,  and  the  Florentines  were  specially  warned  that  Pisa 
would  be  given  to  Valentino  if  they  helped  the  Lady  of  Forli. 
This  silenced  the  Florentines,  although  at  heart  they  regretted 
the  Pope's  designs  on  their  ally,  for  whose  protection  they  had 
in  vain  attempted  to  form  a  League  between  Bologna,  Ferrara, 
Piombino  and  Sienna.  A  new  P'lorentine  Commissioner,^ 
licrto   da    Filicaja,  was  appointed   in   Romagna,  who  was  in- 

'  Macliiavclli,  Scrilti  iiicditi  n]^iian/aii//  la  Sloria  c  la  Milizia. — Florence, 
Harb,  1857. 


THE    DEFENX'ES    OF    FORLI  273 

structed  to  "  be  vigilant  that  no  Florentine  soldier  nor  subject 
did  aught  for  or  against  the  Madonna  of  Forli  or  her  enemies," 
and  every  one,  as  Vincenzo  Calmeta  wrote,  in  sorrow,  on 
October  31,  1499,  to  the  Countess,  "has  resigned  himself  to 
the  ruin  and  undoing  of  Your  Ladyship." 

Calmeta  wrote  that  although  he  had  spoken  to  Gian 
Giacomo  Trivulzio,  and  even  to  the  King,  he  had  only  suc- 
ceeded in  retarding  the  inevitable  fall  of  the  bolt.  The 
French,  who  had  no  wish  to  go  to  war  with  the  Countess,  "had 
tried  to  divert  the  Pope  from  this  fantasy  by  saying  that  the 
Milanese  expedition  had  cost  so  much  money  that  they  had 
none  left  for  this.  .  .  .  The  Pope  (then)  asked  of  the  King's 
Majesty  the  (bare)  loan  of  men  and  artillery,  the  whole 
expense  of  which  he  would  defray  himself.  His  Majesty 
has  lent  him  some  cannons  and  a  hundred  lances  to  guard 
them.  Yesterday  I  complained  to  Messer  Gian  Giacomo 
(Trivulzio)  that  this  was  contrary  to  what  His  Lordship  had 
led  me  to  expect.  .  .  .  He  replied  in  these  very  words — 
'  If  you  do  harm  to  yourselves,  how  can  I  help  you .'' ' " 
These  words  had  at  first  seemed  enigmatical  to  Calmeta,  who 
ended  by  discovering  "that  all  the  harm  came  from  Rome," 
where  the  Cardinals  Riario  and  Delia  Rovere  were  doing  their 
worst.  Calmeta  further  relates  that  yesterday's  audience 
gave  him  an  opportunity  "  of  submitting  Your  Ladyship's 
needs  to  my  Lord  the  King,  .  .  .  who,  in  French,  replied 
to  me  in  these  few  words,  'We  are  not  the  Pope's  judges, 
that  We  cannot  impede  the  exercise  of  his  jurisdiction  in  his 
own  dominions,'  adding  that  his  captains  could  defend  You 
against  any  other  power,  but  that  it  would  not  be  lawful  to 
do  so  against  the  Pope,  of  whom  You  are  a  tributary."  There 
had  been  no  sign  of  assuming  the  offensive  until  "this  morn- 
ing, when  the  Pope's  son  has  begun  to  disburse  pay  to  2000 
Foot,  who  in  a  few  days  will  have  marching  orders ;  he  is 
Captain-general  of  all  the  Forces.  .  .  .  The  Florentines  tolerate 
this  attack  upon  Your  Ladyship  so  that  they  may  escape  scot- 
free,  for  otherwise  the  Pope  would  have  given  Pisa  to  his  son." 
The  Neapolitan  expedition  was  postponed  until  the  spring, 
and  nothing  had  been  decided  as  to  Forli  "  until  this  morning, 

T 


274  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

when  cv^erything  has  been  settled,"  Catherine,  on  receiving 
this  letter,  rode  across  the  Apennines  to  make  a  personal 
appeal  to  those  Florentines  for  whom  she  had  sacrificed  and 
endured  so  much,  but  they  were  deaf  to  her  voice  and  un- 
moved by  her  prayers.  With  incisive  yet  winning  words 
she  told  them  how  that  the  Pope,  by  whom  they  permitted 
their  hands  to  be  bound,  would  not  rest  after  she  had  been 
despoiled.  "  To-day  is  my  turn  ,  .  .  to-morrow  will  be 
yours."  In  vain  ;  for  if  they  stirred  in  defence  of  Forli, 
Caesar  Borgia  would  seize  Pisa. 

"  The  Lady  of  Forli,"  says  the  Venetian  Chronicle,  "  in 
expectation  of  the  army  of  Valentino,  set  herself  zealously  to 
work,  and  cut  down  all  the  trees  near  the  city.  Having 
burned  down  the  suburbs,  she  fortified  the  land  as  best  she 
could,  like  the  notable  woman  that  she  was.  When  she  had 
erected  fortifications,  she  went  in  person  to  Florence  to  ask  for 
help,  giving  the  Florentines  to  understand  that  her  feast  was 
but  the  vigil  (prelude)  to  theirs,  and  that  when  they  and  the 
papal  troops  had  taken  Imola  and  Forli,  they  would  not  rest 
until  they  had  got  to  Florence.^  But  the  Florentine  Signori, 
for  many  reasons,  would  not  interfere.  .  .  .  The  Lady  of 
Forli  let  no  grass  grow  under  her  feet,  and  returning  from 
Florence  without  having  accomplished  anything,  (forthwith) 
fortified  Forli  and  sent  her  children,  because  of  their  tender  age, 
under  safe  guardianship  to  Florence.  She  had,  besides,  cut 
ofif  the  water-supplies  in  the  hills  and  flooded  the  territory 
round  the  city,  so  that  none  might  approach  it,  without  heed 
to  the  damage  sustained  by  citizens,  which  she  promised  to 
make  good  to  them  ;  and  then,  with  a  high  heart  and  spirit, 
awaited  her  enemies.  Certes,  this  woman,  who  was  sister  to 
the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  did  not  degenerate  from  the  strain  of 
which  she  came,  might  well  be  called  virago.-  .  .  ." 
On  November  5,  Sanuto's  diary  contains  the  entry — 
"...  The  Pope's  son  ^  with  his  army  is  about  to  encamp 

'   Cronicon  Veiitliiiii,  Muratori  R.  I.  Scr.  XXIV.,  128,  129. 
-  Virago  as  employed  by  .Vriosto,  Tasso,  ami  IJoiardo  in  liicsenseof  a  woman  of 
virile  mintl. 

■'   KI  fiol  del  I'afa. 


THE    DEKKNCES    OF    FORLI  275 

Imola  and  Forli  and  take  Pcsaro,  whose  poor  lord  doth  at 
commend  himself  to  the  Signory  (of  Venice),  saying  that  he 
will  turn  monk,  while  the  Madonna  of  Forli  continues  to 
fortify  herself  and  lay  in  great  store  of  provisions." 

For  Catherine  preferred  the  seclusion  of  a  fortress  to  that 
of  a  cloister,  but  the  other  lords  of  Romagna  believed  them- 
selves to  be  lost  before  they  were  attacked.  Giovanni  Sforza^ 
had  indeed  offered  Pesaro  to  the  Venetians,  in  return  for  the 
protection  he  craved  of  them.  This  offer  they  were  con- 
strained to  refuse,  in  deference  to  the  King  of  France,  and 
that  they  might  be  the  better  able  to  hold  Rimini  for  Pan- 
dolfo  Malatesta,  and  Faenza  for  Astorre  Manfredi,  despite 
the  remonstrances  of  the  Pope.  On  the  15th,  Machiavelli 
wrote  Antonio  Canigiani,  Florentine  commissioner  with  the 
army — "  The  latest  news  is  that  His  Majesty  the  King  has  left 
Milan  for  Vigevano  on  his  way  to  Lyons,  and  on  the  same 
day,  which  was  the  9th,  300  French  Lancers  and  4000  Swiss 
advanced  on  the  Madonna  of  Imola;  all  subsidized  by  the 
Pope,  who  would  give  that  State,  with  Rimini,  Faenza,  Pesaro, 
Cesena  and  Urbino,  to  him  of  Valentino  (le  Valentinois).  It 
is  believed  that  unless  the  populace  are  disloyal  to  Madonna, 
she  will  defend  herself;  if  she  cannot  defend  the  land  because 
of  the  perfidy  of  the  (rural)  population,  the  fortresses  will  be 
held:  in  any  case  it  would  appear  that  she  is  so  minded." 

Besides  the  French,  15,000  troops,  under  Ives  d'Alegre 
and  the  4000  Swiss  under  the  Bailli  of  Dijon,  Cssar  Borgia 
personally  commanded  those  papal  forces  which  the  Pope 
had  sent  for  the  facile  conquest  of  the  Duchy  of  Milan. 

By  a  circular  addressed  to  the  consuls  and  the  Commune  of 
Bologna,  King  Louis,  on  November  5,  apprised  them  that 
he  was  sending  an  army  under  Csesar  Borgia,  Duke  of 
Valentino,  to  besiege  and  take  the  fortresses  of  Imola  and 
Forli  on  behalf  of  the  Pope.  Catherine  was  specially  de- 
nounced because  it  was  averred  that  despite  continual  warning 
and  menace  she  had,  during  the  last  three  years,  refused  to 
pay  tribute  to  the  Apostolic  treasury.  '■ 

A  Roman  tribunal  had   already  declared  Imola  and  Forli 
'  Giovanni  Sforza,  first  husband  of  Lucrelia  Borgia. 


276  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

to  be  forfeited  by  Catherine  and  her  children,  and  the  papal 
bull  of  March  9,  1499,  signed  by  seventeen  cardinals, 
confirmed  the  deposition  of  this  "  Daughter  of  Iniquity,"  ^  and 
invested  Caesar  Borgia  with  her  States.  The  Lords  of 
Romagna,  who  ruled  as  Vicars  of  the  Church,  were  accused 
of  regarding  themselves  as  independent,  and  serving  in  the 
armies  of  other  princes  without  refusing  to  be  led  against 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  "These  Lords,"  wrote  Muratori,  "held 
their  cities  by  right  of  pontifical  bulls :  it  mattered  not,  they 
had  to  yield  to  the  ambitions  of  the  House  of  Borgia :  and 
pretexts  for  despoiling  the  lawful  owners  were  not  wanting 
to  those  who  were  waiting  to  build  a  majestic  edifice  over 
their  ruins." 

The  Countess,  on  hearing  of  what  she  was  accused,  had 
immediately  despatched  Dr.  Giovanni  dalle  Selle  to  Rome, 
to  disburse  the  3000  gold  florins  said  to  be  due  from  her, 
and  to  present  the  account  drawn  up  by  the  Apostolic 
treasury  on  the  death  of  Sixtus  IV.,  with  an  additional 
counter-claim  for  four  years  of  pay  due  to  Girolamo,  as 
Captain-general  of  the  Church,  during  his  absence  in 
Romagna. 

Nothing  had  availed  her.  Despite  his  urgent  prayers  for 
a  personal  audience,  the  envoy  returned  without  having 
been  permitted  to  see  Alexander  VI.  The  Treasury  dis- 
claimed any  cognizance  of  the  rights  and  dues  of  the  late 
Count  Girolamo. 

"  The  Treasury,"  wrote  Girolamo  Sacrati  to  the  Duke  of 
Ferrara,  "will  prosecute  the  Lord  of  Forli  and  Imola  with 
the  utmost  rigour."  Cardinal  Riario  had  put  forward,  in 
favour  of  his  nephews,  the  60,000  ducats  to  which  their 
father's  rights  entitled  them,  ''tis  non  obstantilms,  the  Pope 
has  insisted  on  sentence,  signed  by  his  own  hand,  being  given 
against  them   .  .  ." 

Imola  and  P'orli  were  the  keys  of  Romagna,  which,  in  its 
turn,  ('athcrine  realized  was  the  door  to  be  opened  by 
C.x'sar  liorgia  on  the   dominion  of  all   Italy.     "'  The   Pope," 

'  Ikill  of  Alexander  VJ.  deposing;  tlic  Riario  aiul  their  nioliier  from  the 
Vicarials  of  Imola  and  Korli. 


THE    DEFENCES    OF    FOKLI  277 

wrote  Saniito,  "claims  Bologna,  Imola  and  Forli,  but  says 
Messer  Gian  Giacomo  (Trivulzio),  '  lie  who  hunts  every  hare 
catches  none.'"  Catherine  was  none  the  less  resolved  to 
defend  her  children's  rights  to  the  bitter  end,  and  by  up- 
holding their  rank  as  reigning  princes,  to  vindicate  the 
honour  and  restore  the  fallen  fortunes  of  the  House  of 
Sforza. 

Yet  the  undaunted  opponent  of  the  Borgia — who  were 
known  to  dispose  of  their  enemies  by  poison,  drowning, 
flaying  alive,  or  throat-cutting — was  a  woman  who  knew 
that  neither  her  armies  nor  her  foresight  could  prevail  against 
the  impending  terrors.  Despite  a  tranquillity  assumed  to 
encourage  her  defenders,  her  clear  mind  read  the  future, 
and  she  trembled  and  turned  to  Heaven  for  guidance  and 
support.  The  Abbess  of  the  Murate  sent  her  fruit  from  her 
Florentine  orchard  :  to  her  thanks  she  added  prayers  that 
she  would  "remember  her  in  her  orations,  so  that  amid  these 
turmoils  of  the  world,  God  may  defend  Us  and  show  Us 
the  right  way."  In  a  letter  to  Francesco  Gonzaga,  Marquis 
of  Mantua,  to  whom  she  sent  a  present  of  a  Spanish  mare 
and  stallion,  she  writes — "  The  Pope,  without  a  semblance 
of  justice,  persecutes  Us,  so  that  he  may  give  this  State 
to  his  son ;  but  We,  knowing  ourselves  to  be  blam.eless,  cannot 
believe  that  God  and  man  will  withhold  compassion  from 
Us.  On  Our  side,  we  despair  not,  but  shall  defend  Our 
own  as  long  as  We  can,  so  that  perchance  they  may  find 
(the  enterprise)  less  easy  than  they  persuade  themselves." 

Catherine  had  passed  the  summer  in  collecting  arms, 
provisions  and  ammunition  for  the  fortresses  of  Imola  and 
Forli.  This,  by  the  light  of  family  tradition,  had  been  easy 
to  her,  who  for  many  years  had  made  of  her  State  a  factory 
and  market  of  arms  and  soldiers.  She  had  assembled  many 
experts  in  war,  whom  she  had  chosen,  so  far  as  it  had  been 
possible,  from  ancient  and  illustrious  houses,  that  their  names 
might  lend  weight  to  her  cause.  She  summoned  Scipio,  the 
natural  son  of  Girolamo,  from  his  exile,  and  her  three  brothers, 
Alexander  Sforza,  the  Count  of  Melzo,  and  another  whose 
name    does    not     appear.     Farly    in    November,    she    sent 


278  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

Octavian  to  Imola  to  probe  the  mind  of  its  citizens  and  to 
prepare  the  city  for  defence.'  Octavian  announced  to  the 
council  that  his  mother  was  preparing  for  defence  against 
the  French  and  pontifical  forces,  and  if  they  were  of  the 
same  mind,  he  was  prepared  to  aid  and  second  them  in  all 
they  could  desire.  He  dilated  on  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and 
freed  them,  from  that  moment,  of  all  custom-house  duties. 
The  Imolese  demanded  the  return  of  their  exiles  to  aid  in 
the  defence — which  Catherine  granted — and  promised  fealty 
so  long  as  it  did  not  entail  useless  bloodshed. 

Giovanni  Pietro  Landriani,  Catherine's  stepfather,  old  and 
inexperienced  in  war,  castellane  of  Imola,  was  replaced  by 
Dionisio  Naldi  of  Brisighella,  who  owed  his  life  to  the 
Countess,  and  whom  the  Florentines  would  have  thrown  into 
the  horrible  prison  of  the  Stinche  when  he  was  suspected  of 
the  murder  of  Corbizzi  but  for  her  intercession.  "  Your 
Magnificence  is  aware  how  much  I  love  Dionisio  di  Naldi,  for 
his  loyalty  and  devotion,  albeit  he  hath  a  head  of  his  own," 
she  had  written  to  Lorenzo  IMedici  ;  "  fearing  his  enemies 
might  compass  his  death,  and  greatly  desiring  his  deliver- 
ance." This  she  had  obtained  by  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
and  Naldi,  in  return,  brought  two  hundred  men  to  the  defence 
of  the  Fort  of  Imola,  which  he  promised  to  hold  with  his  life, 
giving  Catherine  his  wife  and  children  as  hostages. 

The  Imolese  then  closed  all  the  city  gates  and  refused  to 
be  exempted  from  custom-house  duties,  in  gratitude  for 
which  Octavian  suppressed  the  weight  and  meat  taxes. 
Naldi,  the  new  castellane,  strengthened  the  fortification  of  the 
castle  and  the  city  wall,  and  summoned  to  his  aid  ten  of  his 
bravest  and  most  trusty  kinsmen.  The  garrison  consisted  of 
eighty  experienced  and  faithful  soldiers,  the  peasant  battalions 
were  levied  and  drilled  by  Giovanni  Sassatelli  (the  famous 
Caguarjrjo),  and  on  the  13th  Octavian  returned  to  Forli. 

Meanwhile  X'alentino  advanced  b}-  the  Ferrara  road,  and 
as  the  garrisons  of  Dozza  and  Tossignano  were  without 
wheat,  the  Governor  of  Imola  ordered  4000  measures 
to  be  divided  between  them.     The  Imolese  refused  to  obey 


TH?:  def?:nck.s  of  forli  279 

the  governor's  edict  because  it  lacked  the  impress  of  "  tlie 
cornelian "  (Catherine's  seal).  Catherine  sent  a  decree  to 
which  her  seal  was  attached,  but  the  citizens  tore  it  into  shreds 
in  the  governor's  face.  Naldi  then  imprisoned  Governor 
Corradino  in  the  fort,  for  not  having  cither  prevented  or 
punished  the  offence.  A  citizen  attempted  to  set  some  hay- 
stores  on  fire,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemies,  for  which  the  Imolcse  would  have  skinned  him  and 
his  family  alive,  had  he  not  escaped  in  time  to  Forli. 

The  defences  of  Forli  were  admirable.  From  every 
quarter,  ammunition,  provisions,  tried  soldiers  and  brilliant 
captains  poured  into  the  town  ;  walls,  moats  and  towers  were 
kept  in  constant  repair :  every  thought  and  act  of  the 
Countess  breathed  courage  and  resistance.  Octavian  had,  on 
November  i,  summoned  the  members  of  council  to  the  great 
hall  of  the  palace,  and  made  them  acquainted  with  the  Pope's 
pretensions  regarding  the  tribute,  and  his  repudiation  of  the 
debt  due  to  the  Riario.  This  was  confirmed  by  Dalle  Selle, 
who,  "by  command  and  in  the  name  of  Octavian,  declared 
that  if  the  Pope,  with  the  object  of  extorting  payment  twice 
over,  sent  an  army  against  Madonna  Caterina,  she  without 
hesitation  or  tremor  had  resolved  to  await  it  undismayed, 
confiding  in  the  justice  of  her  cause,  the  valour  of  her  soldiers 
and  the  loyal  aid  of  her  people  of  Forli.  With  regard  to  the 
intentions  of  the  people  of  Forli,  the  Countess  earnestly 
desired  to  be  fully  and  promptly  acquainted  with  them.  Let 
them  therefore  give  the  matter  consideration,  take  the 
measure  of  their  courage,  and  clearly  formulate  their  desires.  .  . 
If,  for  the  love  of  life  and  property,  and  in  the  belief  that  any 
defence  was  foolhardy,  they  preferred  to  receive  the  army  of 
Valentino,  let  them  remember  that  it  was  composed  of  every 
species  of  barbarians :  Swiss,  Gascons,  Germans,  French  and 
Spaniards,  people  to  whom  law  and  order  were  unknown  ;  who 
seized,  occupied,  ruined,  attacked  and  contaminated  everything 
with  which  they  came  in  contact.  He  who  opened  the  door 
to  the  invaders,"  continued  the  auditor,^  "submitted  to  the 
^  Beinaidi,  p.  39S. 


28o  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BOR(HA 

hardest  of  slaveries  ;  thus  it  had  been  in  the  time  of  King 
Charles  VIII. ;  thus  it  was  in  Lombardy,  at  the  present  moment. 
The  Pope  would  wrest  the  State  from  the  House  of  Riario,  not 
indeed  for  the  Church,  but  for  his  son,  who  as  usual  would 
become  a  nobody  on  the  death  of  the  Pontiff;  a  sad  and 
frequent  occurrence  in  papal  government.  Madonna  Caterina, 
for  the  love  she  bore  her  subjects,  had  determined  to  die 
Lady  of  Imola  and  Forli,  and  on  her  faith  she  vowed  that  as 
she  had  ever  known  how  to  be  a  grateful  friend  to  her  friends, 
so  would  she  mete  out  inexorable  justice  to  her  enemies." 
Dr.  Giovanni  dalle  Selle  further  declared  that  he  had,  during 
his  mission  to  Rome,  settled  the  debit  and  credit  account  of 
the  Riario  with  the  Apostolic  treasury  with  the  minutest  detail, 
"so  that  if  His  Holiness  sends  a  punitive  army  against  us  it 
will  be  without  a  pretext."  Every  one  cried,  sooner  death  and 
destruction  than  yield  to  a  pope  with  such  iniquitous  pre- 
tensions, and  the  council,  having  reiterated  its  protests  of 
loyalty  to  the  Riario,  separated  to  the  cry  of  "  Ottaviano ! 
Ottaviano ! " 

On  the  following  day,  the  council  assembled  again  to  con- 
sider the  preliminaries  of  confiding  the  defence  of  each 
quarter  of  the  city  to  four  nobles  under  the  supreme  command 
of  the  poet  Marullo  of  Constantinople,  who,  with  the  auditor 
and  Octavian,  was  present  in  council.  Marullo  related  how, 
at  Milan,  he  had  spoken  with  the  King  of  France,  from  whom 
he  had  gathered  that  His  Majesty  cared  not  at  all  for  these 
petty  conquests  in  Romagna,  but  that  Duke  Valentino  was 
eager,  on  personal  and  self-interested  grounds,  to  come  to  a 
collision  with  the  Countess. 

Catherine,  who,  abandoned  by  her  natural  allies,  still  sought 
shelter  for  hc;r  children  while  she  prepared  to  weather  the 
-Storm,  did  not  hesitate  to  apply  to  her  old  foes,  the  Venetian.s. 
To  her  inquiry  of  whether  they  would  receive  her  children, 
they  replied  promptly  in  the  affirmative.  The  same  request 
was  made  by  Cardinal  Riario  to  the  Venetian  Orator 
in  Rome,  who  promised  thai  thev  sliould  be  honourabl)- 
treated. 

This  friendly  rej^ly  gave  her  hope  that  in  extreme  need  she 


THE    DEFENCES   OF    FORLI  281 

might  turn  for  help  to  the  Venetians,  who,  althoui^h  Hke  the 
Florentines,  they  had  been  forced  into  the  League  with  the 
Pope  and  I-'rance,  looked  with  disfavour  on  an  expedition 
destined  to  overthrow  the  Lords  of  Romagna  and  found  a  new 
State  for  Caesar  Borgia.  Yet,  after  mature  consideration,  she 
sent  her  children  to  Florence  to  a  property  of  Giovanni  de' 
Medici,  her  late  husband,  situate  in  a  remote  and  quiet  part 
of  Tuscany,  and  thither  she  also  sent  her  jewels  and  most 
important  documents.^ 

Catherine  struck  copper  coins,  of  which  there  was  a  great 
scarcity,  and  announced  by  public  edict  that  she  would  be 
beholden  to  any  one  who  with  spades,  mattocks,  or  any  other 
instruments,  helped  to  demolish  the  pleasure-house  in  her 
park.  She  had  built  it  at  great  expense,  some  years  ago,  but 
now  that  it  was  necessary  to  level  the  outlook  in  front  of  the 
fort,  she  did  not  hesitate  to  destroy  it.  So  many  people 
desirous  of  proving  their  loyalty  obeyed  her  summons,  that 
in  one  day  all  trace  of  it  disappeared.  Another  edict  pre- 
scribed the  destruction  of  every  edifice  within  a  radius  of 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  city,  and  any  one  who  possessed  a 
villa  or  farm  within  a  mile  of  the  walls  was  ordered  to  cut 
down  such  trees  or  shrubs  as  might  conceal  it.  To  mitigate 
the  regrets  of  the  owners,  Catherine  was  the  first  to  cut  down 
all  the  trees  in  her  park.  Peasants  were  enjoined  at  sound  of 
the  third  cannonade  to  abandon  their  homesteads  and  bestow 
themselves  and  their  belongings  within  the  walls :  it  was 
made  incumbent  on  every  household  in  the  city  to  store  four 
months'  provisions.  Octavian's  promised  exemptions  at 
Imola  gave  rise  to  much  discussion  in  council  and  abroad. 
Catherine,  offended  at  what  appeared  to  her  an  abuse  of  her 
bounty,  caused  a  gallows  and  stocks  to  be  erected  in  the 
square,  and  as  the  disaffection  continued,  was  constrained  to 
make  public  the  announcement  that  her  income  from  Forli 
amounted  to  no  more  than  22,coo  livres,  and  that  she  could 
grant  no  further  exemptions.  This  explanation  sufficed,  and 
bonfires  were    lighted    in  the  streets  in  sign  of  satisfaction 

^  Burriel  asserts  that  he  examined  these  documents  among  the  Riario  archives  at 
Bologna  in  1795. 


282  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

at  the  concessions  already  obtained.  No  sooner  had 
Octavian  returned  from  Imola  than  he  was  made  to  join  in 
the  Avork  of  defence.  He  rose  before  daybreak,  and  was  seen 
to  leave  the  fort,  enter  the  shops,  and  persuade  their  owners 
to  leave  them  ;  in  a  short  time  all  the  shops  were  closed  and 
the  salesmen  converted  into  workmen. 

Octavian's  dinner  was  carried  to  him  at  the  gate  of  St. 
Peter,  so  that  it  was  not  necessary  for  him  to  leave  the  centre 
of  action,  and  a  few  nobles  were  invited  to  share  it  with  him. 
He  did  not  limit  himself  to  directing  and  encouraging  the 
men,  but  with  Bartolomeo  Capoferri  and  Paolo  Dall'  Aste, 
who  were  of  his  own  age  and  stature,  helped  to  wheel  the 
barrows  of  earth.  Spurred  by  his  example,  gentlemen  of  the 
court,  priests  and  monks  mingled  with  the  populace,  and 
worked  with  as  good  a  will  ;  the  work  progressed  as  if  by 
enchantment,  and  the  defences  soon  reached  from  the  fort 
to  the  gate  of  Schiavonia. 

The  bastion  of  the  suburb  of  Sadurano  was  demolished, 
lest  it  shoulci  serve  as  a  shelter  to  the  enemy  :  the  castle 
tower,  which  still  exists,  was  uncovered  on  all  sides,  and 
certain  battlements  removed  that  impeded  the  action  of 
artillery.  Several  notaries  were  charged  to  draw  up  a  list  of 
all  the  arms  that  the  city  contained,  and  the  Countess,  finding 
them  inadequate  for  present  needs,  distributed  a  quantity  of 
those  she  had  stored  for  some  time  past,  and  amply  pro- 
vided the  people  with  cuirasses,  casques  and  spears. 

While  this  was  happening,  a  certain  Guidotto,  a  French 
soldier  of  fortune,  arrived  at  the  gates  of  Forli  with  400 
Gascon  and  German  foot-soldiers.  He  had  fought  with  the 
Pisans,  and_  since  the  termination  of  their  war,  sought  fresh 
employment.  On  hearing  of  the  preparations  for  the  defence 
of  J'Vjrli,  he  hastened  to  offer  his  services  to  the  Countess 
who  entered  into  an  agreement  with  him,  but  there  being 
no  room,  for  another  .soldier  in  the  fort,  Catherine  quartered 
the  new  contingent  among  the  monks  of  St.  Mercurial,  St. 
Domcnic  and  St.  P^-ancis.  These  Ultramontanes  proved  to  be 
such  utter  fiends  I  that  th.e  wretched  monks  were,  in  self- 
defence,  obliged  to  call  armed  citizens  to  their  aid.     During  a 


iiiK  dp:fences  of  forli  283 

brawl  between  Gascons  and  Germans,  the  citizens  discovered 
three  corpses  and  some  wounded  in  the  square,  and  a  turmoil 
ensued.  Octavian,  who  arrived  from  the  gate  of  St.  Peter, 
commanded  that  henceforward  the  barbarians  be  permitted 
to  settle  their  disputes  among  themselves,  without  interference 
from  the  citizens,  that  the  wounded  be  attended  to,  and 
property  restored  to  the  rightful  owners  under  penalty  of  the 
gallows. 

Several  persons  were  imprisoned  in  the  fort,  for  secretly 
favouring  Valentino ;  among  these  was  a  son  of  the  banker 
Giuntino,  married  to  a  daughter  of  Achille  Tiberti,  once  a 
favoured  captain  of  Catherine's,  but  now  serving  under 
Valentino  against  her.  Many  refused  to  accept  money 
lately  coined  by  Catherine,  upon  which  the  hard  necessity  of 
the  times  had  imposed  an  arbitrary  value  higher  than  its  in- 
trinsic value.  A  new  edict  made  the  passing  of  these  coins 
compulsory.  Another  edict  compelled  citizens  to  convey  to  a 
banker  designated  by  her  all  the  gold  and  silver  they  kept  in 
their  houses  in  return  for  their  equivalents  in  the  new  coin  : 
each  to  be  indemnified  for  any  loss  he  might  sustain,  on  the 
cessation  of  hostilities.  The  Countess  further  decreed  that 
whoever  w^ished  to  enter  the  service  should  appear  in  the 
square  before  a  high  constable  deputed  to  register  the  names 
of  aspiring  soldiers,  and,  when  the  arrival  of  the  enemy 
seemed  imminent,  she  again  intimated  to  the  rural 
population  to  come  into  the  city  with  all  their  property. 
By  day  and  night  she  mustered  her  soldiers,  her  artillery 
and  inspected  her  defences,  outwardly  cahn,  like  the  able  sea- 
man, who,  having  taken  in  sail  and  made  everything  secure, 
intrepidl)^  awaits  the  storm. 


CHAPTER  XXVUI 

VALENTINO   TAKES    IxMOLA 

Valentino  avoided  Bologna,  where  Bentivoglio  had  fore- 
stalled him  by  arming  the  populace,  and  marching  on 
Romagna  by  the  Ferrara  road,  halted  with  the  bulk  of  his 
army  at  Cantalupo.  Thence  he  despatched  Achille  Tiberti 
with  five  hundred  Horse  to  Imola.  This  deserter  to  Catherine's 
cause  arrived  at  the  Spuviglio  Gate,  which  was  walled  and  well 
defended,  summoned  the  constable  who  guarded  it,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  Church,  the  King  of  France  and  the  League 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  city.  The  constable  hastened 
to  inquire  of  the  magistrates  what  was  to  be  done.  He 
returned  with  Giovanni  Sassatelli,  who,  in  the  name  of  the 
magistracy,  offered  the  city  to  Tiberti  and  Valentino  uncon- 
ditionally, and  causing  the  gate  to  be  cleared,  received  Tiberti 
with  his  five  hundred  Horse.  They  were  conducted  to  a 
suburb,  where  they  found  provisions  and  forage  for  man  and 
horse  awaiting  them.  Tiberti,  on  finding  himself  master  of 
the  cit\',  demanded  the  keys.  The  castellane  Naldi  was 
enraged  by  the  cowardly  betrayal  of  the  magistracy  who  owed 
so  much  to  Catherine  and  been  so  prodigal  of  promises  of 
faithful  .service.  Why,  indeed,  had  they  walled  up  the  gate  if 
on  the  first  appearance  of  the  enemy  they  had  intended  to 
open  it  ?  But  since  he  was  master  of  the  fort,  he  held  that 
all  was  not  yet  lost,  and  directed  a  cannonade  against  the 
quarters  of  Tiberti  to  the  damage  of  the  city  and  the  terror  of 
its  inhabitants. 

On     November     25,    the    15,000   men    of   Valentino   came 

284 


VALENTINO    TAKES    IMOLA  285 

down  upon  Imola  and  filled  the  little  city  to  overflowing, 
with  the  intention  of  bombarding  the  fort  that  alone,  but 
obstinately,  held  out.  Tiberti,  who  hated  Naldi  for  his  loyalty 
to  Catherine,  persuaded  Valentino  to  place  his  batteries  in  the 
western  quarter  of  the  town,  and  to  open  fire  ;  but,  says 
OHva — "  Vain  was  this  thought,  for  the  cannonade,  with  the 
exception  of  breaking  the  mural  crown,  did  little  damage,  so 
strong  and  well-built  was  the  wall  on  that  side." 

Valentino,  who  was  anxious  to  leave  for  Rome,  yet  not 
before  he  had  taken  the  fort,  was  enraged.  To  make  an  end 
of  it,  he  sent  a  trumpeter  to  Naldi,  demanding  an  immediate 
surrender  of  the  fort,  with  the  alternative  that  when  it  was 
taken — as  would  infallibly  happen — the  garrison  would  be 
hacked  to  pieces, and  he  and  his  kinsmen  hanged  by  the  neck. 
Naldi  replied  that  he  dreaded  only  the  prospect  of  being 
hanged  for  treason,  but  cared  not  what  he  suffered  in  the 
cause  of  constant  and  honourable  faith  to  his  banner  and  his 
Lady  ;  foreseeing  the  event  announced  to  him,  he  had  already 
taken  the  Sacrament,  so  that  he  might  die  not  only  a  good 
soldier,  but  a  good  Christian. 

The  boldness  of  his  reply  pleased  Valentino,  who  then 
bethought  himself  of  approaching  Naldi  by  means  of  his 
kinsfolk  in  Valdilamone. 

Among  these  was  Vitellozzo  Vitelli,  who,  with  the  others, 
assured  him  that  he  had  achieved  prodigies  of  valour,  and 
that  now  that  it  was  his  duty  to  surrender  .  .  .  neither 
Catherine,  nor  any  other  could  blame  him.  .  .  .  They  en- 
treated him  "  not  to  await  the  second  battery,  when  all  chance 
of  escape  or  pardon  would  be  at  an  end ;  neither  was  he 
justified,  for  the  sake  of  a  vain  ostentation  of  braver}',  in 
further  endangering  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  his  own  blood, 
and  many  another  good  man."  But,  continues  Oliva,  he 
replied  that  "  these  offices  were  not  for  his  peers  ....  he 
persisted  in  defending  himself,  not  for  vanity  of  bravery,  but 
to  keep  his  troth  to  one  who  had  confided  to  him  the  defence 
of  the  fort."  The  Duke  would  not  find  it  so  easy  to  take  as 
he  imagined,  "  and  he  prayed  Vitelli  to  come  into  the  fort 
and    see   for   himself   whether,    in    arrogance    or   reason,    he 


286  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

answered  as  he  did."  The  fort  was  capable  of  holding  out 
for  a  year,  and  he  had  promised  Catherine  to  hold  it  for 
that  time.  He  felt  within  himself  the  power  to  keep  his 
word,  as  security  for  which  he  had  given  his  wife  and 
children  as  hostages  to  Catherine.  "  Sooner  than  fail  to 
his  honour  and  duty,  he  would  be  cut  to  pieces  with  the 
garrison  a  hundred  times  over." 

Valentino,  again  disappointed,  succeeded  in  sending  certain 
persons  inside  the  fort  to  inform  him  of  its  condition.  He 
learnt  that  it  would  be  idle  to  persist  in  plying  cannon 
against  a  castle  so  admirably  defended.  Naldi  continued  to 
bombard  the  town  with  greater  energy  than  ever.  Houses 
fell,  towers  were  ruined,  the  presence  of  Borgia  and  his  army 
was  no  defence  against  the  projectiles  discharged  night  and 
day  from  the  fort,  and  it  was  soon  patent  to  every  one  that  if 
it  were  possible  to  subdue  the  fort,  it  would  be  at  the 
expense  of  incalculable  time  and  bloodshed. 

But  guile  prevailed  where  force  had  been  unavailing.  A 
carpenter  acquainted  with  the  construction  of  the  fort  be- 
trayed its  vulnerability  to  the  Duke,  to  whom  he  pointed  out 
that  at  a  certain  point  the  fort  could  not  resist  a  vigorous 
attack,  recommending  him  to  change  the  position  of  his 
batteries.  Valentino  at  once  grasped  the  idea,  but  before 
attacking,  he  determined  to  assure  himself  of  the  valour  of  his 
soldiers  by  distributing  double  pay. 

To  this  end  he  despatched  Achille  Tiberti  (who  certainly 
did  not  take  the  Forli  road),  with  a  strong  escort,  to  Cesena 
to  bring  him  a  considerable  sum  of  money  which  had  been 
sent  by  his  cousin.  Cardinal  Borgia,  as  a  contribution  to  the 
expedition  against  Catherine.  On  the  return  of  Tiberti,  the 
money  was  distributed,  and  then  only  did  Valentino  place 
his  batteries  in  the  position  that  had  been  indicated  by  the 
traitor. 

At  nightfall,  Valentino  opened  fire  on  the  ravelin  at  the 
gate,  and  on  the  chief  bridge  of  the  fort,  and  by  dawn  had 
opened  a  breach  Avide  enough  to  admit  of  an  assault  which 
enabled  him  to  effect  an  entry  into  the  outer  courtyard, 
where  a  furious  onslaught  by  the  garrison  forced  the  invaders 


VALENTINO    TAKES    LMOLA 


287 


to  retire  on  the  ravelin.  Ikit  tlie  strength  of  the  army  enabled 
the  Duke  to  renew  the  assault  with  fresh  men  and  with  over- 
whelming numbers  and  with  a  continual  exchange  of  combat- 
ants, until,  when  twilight  fell  upon  the  exhausted  garrison, 
Naldi,  who  was  wounded  in  the  head,  was  obliged  to  own  to 
himself  that  the  Duke's  victory  was  assured,  and  that  he  was 
capable  of  the  butchery  with  which  he  had  threatened  them. 

From  the  height  of  the  tower  came  a  trumpet-blast  direct- 
ing a  cessation  of  hostilities.     Naldi  asked  for  a  three  days' 


FORT   OF    IMOLA. 


truce,  wherein  to  inform  the  Countess  of  what  had  occurred 
and  to  await  reinforcements.  The  Duke,  in  recognition  of  his 
valour,  acceded  to  his  request,  writing  on  the  following  day 
to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  that  "the  Fort  of  Imola,  strong  in 
construction  and  the  valour  of  its  well-armed  garrison,"  was 
practically  at  his  mercy,  and  failing  intervention  on  the  part 
of  Madonna  Caterina,^  would  be  taken  by  him  on  the  nth 
(December). 

Giovanni  Landriani  and  a  brother  of  Naldi  went  to  inform 
the  Countess  of  her  loss,  but  she  could  not  afford  to  weaken 

'  Doc.  1 107. 


288  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

the  garrison  of  Forli,  and  the  three  days  having  elapsed 
without  the  arrival  of  succour,  Naldi  surrendered  to  the  victor 
on  the  following  conditions — 

1.  That  the  whole  garrison  should  pass  out,  unharmed  and 
unmolested. 

2.  That  each  man  should  take  his  property  with  him,  with- 
out having  to  submit  to  examination. 

3.  That  military  honours  be  rendered  to  the  garrison. 

On  these  conditions  Naldi  agreed  to  surrender  the  fort  with 
its  guns  and  ammunition.  To  these  conditions  the  Duke 
agreed,  and  Naldi,  after  an  honourable  capitulation,  retired  to 
his  property  at  Cotignola.  The  wound  in  his  head  prevented 
his  taking  part  in  the  Lombard  war,  but  he  later  took  service 
with  the  Venetians,  and  died,  in  1509,  as  Commander  of  their 
Infantry. 

After  the  fall  of  the  Castle  of  Imola,  the  other  little  fort- 
resses of  the  county  opened  their  gates  to  Valentino,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Fort  of  Dozza,  which  refused  to  surrender, 
and  was  taken  by  force.  Its  castellane,  Gabriele  del  Pico 
d'Oriolo,  was  denied  the  credit  "  of  true  valour,"  and  punished 
"  for  his  purposeless  temerity"  by  being  dragged  in  chains  to 
the  dungeons  of  Imola,  while  his  kinsmen,  in  chains,  v/ere 
compelled  to   work  in  the  entrenchments. 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

FORLI    BEFORE   THE    SIEGE 

The  surrender  of  Imola  was  a  great  shock  to  the  people 
of  Forli,  who,  reaHzing  that  at  any  moment  they  might  find 
themselves  in  the  same  predicament,  began  to  ask  themselves, 
whether,  after  all,  the  people  of  Imola  had  not  done  wisely  in 
opening  their  gates,  and  thus  saving  themselves  from  worse 
ills.  Some  praised  and  held  them  worthy  of  imitation,  others 
persisted  in  the  determination  to  resist. 

When  Catherine  became  aware  that  this  new  ferment  was 
rising  from  the  populace,  until  it  divided  even  the  magistrates 
in  council,  she  sent  Alexander  Sforza  to  the  chief  magistrate 
desiring  him  to  find  a  way  for  the  citizens  to  formulate  their 
wishes  and  ideas.  "  Was  it  the  wash  of  the  people  and  the 
determination  of  the  Magistracy  to  close  the  gates  on  Caesar 
Borgia  and  defy  his  army  .''  Or  would  they  go  the  way  of 
the  people  of  Imola  ? "  Madonna  desired  to  be  acquainted 
surely  and  promptly  of  their  intentions,  for  in  case  the  people 
of  Forli  decided  "  to  stand  by  her,"  she  would  supply  them 
with  arms,  cannon,  and  a  number  of  experienced  soldiers,  led 
by  captains  of  acknowledged  merit. 

But  if  they  preferred  to  open  the  gates  to  the  invaders 
rather  than  run  the  risks  of  defence,  the  Countess  would 
retain  these  forces  for  the  defence  of  the  fort.  She  was 
persuaded  that  the  courageous  resistance  of  her  people  would 
ensure  her  success,  yet  could  neither  explain  nor  exact  heroic 
virtues  from  a  peace-loving  population  ;  nor  would  she,  in  the 
future,  ever  complain   of  being  abandoned   by  the  citizens  in 

289  u 


290  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

this  emergency.  The  chief  magistrate  replied  that  the  city- 
was  all  for  the  Countess  ;  he  would  reply  more  fully  when  he 
had  summoned  the  council.  The  council  decided  on  sending 
the  following  reply  by  five  influential  citizens  to  Count 
Alexander  Sforza — 

"  What  need  had  Madonna  the  Countess  to  weary  her 
brain  with  the  question  of  the  loyalty  of  Forli  ?  Has  she 
not  had  every  assurance  of  it  ?  Has  she  not  tried  and  proved 
it  ?  It  were  vain  to  report  to  her  on  the  state  of  the  city's 
defences,  for  none  knew  them  better  than  herself.  Thus, 
having  well  deliberated  and  considered,  nothing  remained  for 
them  to  add  ;  yet  it  were  well  to  recall  to  the  memory  of 
Madonna  the  examples  of  those  personages  who  had  recently 
found  themselves  in  a  like  position  :  that  of  the  King  of 
Naples,  when  assailed  by  the  forces  of  Charles  VHI.  which 
so  greatly  outnumbered  his  own,  and  of  the  more  recent  case 
of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  her  uncle.  Of  what  avail  had  been  all 
his  men  to  him,  when  they  of  France  had  fallen  upon  him  ? 
.  .  .  The  King  and  the  Duke  had  both  understood  the  neces- 
sity of  retiring  in  order  to  spare  their  subjects  from  the 
purposeless  ills  of  war,  and  if  they  had  left  their  States,  it 
was  with  the  hope  of  returning  to  them  in  better  times.  And 
if,  in  their  own  case,  the  Countess  yielded  to  present  violence, 
everything  led  them  to  believe  that  a  new  pope  would  re- 
instate her  and  hers.  None  were  ignorant  that  Pope  Alex- 
ander had  invested  his  son  Caesar  with  Romagna,  abetted  by  a 
few  of  his  creatures  of  the  Spanish  faction,  but  without  the 
consent  of  the  other  cardinals.  Meanwhile  a  new  council 
would  be  summoned,  and  he  would  lose  no  time  in  acquainting 
the  Countess  with  the  result  of  its  deliberations." 

Upon  receiving  this  message,  Catherine  immediately  sent 
Landriani  to  tell  the  members  of  council  that  they  were 
"Rabbits.".  .  .  "Know  ye  not,"  continued  Landriani,  in 
her  name,  "that  a  ruined  State  is  better  than  a  lost  one! 
Do  as  you  will  with  your  city,  but  as  regards  the  fort,  I  have 
a  mind  to  prove  to  liorgia  that  even  a  woman  is  capable  of 
firing  cannon." 

On  December  12,  the  chief  magistrate,  Tornielli,  again  dis- 


FORLI    BEFORE    THE    SIEGE  291 

cussed  the  prospects  of  the  city  in  council,  repeating  the 
message  of  Catherine,  who,  if  the  citizens  had  decided  on  not 
imitating  the  cowardly  example  of  Imola,  would  give  them  a 
guard  of  2000  veterans,  with  more  to  follow,  and  would 
bind  herself  not  to  come  to  any  terms  with  the  Duke 
without  the  consent  of  the  city.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  Forli 
determined  on  resistance  only  up  to  a  certain  point,  but, 
later  on,  to  accept  terms  from  the  enemy — according  to 
circumstances  —  that  also  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Countess,  who  resolved  as  she  was  to  fight  to  the  last,  yet 
if  overpowered  by  the  enemy,  would  fain  leave  her  city 
at  peace  with  her  good  people  of  Forli  .  .  .  from  whom  she 
now  demanded  a  reply  worthy  of  them  and  herself. 

So  many  were  the  opinions  elicited  by  this  speech  that 
night  had  come  upon  the  council  before  they  had  come  to 
any  decision.  The  county  deputies  left  the  matter  in  the 
hands  of  the  Ancients,  praying  the  magistracy  not  to  count  on 
a  civic  guard,  drawn  from  the  rural  population,  most  of  the 
peasants  having  fled,  with  their  herds,  to  avoid  contact  with 
the  invaders. 

Catherine,  seeing  that  she  could  no  longer  count  on  the 
loyal  support  of  the  citizens,  and  possibly  foreseeing  that 
Octavian  might  be  torn  from  her  and  given  as  a  hostage  to 
Borgia,  sent  him,  with  her  auditor,  to  Tuscany.  This  act,  in 
which  maternal  solicitude  swept  away  every  other  considera- 
tion, seems,  at  first  sight,  inconsistent  with  her  efforts  to 
train  her  son  as  a  warrior-prince  and  with  the  share  she  had 
caused  him  to  take  in  the  defences  of  the  city.  It  may  be 
ascribed  to  a  survival  of  the  terror  endured  by  Catherine  on 
behalf  of  her  children  during  the  revolution  of  the  Orsi. 
"After  the  loss  of  Imola,"  says  Oliva,  "she  sent  away 
Octavian,  to  be  free  of  every  care  save  that  of  defending  her 
person,  which,  with  her  State,  she  had  resolved  to  expose  to 
the  utmost  risk." 

The  departure  of  Octavian  relieved  Catherine  of  her  only 
fear  ;  and,  with  renewed  energy,  on  that  same  day  she  rode  to 
Forlimpopoli  and  examined   its  walls,  the  fort,  the  cannon, 


292  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

powder  magazines,  provisions,  and  ammunition,  as  if  she  had 
been  a  veteran  soldier.  She  destroyed  the  bridges  leading  to 
the  citadel  and  the  fort,  with  the  exception  of  one,  which  was 
also  destroyed  on  the  arrival  of  Valentino.  Meanwhile  the 
chief  magistrate  had  not  yet  given  a  decisive  answer  to 
Alexander  Sforza,  both  the  council-general  of  Four  Hundred 
and  the  council  of  Forty  having  failed  to  come  to  a  decision. 
They  found  it  difficult  to  communicate  with  Count  Alexander, 
"who  had  returned  to  dwell  in  the  fort,  and  as  for  the  Countess, 
she  had  not  waited  for  an  official  reply  to  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  Forli  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  follow  her  in  a 
desperate  enterprise.  Every  act  of  Madonna  proves  that  she 
is  not  counting  on  us." 

In  those  days  Catherine  indeed  dispensed  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  council  in  doing  and  undoing  as  she  thought 
best.  She  ordered  that  all  carts  of  wood  and  straw  that 
entered  the  city  be  taken  to  the  fort  and  day-labourers  were 
all  compelled  to  work  in  the  entrenchments,  which  was  easily 
managed,  since  all  the  gates  except  that  of  Ravaldino 
were  closed.  Catherine  continued  to  increase  the  number 
of  the  inmates  of  the  fort,  and  add  to  the  stock  of 
its  provisions,  until  it  would  not  hold  another  man.  The 
more  distinguished  of  her  guests,  who  formed,  as  it  were,  her 
staff,  differed  so  essentially  in  race,  temperament  and  habit 
that  in  any  other  time  and  place  they  must  have  fallen  out 
with  each  other  ;  yet  they  all  lived  together  in  peace  and 
good-will,  imbued  with  the  same  spirit  as  the  heroic  woman 
whom  it  was  their  glory  to  serve. 

It  was  otherwise  with  the  multitude  of  soldiers,  especially 
among  the  Germans,  Gascons,  and  labourers,  who  soon  de- 
generated into  an  uncontrollable  rabble.  Every  one  wondered 
how  the  austere  Countess  could  tolerate  their  turbulence, 
while  she,  realizing  the  impossibility  of  reducing  the  crowd 
to  order  within  so  confined  a  space,  and  considering  the 
urgency  of  the  moment,  perforce  refused  to  see  and  hear. 

While  Catherine  was  beginning  to  fear  that  mutiny  and 
misrule  within   might   complicate  the  danger  from  without, 


FORLI    BEFORE    THE    SIEGE  293 

she  learned  that  Luffo  Numai,  the  loyal  and  generous 
subject  who,  with  Octavian,  had  given  a  security  on  his 
property  for  the  25,000  gold  florins  demanded  by  the 
Medici  as  a  kind  of  bail  for  the  child  of  Giovanni  Popolano, 
that  same  Luffo  Numai  was  with  other  nobles  plotting  her 
ruin. 

Catherine  determined  to  lay  hands  upon  him  at  once,  and 
to  sack  his  house.  The  rumour  reached  Numai,  who  abstained 
from  entering  his  house,  but  remained  near  to  it  under  the 
protection  of  the  guard  in  the  square,  now  dependent  rather 
on  the  magistracy  than  on  Catherine.  Still,  as  nothing  had 
happened  either  to  the  house  or  its  owner,  it  was  believed 
that  the  disloyal  intentions  of  Numai  and  the  punitive  ones 
of  Catherine  were  inventions  of  the  Evil  One  to  attract 
Luffo, who  had  been  hitherto  neutral,  to  the  cause  of  Valentino. 
Luffo's  absence  from  his  house  during  the  night  had  tended 
to  give  credit  to  the  rumour  ;  wherefore,  at  break  of  day, 
Simone  Ambruni,  Guglielmo  Lambertelli,  Giovanni  Marattini, 
Giovanni  dalle  Selle,  and  other  friends  of  Luffo  went  to  the 
guard-house  to  interrogate  him.  Luffo  informed  them  that 
he  stayed  there  because  he  preferred  shedding  his  blood  in  the 
open  square  to  hiding  in  his  house  until  he  was  taken  by 
treachery  "and  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  furious  and  now- 
desperate  woman." 

"  When  the  aforesaid  gentlemen,"  says  Bernardi,  "  heard 
these  words,  they  were  very  grieved,  and  forthwith  agreed  to 
consent  to  whatever  he  might  propose."  The  council  had  as 
yet  given  no  answer  to  Count  Alexander,  for  they  had  not 
yet  been  able  to  come  to  any  decision.  The  case  of  Luffo 
Numai,  count,  knight,  head  of  an  ancient,  illustrious,  wealthy 
and  influential  family,  provided  an  excellent  opportunity  for 
sounding  the  temper  of  the  people,  and  they  begged  him  to 
address  the  crowd,  which  had  already  surrounded  the  guard 
in  great  numbers. 

Luffo,  assuming  an  elevated  position,  raised  his  voice  and 
pointed  out  to  the  populace,  "  that  the  people  of  Forli  could 
in  all  honour  and  conscience  abandon  Catherine.  Nay,  it 
was  their  duty.     Octavian  was  indeed  their  lawful  sovereign 


294  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

and  they  had  all  sworn  fealty  to  Catherine,  his  mother  and 
guardian.  But  Catherine  herself,  in  her  wisdom  and  foresight, 
had  she  not  absolved  them  by  her  messages  to  the  citizens 
and  magistrates  ?  And  how  often  had  she  declared  that  the 
will  of  the  people  would  ever  be  her  own  and  that  she  would 
always  rather  abide  by  their  decision  than  be  deceived  by 
them. 

"More  than  that,  Octavian  had  personally  declared  in  council 
that  a  papal  decree  had  deposed  him  and  deprived  him  of  his 
rights,  authority  and  dominion  in  the  States  of  Forli  and 
Imola.  Now,  a  city,  in  all  public  and  legal  matters,  should 
conform  to  public  and  legal  decrees  rather  than  to  personal 
and  private  opinions  of  individuals.  If  the  sentence  which 
deposed  the  Riario  were  unjust,  Pope  Alexander  must  one  day 
answer  for  it  to  the  Supreme  Judge  ;  the  citizens  might  not 
dispute  its  justice,  they  could  only  submit  to  it.  .  .  More 
than  that  .  .  .  the  arrival  of  an  army  of  14,000  men,  led  by 
famous  captains,  was  imminent.  Where  were  the  forces 
that  could  resist  them  ?  Was  it  really  the  duty  of  citizens 
to  give  themselves  and  their  families  up  to  butchery,  and 
bury  themselves  under  the  ruins  of  their  city .''  It  should 
suffice  that  those  sons  of  Forli  who  were  Catherine's  soldiers 
and  were  shut  up  with  her  in  the  fort,  remained  faithful  to  her; 
they  who  had  chosen  that  part  had  a  right  to  suffer  for  it ; 
but  not  so  an  entire  inoffensive  population.  .  .  .  For  the  rest, 
the  Pope's  dominion  was  not  only  the  most  legitimate  but  the 
most  beneficial  to  the  State.  Under  papal  rule  Forli  had 
been  happiest ;  then  the  German  emperors  had  fallen  upon 
them,  and  Guelph  and  Ghibelline  factions  had  divided  them, 
and  tyrants  had  battened  upon  them  as  evil  weeds,  that  grow 
apace  in  a  juniper  thicket.  .  .  .  Hence  the  Calboli,  the  Orgo- 
gliosi,  the  Ordclaffi,  who  had  oppressed  Forli  and  drenched 
her  with  blood.  Cardinal  Alborno/.  had  given  them  back  to 
the  Pope,  but  his  successors  had  ruled  with  too  light  a  hand, 
and  the  Ordclaffi  had  again  come  to  the  front.  Then  Pope 
Si.xtus  had  come  upon  the  scene,  and  had  invested  his  nephew 
with  the  dominion  of  the  city.  After  him,  thanks  to  the 
imbccilit}'  of  his  son,  Catherine  had  governed  and  mastered 


FORLI    I5KFORK    THE    SIEGE  295 

thern  and  now,  thanks  to  her,  they  found  themselves  on   the 
edge  of  the  precipice. 

"  And  what  had  they  witnessed  under  the  government  of  this 
woman  ?  Exile,  outlawry,  confiscations,  tortures  and  blood 
.  .  .  and  yet  more  blood  !  Blessed  be  the  government  of 
the  popes,  under  which  there  was  no  possibility  of  a  minority, 
nor  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  woman.  Tell  me,  tell  me,  I 
beseech  you,"  cried  Nuinai,  "  is  there  a  man  among  you  who 
has  been  able  to  marry  his  daughter  to  whom  he  chose  ? 
Between  the  government  of  Catherine  and  that  of  the  Church 
there  is  no  room  for  choice.  If  Catherine,"  he  continued, 
"  isolated  and  abandoned  by  every  one,  hopes  for  help  from 
Germany  and  persists  in  resistance,  her  temerity  is  excusable 
because  her  fortress  is  strong  and  well-provisioned  ;  but  is 
that  a  reason  why  we,  poor  defenceless  people,  should  give  up 
ourselves  and  our  families  to  all  the  horrors  and  indignities  of 
war  ?  "  After  this  discourse  (says  Bernardi),  the  city  "did,  with 
one  accord,  determine  to  withdraw  the  government  of  the 
State  from  Madonna  and  her  children,  and  the  people  cried 
^  Popolo !  Popolo!'  at  the  top  of  their  voices.  The  palace 
bell  was  rung  sturdily,  and  at  its  summons  the  crowd  became 
denser,  and  the  new-comers  joined  with  the  others  in  plaudits 
to  the  new  Lord.  The  castellanes  who  held  the  gates  on 
behalf  of  Catherine  were  replaced  by  others,  except  those  of 
Schiavonia  and  Ravaldino,  which,  being  under  cover  of  the 
cannon  of  those  forts,  could  not  be  tampered  with.  A  new 
council,  a  new  magistracy  and  twenty  elders,  five  for  each 
quarter  of  the  city,  were  elected,  with  full  authority  in  matters 
civil,  military  and  political.  The  council  met  on  matters  of 
supreme  or  common  import,  but  local  and  minor  matters 
were  settled  by  the  Ancients  of  each  quarter,  under  the 
presidency  of  tlieir  leader  ox  gonfalonierer 

Catherine  was  far  from  unprepared  for  this  turn  of  events  : 
she  could  not  expect  a  whole  population  to  follow  her  in  a 
desperate  cause  ;  she  had  foreseen  their  defection,  and  in  a 
measure  sanctioned  it  ;  for  how  could  a  city,  open  on  almost 
every  side  to  the  attacks  of  the  invaders,  defend  itself  against 


296  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

an  army  like  that  of  Valentino,  without  a  leader  who  looked 
upon  it  as  his  own  ? 

A  courier  at  full  speed  was  despatched  by  the  Ancients  to 
the  camp  of  Valentino,  to  announce  the  surrender  of  the  city. 
The  Duke  sent  Achille  Tiberti  to  Forli,  who,  although  night 
had  fallen  when  he  arrived,  summoned  the  council,  tendered 
the  Duke's  thanks,  and  announced  his  speedy  arrival.  By 
desire  of  the  new  council,  the  monks  of  St.  Mercurial  carried 
the  statue  of  the  saint,  in  pontifical  vestments,  in  solemn 
procession  round  the  square,  in  token  of  thanksgiving  for  the 
happy  event.  Meanwhile  the  Ancients  promulgated  an  edict 
which  prohibited  that  anything  belonging  to  Madonna  be 
appropriated,  in  whatever  place  it  might  be  found  or  hidden, 
under  penalty  of  twenty-five  gold  ducats.  Another  edict 
protected  the  Jews  whom  the  Commune  would  have  had  to 
indemnify  in  case  of  loss,  and  a  third  forbade  damage  to  the 
recently  erected  barricades.  Nicolo  Tornielli  and  Ludovico 
Ercolani  were  sent  to  the  fort  to  break  the  news  as  best  they 
could,  and  tell  how  the  people  of  Forli  had  been  forced  to 
open  their  gates  to  Borgia,  by  the  cruel  and  unanswerable 
necessity  of  saving  themselves  from  extermination  ;  not  by 
the  lack  of  love  for  their  Sovereign  Lady.  They  went  to  the 
fort  in  the  morning,  and  had  been  immediately  received  by 
the  Countess.  At  sunset  they  had  not  yet  returned,  and  the 
city  thrilled  with  the  fear  that  they  would  never  be  seen 
again.  It  was  told  that  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  of  Imola, 
the  Countess  had  beheaded  the  Imolese  hostages.  .  .  .  Now, 
in  revenge  for  the  desertion  of  Forli,  had  Madonna  put  these 
poor  men  to  death,  or  imprisoned  them  in  the  dungeons  of 
the  fort  ?  While  these  horrible  doubts  perplexed  the  public 
mind,  Tornielli  and  Ercolani  were  seen  to  emerge  from  the 
fort,  whole  and  hearty,  fired  with  enthusiasm  for  the  Countess 
and  delighted  with  her  courtesy.  She  had  insisted  on  learning 
every  detail  from  them,  had  shown  her  pleasure  in  seeing 
them  again  and  in  questioning  them  on  all  that  had  happened. 

Impressed  as  they  were  by  Catherine's  indc^mitable  courage, 
they  were  the  more  grateful  to  her  for  having  realized  that 
populations  arc  not  composed  of  heroes,  and  that  she  could  not 


FOR  LI    1;i:FORE    the    siege  297 

expect  the  people  of  Forli  to  expose  themselves  to  absolute 
ruin  for  her  glory  and  advantage.  They  had  found  her  not 
to  be  shaken  in  her  determination  to  resist  Borgia  to  the  end, 
and  convinced  that,  in  default  of  numbers,  her  daring  and 
strength  of  purpose  sufficed  for  the  undertaking.  Catherine 
had  stores  of  costly  silken  stuffs  from  Florence,  wherewith  to 
reward  the  bravest  of  her  soldiers.  And  before  shutting 
herself  up  in  the  fort,  she  had  procured  some  cuirasses  for  her 
own  wear,  being  determined  to  throw  herself  into  the  thickest 
of  the  fight.  Soon  after  the  return  of  Ercolani  and  Tornielli 
the  fort  opened  fire  on  the  city,  to  the  terror  of  the  in- 
habitants ;  a  cannon-ball  had  f^illen  near  to  a  monk  of  St. 
Francis,  while  he  was  walking  in  his  orchard.  "There  is 
nothing  to  fear,"  said  Ercolani  and  Tornielli :  "  this  is  not  for 
us,  but  to  teach  the  enemy  that  the  surrender  of  the  city  has 
neither  frightened  Madonna,  nor  changed  her  purpose."  A 
few  shot  grazed  the  palace  tower  and  then  the  firing 
ceased. 

On  the  following  day  the  council  drew  up  the  conditions  of 
surrender  to  the  Duke,  and  their  tenor  was  discussed  until 
it  reached  the  ears  of  the  peasants.  When  the  latter  heard 
that  they  would  have  to  pay  the  same  taxes  to  the  new 
government  as  to  the  old  one,  they  armed  themselves  and 
came  down  upon  the  city  in  thousands,  crying  "  Popolo ! 
Popolo ! "  and  protesting  furiously  that  they  would  never 
surrender  to  the  Duke  on  those  terms.  They  declared  they 
would  go  to  the  Duke  and  tell  him  that  the  rich  were  claiming 
to  be  exempted  from  taxes,  so  that  they  might  enjoy  a  life  of 
idleness,  without  a  care  for  the  poor,  except  to  suck  their 
blood  and  live  on  their  labour,  and  that  now  the  time  had 
come  to  free  the  land  of  all  its  burdens,  vexations  and  taxes, 
and,  once  for  all,  to  equalize  the  rights  of  poor  and  rich. 

They  were  persuaded  that  it  would  be  easy  to  induce  the 
Duke  to  levy  a  head-tax  and  no  more,  as  was  the  custom 
among  the  peasantry  in  France.  The  crowd,  the  cries  and 
the  confusion  were  beyond  description  ;  the  civic  guard  was 
powerless,  the  Ancients  without  resource,  the  palace  bell  tolled 
ominously,  and  the  city  was  in  a  tumult.     An   incessant  but 


298  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

indefinite  sound  ascended  to  the  fort,  where  the  Countess, 
fearing  that  her  unfaithful  city  had  given  itself  up  to  all  the 
horrors  of  civil  war,  ordered  some  companies  of  soldiers  to  go 
down  and  separate  the  contending  parties  and  restore  peace. 
On  arriving  at  the  parish  of  Ravaldino  they  learned  the  true 
state  of  affairs  and  turned  back. 

At  last  Bentivoglio  (who  had  recently  arrived  at  Forli), 
Lufifo  Numai  and  Tiberti,  after  promising  the  peasants  that 
the  conditions  should  be  revised,  and  due  consideration 
given  to  their  rights  and  needs,  succeeded  in  pacifying  them. 
The  conditions  of  surrender  were  therefore  withheld  until  the 
following  day,  and  then  conveyed  to  Imola  by  the  bishop, 
Monsignor  dell'  Aste  and  Dr.  Giovanni  dalle  Selle,  who  had 
no  sooner  left  on  this  errand  than  a  courier  arrived  at  Forli 
announcing  the  Duke's  arrival  for  that  evening.  This 
announcement  was  immediately  conveyed  to  Catherine  at  the 
fort. 

At  the  twenty-second  hour  the  Duke  halted  at  the  country 
house  of  Ludovico  Ercolani  at  Casalaparra,  where  he  received 
a  deputation  of  nobles  representing  the  Council  of  Forli,  and, 
continuing  his  way,  had  the  pleasure  of  slipping  his  grey- 
hounds after  a  hare. 

He  was  met  at  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter  by  the  Ancients  and 
Councillors,  whom  he  informed  that  neither  he  nor  the  soldiers 
would  enter  the  city  on  that  day,  but  that  they  would 
proceed  to  San  Martino.  He  halted  to  let  his  men  pass 
before  him,  fearing  that  in  the  usual  lust  of  pillage  they 
might  enter  in  despite  of  him.  This  was  really  attempted  by 
several  companies  that  arrived  later  ;  the  populace  flew  to 
arms  with  intent  to  repulse  them,  and  Bentivoglio,  Tiberti 
and  several  French  captains  who  had  been  left  at  Forli  on 
account  of  "weak  health,"  had  great  difficult}^  in  inducing 
them  to  pursue  their  way.  The  Duke  had  told  the  magistrates 
that  he  would  not  stay,  lest  his  unexpected  arrival  should 
inconvenience  the  citizens,  and  this  was  the  generally  accepted 
belief,  hut  the  fact  was  that  as  the  cajjitulation  had  not  yet 
been  signed,  he  did  not  care  to  run  the  personal  risk  of  being 


FORLI    BEFOR?:    THE    SIEGE  299 

confronted  with  an  unknown  populace.  He  was  no  hero,  and 
his  care  for  his  army  was  compHcated  by  fear  for  his  life.  All 
the  hill-side  houses  and  villas  were  filled  with  soldiers,  to 
whom  the  townspeople  sent  all  manner  of  victuals,  as  a  peace- 
ofifering. 

On  the  following  day,  the  commissioners  returned  from 
Imola,  and  presented  the  articles  of  capitulation  to  the  Duke 
at  San  Martino.  He  signed  them  and  dismissed  the  com- 
missioners with  two  edicts — one  by  which  peasants  were 
required  to  bring  in  two  long  bundles  of  green  wood,  beams 
and  other  timber  to  St.  Mercurial,  the  bearers  of  which  were 
to  be  paid.  Another  prohibited  the  raising  of  the  price  of 
provisions  under  pretext  of  the  arrival  of  his  army. 

Meanwhile,  the  Countess,  undismayed  by  the  action  of  her 
castellane  at  Schiavonia — who  on  the  approach  of  Valentino 
had  lost  heart  and  surrendered  the  fortress  to  the  invalided 
French  captains — had  reopened  fire  on  the  city.  The  shot 
was  aimed  at  the  houses  of  those  she  wished  to  punish,  and  at 
the  palace  tower,  which  for  several  centuries  bore  the  traces 
of  these  missiles. 


CHAPTER    XXX 

VALENTINO    AT    FORLI 

Ox  December  19  the  Ancients  were  informed  by  the 
Duke's  officers  that  he  would  make  his  entry  after  dinner. 
They  were  therefore  requested  to  prepare  quarters  for  himself 
and  his  followers. 

Towards  evening  the  whole  army  passed  slowly  through 
the  Gate  of  St.  Peter.  The  last  to  enter  was  Caesar  Borgia, 
preceded  by  the  standard  of  the  Church.  He  rode  a  white 
horse,  his  beret  bore  a  long  white  plume,  his  silken  coat 
covered  a  complete  suit  of  armour  and  he  carried  a  long  green 
spear,  point  downwards.  His  personal  beauty  and  elegance, 
his  dark  and  penetrating  eye,  reddish  beard  and  sinister 
expression,  are  sufficiently  familiar.  On  his  left  rode  the 
French  general,  Monseigneur  dAlegre,  on  his  right  rode 
none.  The  heavy  rain  prevented  the  magistracy  and  nobles 
from  assembling  at  the  city  gate  to  receive  the  Duke,  who 
took  but  half  a  turn  in  the  square  in  sign  of  possession  and 
then,  with  Louis  do  ]?ourbon,  Duke  of  Vendome,  hastened  to 
his  quarters  in  the  house  of  Luffo  Numai.  The  continuous 
rain  added  to  the  confusion  with  which  the  army  effected  its 
entry.  Every  soldier  chose  his  lair  according  to  his  pleasure  ; 
if  a  door  were  open,  soldiers  entered  and  with  threats  and 
violence  laid  hands  on  everything  ;  if  closed  they  forced  it 
open  or  tore  it  down,  and  did  worse  when  once  they  were 
inside.  "  Our  ills,"  says  ]5crnardi,  "were  like  unto  the  pains 
of  Hell." 

i\  gang  i){  2000  caterers,  cooks  and  butlers  were  guilty  of 

300 


VALENTIN(3    AT    FORLI  301 

more  villain}^  and  robbery  than  the  soldiers.  The  shop- 
keepers in  the  square  could  neither  save  their  property 
from  the  theft  nor  their  backs  from  the  lashes  of  this 
rabble.  The  official  palace  was  turned  upside  down,  the 
Hall  of  the  Ancients  into  a  tavern  and  its  benches  burnt.  The 
custom  and  guard-houses  were  turned  into  slaughter-houses. 
Householders  and  women  were  subjected  to  the  most  cruel 
violence,  convents  were  invaded  ;  one  of  the  walls  of  the 
Dominican  convent  was  pulled  down  by  means  of  iron  imple- 
ments. The  terrified  nuns  screamed  for  help  and  tolled  their 
bell,  and  the  Duke  sent  them  a  resolute  captain  who,  with  a 
party  of  infantry,  beat  the  wretches  off. 

The  French  general  issued  an  edict  prohibiting  soldiers 
from  approaching  the  nuns'  cloisters  under  penalty  of  the 
gallows,  and  as  violence  still  prevailed  in  other  places,  the 
Duke  sent  to  the  houses  where  soldiers  were  quartered  to 
inquire  into  their  misconduct,  so  that  he  might  punish  the 
guilty.  The  complaints  of  the  townspeople  were  unceasing. 
One  to  whom  no  flour  had  been  left  was  obliged  to  beg  bread 
of  his  family  ;  another  had  no  bed,  others  had  neither  wine  nor 
shirts.  And  all  and  every  one  displayed  backs,  chests  and 
heads  broken  and  wounded  b}-  the  blows  of  the  soldiery. 
The  Duke  listened  to  the  longest  and  most  detailed  accounts 
without  a  sign  of  impatience  or  weariness.  Then  he  ordered 
the  quarter-masters  to  reduce  the  number  of  soldiers  where 
they  were  too  many,  to  set  guards  over  and  redistribute  them. 
Sometimes  the  remedy  was  worse  than  the  evil,  the  successors 
than  their  predecessors.  Then  the  injured  persons  returned 
with  fresh  complaints  and  grievance  to  the  Duke,  who  with 
infinite  patience  and  courtesy  exhorted  them  to  bear  with  the 
discomfort  a  little  longer,  in  the  certainty  that  if  he  continued 
to  govern  Forli  he  would  indemnify  them  for  every  loss.  He 
apologized  for  his  inability  to  remedy  the  evil  at  once.  This 
courtesy  of  manner  and  feeling,  extraordinary  in  a  man  of  the 
type  of  Caesar  Borgia,  was  due  to  the  political  concept  that 
led  him  indifferently  to  do  good  or  to  commit  a  crime.  His 
great  benignity  inspired  the  beaten,  the  injured  and  the 
robbed  with  resignation  and  confidence.     Some  brought  their 


302  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

grievances  to  him  a  third  time  and  were  Hstened  to  with  the 
same  affabiHty.  The  Duke's  patience  was  always  at  their 
service  and  none  left  him  in  doubt  or  enmity.  But  the  greater 
part  of  his  solicitude  was  assumed. 

On  being  taken  to  task  by  the  quarter-masters,  the  soldiers 
replied  that  "  the  Duke  had  given  them  that  city  to  live  in  it 
as  they  pleased.  Do  the  people  of  Forli,  with  their  fastidi- 
ousness and  whining,  think  that  they  can  take  from  us  that 
which  has  been  given  ?  "  The  Duke  was  informed  of  their  in- 
subordination but  did  not  punish  it ;  he  was  satisfied  to  be  able 
to  say  that  he  had  admonished  the  soldiers.  On  the  very  day 
that  an  edict  forbade  sacrilege,  a  group  of  French  soldiers 
who  had  surrounded  the  crosslet  in  the  square  were  regarding 
the  statue  of  St.  Mercurial  on  its  altar  with  great  attention. 
"  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  poltroon  of  a  bishop  seated  on 
the  grave  of  Frenchmen,  our  ancestors.-*"  they  queried  of  each 
other.  "  This  people  have  done  this  in  our  despite  ...  to 
immortalize  the  victory  they  affect  to  have  gained  over  us  ! " 
Some  of  them  jumped  on  the  altar  and  succeeded  in  pushing 
the  statue  into  the  mud,  where  it  was  rolled  and  battered 
amid  the  foulest  oaths  and  curses.  It  would  have  been 
broken  to  bits  but  for  the  religious  compunction  of  the 
minority  who  cried  shame  upon  the  ringleaders  and  called 
the  monks  to  the  rescue  of  their  statue.  Not  one  of  the 
townspeople  had  dared  to  raise  his  voice  in  protest  against 
the  outrage  on  the  image  of  their  patron  saint,  the  symbol  of 
the  communit}'.  After  this,  an  edict  commanded  all  the 
townspeople,  including  the  Jews,  to  wear  a  white  cross  on  the 
breast.  Those  who  were  without  it  were  mercilessly  beaten 
and  insulted. 

Artillery  and  ammunition  continued  to  be  passed  into  the 
city  by  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter.  On  Christmas  Eve  Cardinal 
Giovanni  Borgia,  legate  at  Bologna,  entered  Forli,  passed  the 
festive  week  with  his  cousin  and  left  with  the  best  hopes  of 
Caesar's  success,  which  he  was  impatient  to  communicate  to 
the  Poi)e.  On  the  following  January  17  (1500),  he  died  of 
poison  in  Milan.     On  Christmas  Eve,  while  the   Duke  was 


VALENTINO    AT    FOR  LI  303 

feasting  the  Cardinal's  arrival,  a  peasant  of  Massalombarda, 
who  had  murdered  two  French  slaughterers,  was  hanged  in 
the  square. 

On  the  following  day,  Catherine  hoisted  the  Bologncsc  flag 
on  the  tower  of  the  fort  (a  lion  on  a  red  ground)  instead  of 
her  own.  This  innovation  disturbed  the  French  captains, 
who  mistook  it  for  a  Venetian  flag.  Cssar  Borgia,  the 
Cardinal,  Vendome  and  d'Alcgre  began  to  believe  in  the 
rumour  that  the  Venetian  Republic  was  deserting  the  Holy- 
League.  The  Duke's  agitation  was  extreme.  He  had  known 
Catherine  in  Rome,  and  knew  also  how  astute  and  daring  she 
was.  What  aim  had  she  in  view  .''  And  while  he  was 
discussing  his  fears  with  his  captains  they  were  joined  by 
Meleagro  Zampeschi,  Venetian  condotticrc  and  Ambassador  to 
the  League.  "  My  Lords,"  said  Zampeschi,  "  let  the  lady 
wave  every  rag  in  her  wardrobe  at  us,  but  be  assured 
that  my  Republic  has  never  harboured  a  thought  of  deserting 
the  League.  And  I  will  tell  you,  furthermore,  that  Venice 
would  not  protect  her  if  that  were  possible,  for  every  time 
that  our  senate  has  opened  its  arms  to  her,  she  in  her  blind- 
ness and  disdain  has  turned  away."  "And  I,"  adds  Bernard i, 
"  was  present  when  the  said  condottiere  said  these  things." 

While  this  matter  was  being  discussed  Catherine  began  to 
ply  her  artillery  by  way  of  reminding  the  Duke  that  his 
presence  did  not  intimidate  her.  But  at  the  offset  an  old 
piece  of  Italian  artillery,  called  a  passavolante,  cast  in  the 
time  of  Pino  Ordelaffi,  burst  and  Catherine,  thinking  this 
was  a  bad  omen,  repented  that  she  had  opened  fire  on  that 
day.  "  And  considering,"  says  Bernardi,  "  that  three  parts 
of  the  said  people  were  devoted  to  her,  and  that  they  who  had 
deserted  her  and  gone  over  to  the  Duke  had  acted  under 
coercion,"  the  Countess  ordered  the  firing  to  be  stopped  :  "  for 
she  would  not  send  Christmas  greetings  to  her  good  people 
of  Forli  by  the  cannon's  mouth." 

Catherine,  who  at  this  time  never  went  unarmed,  and  who 
was  accompanied  only  by  armed  men,  isolated  in  the 
expectation  rather  of  death  and  destruction  than  victory,  yet 


304  CATHERINE    yVND    THE    BORGIA 

found  time,  amid  her  daily  anxieties,  to  write  the  good  canons 
of  faithless  Imola — not  that  they  should  intercede  for  her  with 
heaven,  but  to  express  her  amazement  that  they  had  been 
unmindful  of  her  desire  for  the  appointment  of  a  certain  Don 
Battista  de'  Gentilini  as  sacristan.  "  Wherefore  I  say  to 
you,"  she  concluded,  "that  you  are  to  admit  and  invest  with 
the  said  place  and  office,  the  afore-named  Don  Battista,  with- 
out further  ado." 

Meanwhile  Forli  was  divided  into  two  factions.  One  was 
called  Jlladaiua,  and  was  all  for  Catherine:  the  other,  Ordelaffi, 
favoured  the  return  of  Anton  Maria,  who  was  conspiring  at 
Ravenna.  Borgia  was  waiting  for  the  bombs  that  should 
make  a  breach  in  the  fort,  but,  uncertain  of  success,  sought  a 
means  of  compromise. 

The  Countess  held  her  own,  foreseeing,  better  than  any  one, 
the  inevitable  end.  She  relied  on  her  arms  for  honour's  sake, 
but,  with  all  the  force  of  her  genius,  she  strove  to  save  herself. 
From  a  letter  of  the  Mantuan  Orator  it  transpires  that  towards 
the  end,  she  had  applied  to  the  \"enetians,  offering  them  her 
State  sooner  than  yield  it  to  the  Pope  ;  recalling  the  services 
of  her  husband,  who  had  deserved  well  at  their  hands  and  had 
been  a  patrician  of  Venice.  Repulsed  by  the  Venetians  she 
had  attempted  to  treat  with  the  Pope,  to  whom  she  would 
have  ceded  her  States  and  rights  in  return  for  another  State 
in  the  gift  of  the  Church,  of  an  income  of  not  less  than  5000 
ducats,  and  a  sum  of  ready  money  to  provide  ammunition. 
But  the  Pope,  who  had  no  mind  to  give  a  State  to  any  one 
but  his  son,  would  not  treat  with  her,  and  in  proportion  as  her 
case  became  more  desperate  Catherine's  resistance  became 
more  dogged. 

The  Duke's  irritation  increased  with  every  hour  as  Catherine, 
defying  the  enemy,  harried  the  town  with  her  cannon.  Well- 
nigh  exasperated,  he  donned  his  black  hat  with  the  white 
feather,  mounted  his  white  charger  and  followed  by  a 
trumpeter  and  a  few  mounted  men-at-arms,  rode  through  the 
town  and  examined  the  fort  from  every  point  of  view,  and  at 
last  stood  on  the  moat's  edge. 


VALENTINO    AT    FORLI  305 

The  trumpeter  blew  his  trumpet:  some  men-at-arms 
appeared  on  the  tower  ;  the  trumpeter  cried  that  His  Excel- 
lency the  Duke,  there  present,  craved  a  parley  with  Madonna 
the  Countess,  and  in  a  few  moments  his  fair  enemy  looked 
down  from  the  battlements.  On  the  arrival  of  Catherine, 
Caesar  bared  his  head  and  lowered  his  hat,  which  he  held  for 
some  time  with  outstretched  arm.  Catherine  saluted  him 
courteously,  as  a  person  she  recognized.  The  ensuing  dialogue, 
reconstructed  by  latter-day  historians,  and  imaginary  in  form, 
probably  fairly  represents  what  was  said  on  the  occasion  :  '• 

"  Madonna !  You  who  are  learned  in  history,  know  that 
the  fortune  of  States  is  subject  to  change :  this  is  the 
moment  to  put  your  genius  and  knowledge  to  the  test.  I 
would  fain  prove  to  you  the  high  esteem  in  which  I  hold  you, 
and  convince  you  that  not  only  am  I  incapable  of  doing  you 
an  injury  but  that  I  am  desirous  to  save  you  all  possible 
annoyance ;  wherefore  I  entreat  you,  I  beseech  you,  to 
surrender  this  fort  of  your  own  free  will  to  me.  I  promise 
you  the  most  advantageous  conditions  and  will  guarantee 
that  the  Pope  assigns  States  to  you  and  revenues  worthy  of 
yourself  and  your  sons.  You  can  take  up  your  residence  in 
Rome  if  it  so  please  you.  Thus  you  will  rescue  yourself  and 
yours  from  a  greater  danger  than  you  can  be  aware  of;  you 
will  avoid  the  horrible  sight  of  bloodshed,  you  will  gain  the 
reputation  of  a  woman  whose  wisdom  is  equal  to  her  courage, 
and  be  spared  the  derision  with  which  Italy  would  deride 
one  who  persisted  in  pitting  herself  against  overwhelming 
numbers.     Yield!  yield!  Madonna  I     Yield  to  my  prayers  1 " 

Catherine,  erect  and  motionless,  listened  to  him  without  a 
trace  of  emotion  on  her  features.  When  he  had  finished  she 
replied — 

"  My  Lord  Duke,  Fortune  favours  the  brave  and  abandons 
the  cowardly.  1  am  daughter  to  one  who  knew  no  fear  and 
am  determined  to  walk  in  his  steps  until  death.  Well  do  I 
know  how  changeful  is  the  fortune  of  States.    History  I  have 

^  Buniel.  This  writer's  version  of  the  dialogue  is  derived  from  a  portion  of 
the  Riario  archives  found  by  him  at  Bologna,  but  which  we  have  been  unable  to 
trace. 

X 


3o6  CATHERINE   AND   THE   BORGIA 

read,  it  is  true,  but  it  would  be  a  vile  thing  if  I,  forgetting 
who  was  my  father,  and  who  my  forebears,  consented  to 
exchange  my  estate  for  that  of  a  subject  ....  I  thank  you 
for  the  good  opinion  you  .say  you  have  of  me  :  but  as  for  the 
promises  you  make  in  the  Pope's  name,  I  must  perforce  reply 
that  as  your  father's  pretexts  for  dethroning  me  and  mine 
have  been  judged  false,  iniquitous  and  despicable  the  world 
over,  so  do  I  hold  these  promises  of  yours  and  the  Pope's  to 
be  false  and  lying.     Italy  knows  the  value  of  a  Borgia's  word  ! 

"  My  troops  suffice  for  my  defence,  and  I  do  not  believe  that 
yours  are  invincible.  Would  to  God  I  still  had  the  support 
of  my  uncle  the  Duke  of  Milan,  then  indeed  there  would  be 
no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  men  where  to  look  for  blind 
obstinacy,  or  w^here  for  true  valour.  If,  after  having  refused 
every  condition  and  scorned  every  weakness  unworthy  of  the 
name  of  Sforza,  I  am  crushed  by  you,  the  world  shall  learn 
that  I  and  those  whom,  with  me,  these  walls  enclose,  take 
comfort  in  the  thought  that  they  who  die  at  their  post  are 
unforgotten  and  that  often  their  cause  survives  them  and 
triumphs." 

She  said  :  bowed  to  the  Duke  and  disappeared  from  the 
battlements.  Caesar  found  that  he  had  counted  in  vain  upon 
the  effect  of  his  chivalrous  courtesy.  He  knew  Catherine  well 
enough  to  be  assured  that  she  would  have  replied  with  equal 
courtesy,  and  hoped  in  this  exchange  of  civilities  to  have 
cajoled  some  concession  from  her,  instead  of  which  she  had 
told  him  to  his  face  that  she  neither  believed  in  the  Pope  nor 
In  himself.  He  returned  her  salutation,  put  spurs  to  his 
horse  and,  enraged  and  bewildered,  retired  from  the  fort. 

For  many  hours  he  pondered  on  his  disappointment  and 
on  the  risks  entailed  by  the  siege  of  the  fort,  and  on  the 
interruption  of  his  plans.  He  hated  to  lose  time  and  men 
at  the  bidding  of  a  woman.  How  could  he  bend  her  to  his 
will.'  The  first  attempt  had  failed:  Catherine  had  been 
courteous,  but  unmoved.  ...  If  he  tried  again,  with  more 
j)cr.suasivc  and  fiery  eloquence.!*  "The  other  day,"  writes 
Hcrnardi,  "wliich  fell  on  the  6th,  my  Lord  Duke  rode  twice 
U>  the  moal  of  the  fort  and  there  had  speech  of  Madonna." 


VALENTINO    AT    FORLI  307 

Once  more  the  Duke  rode  to  the  fort  and  a  second  blast 
of  the  trumpet  apprised  Catherine  that  he  had  another 
word  to  say  to  her.  He  however  but  renewed  the  same 
offers  and  entreaties,  which  Catherine  as  resolutely  refused. 
Caesar  told  her  that  as  she  would  neither  trust  himself  nor  the 
Pope,  Monseigneur  d'Alegre,  the  Bailli  of  Dijon,  and  the 
Duke  of  Vendome,  of  the  royal  house  of  France,  would  be 
his  witnesses  and  attest  his  given  word.  Catherine  dryly 
replied  that  "  where  the  capital  was  wanting  the  interest  was 
of  small  account ;  if  she  lacked  faith  in  himself  and  the  Pope 
how  could  he  expect  his  satellites  to  inspire  it?"  She  turned 
away  from  him  and  disappeared. 

Enraged  at  his  rebuff  and  smarting  under  its  insult,  C;esar 
never  drew  rein  until  he  arrived  at  the  camp  and  summoned 
his  captains  in  council. 

The  same  day  Catherine  also  summoned  hers,  and  when 
her  trusty  ones  had  assembled,  thus  addressed  them  : 

"Friends  and  Defenders!  The  moment  has  come!  The 
Duke  has  gone  from  here  in  a  fury.  He  tried  to  win  me  by 
flattery,  and  now,  having  failed,  will  seek  a  horrible  revenge. 
I  have  not  betrayed  the  honour  of  my  house,  which  has  not 
yet  produced  vile  men  nor  cowards  ...  so  that  the  world 
may  now  judge  how  the  Borgia  of  Valencia  differ  from  the 
Sforza  of  Milan.  Fear  not !  We  have  artillery,  ammunition, 
veteran  captains  and  expert  engineers,  as  well  as  they.  We 
are  of  one  mind  ;  they  are  divided  against  themselves,  and  I 
know  for  a  certainty  that  the  King  of  France  has  no  interest 
in  this  iniquitous  conquest  of  Romagna. 

"  If,  at  the  first  assault,  we  succeed  in  repulsing  the  Duke's 
forces  the  French  will  desert  him,  and  he  will  be  left  with 
the  pontifical  troops,  who  have  no  terrors  for  us.  And  the 
people  of  Forli,  who  do  not  dare  to  breathe  nor  raise  their 
eyes  from  the  ground,  will  rise  like  one  man  on  that  day  and 
come  to  our  aid.  The  Empress,  my  sister,  is  praying  her 
husband  to  send  help  to  us.  What  then  will  happen  to  the 
Duke  and  his  army  .''  Courage  !  and  yet  more  courage  !  Shall 
we  compromise  with  the  enemy  before  we  have  measured 
ourselves  with  him  .^  .  .  .  The  King  of  France  cannot  lend  his 


3o8  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

troops  for  ever,  for  he  needs  them  against  those  my  uncles 
Ascanio  and  Ludovic  Sforza  are  collecting  in  Germany, 
Our  victor}'  will  be  the  more  glorious,  inasmuch  as  it  has  no 
other  motive  than  justice,  our  homes  and  nationality,  and 
because  if  our  numbers  are  inferior  to  the  enemy,  and  I  a 
helpless  woman,  yet  am  I  defended  by  a  handful  of  heroes. 
They  may  cut  us  in  pieces,  but  our  bones  will  cry  to  God  for 
vengeance,  and  perchance  from  them  will  arise  one  who  with 
fire  and  steel  shall  crush  out  this  villainous  brood  of  the 
Borgia.  .  .  ." 

Catherine  then  showed  Count  Alexander  Sforza  how  she 
proposed  placing  her  cannon,  and  her  plan  of  defence  was 
generally  approved  of.  The  Duke  had  meanwhile  established 
two  batteries,  one  in  the  open  country  south  of  the  fort,  the 
other  near  to  the  Church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  later  of  the 
Capucins.  To  the  latter  battery  were  conveyed  seven  heavy 
guns  and  ten  falconets.  On  December  28  this  artillery 
opened  fire  on  the  Paradiso,  Catherine's  palace,  that,  guarded 
by  two  ravelins,  stood  between  the  gate  of  the  fort  and  the 
7naschw,  or  fort  proper.  Catherine  had  lodged  her  captains 
in  the  Paradiso,  and  was  herself  living  in  the  maschio  until 
she  was  advised  to  remove  to  one  of  the  ravelins,  since  the 
enemy's  guns  covered  the  fort.  The  shot  aimed  at  the 
viaschio  passed  over  and  in  some  cases  through  the  upper 
part  of  the  ravelin,  without  endangering  the  massive  construc- 
tion of  its  base.  Without  relaxing  the  attack  on  the  viaschio, 
some  of  the  enemy's  guns  were  now  directed  against  a  tower 
that  commanded  the  road  of  San  Martino. 

Catherine's  engineer,  a  certain  Bartolomeo  of  Bologna, 
whom  she  had  procured  from  her  uncle  Ludovic,  replied  with 
such  precision  to  the  French  fire,  that  having  taken  aim  at 
the  French  engineer  he  killed  him  at  the  first  shot,  Borgia 
and  his  captains  were  dismayed  by  the  loss  of  a  man  in  whose 
skill  they  had  unbounded  confidence.  "  If  it  were  possible/' 
said  d'Alcgrc,  "the  King  of  France  would  give  I0,000 
crowns  to  restore  him  to  life  !  "  The  soldiers,  who  began  to 
fear  reprisals  on  the  part  of  the  townspeople,  induced  the 
Duke  to  issue  an  edict  by  which  the  latter  were  compelled  to 


VALENTINO    AT    FORLI  309 

take  all  their  arms  to  a  place  indicated  :  at  the  same  time  it 
was  prohibited  to  buy  stolen  property  of  the  soldiers.  As 
the  soldiery  still  went  in  fear  of  the  townspeople  a  second 
edict  ordered  those  who  had  not  yet  given  up  their  arms  to 
take  them  to  the  Gate  of  Schiavonia,  under  penalty  of  the 
gallows.  A  few  days  later  a  certain  Giorgio  Folfi  was  im- 
prisoned by  order  of  the  provost-general,  tried  and  convicted 
of  having  poisoned  a  French  soldier  who  was  quartered  in  his 
house.  The  accused  was  nailed  to  a  column  on  the  spot 
where  the  crime  had  been  committed,  and  his  right  hand  cut 
off;  he  was  then  decapitated  in  the  square,  and  his  body  was 
hunsf  to  a  chain  at  the  custom-house  and  there  burned. 

A  long  line  of  peasants,  each  carrying  five  fascines,  were 
daily  seen  to  pass  through  the  town  and  lay  their  burdens  at 
the  foot  of  the  Fort  of  Ravaldino,  on  the  hill-side,  where  the 
Duke  purposed  to  open  the  breach.  On  December  29, 
a  sudden  cessation  of  firing  on  both  sides  gave  rise  to  a 
rumour  that  Catherine's  brother-in-law,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
had  succeeded  in  arranging  some  sort  of  compromise  with 
Valentino.  Parenti  relates  that  Catherine  "  appealed  to  us 
(the  Florentines)  for  help  and  succour  .  .  .  but  in  vain  :  there 
was  even  a  plan  to  corrupt  the  French  captains  so  that  they 
might  delay  operations,  but  the  matter  was  itself  delayed 
until  it  was  too  late :  Madonna  strained  every  nerve,  but 
nothing  turned  to  her  advantage."  ^ 

And  seeing  that  the  French  bombardiers  were  once  more 
busied  in  setting  up  their  batteries,  the  besieged  realized  that 
all  they  had  suffered  and  endured,  up  to  that  moment,  was 
but  the  beginning  of  the  end. 

^  Storie  Florentine  MS.  Magliabechina,  t.  iii.  p.  208. 


CHAPTER   XXXI 

THE    FALL   OF    RAVALDINO 

The  Duke,  with  his  French  and  Swiss  mercenaries,  was 
eager  for  the  assault ;  Catherine  alone,  among  the  princes  of 
Europe,  had  attempted  to  stem  his  criminal  ambition  ; 
neither  prince  nor  power  in  Italy,  not  even  her  sister,  the 
Empress  of  Germany,  on  whom  she  had  so  much  depended, 
had  come  to  her  assistance.  The  prestige,  bold  statesmanship 
and  military  strength  of  the  Pope  had  struck  terror  into  all  of 
them.  Yet  Catherine,  in  the  hope  that  her  sister  would 
succeed  in  persuading  Maximilian  to  come  to  her  aid,  still 
persisted  in  resisting  to  the  last,  determined  either  to  await 
the  imperial  army  or  die  under  arms,  as  the  .sovereign  of  Forli. 

Till  late  at  night  she  took  counsel  with  her  captains,  engi- 
neers and  master  gunners.  At  early  morn  she  appeared  among 
the  soldiers,  inspected  the  artillery,  inquired  what  noises  had 
been  heard  and  visited  the  entire  fort.  From  the  height  of  the 
chief  tower,  which  she  had  climbed  to  look  down  on  her  city, 
the  enemy's  camp,  the  ravaged  and  snow-clad  plain,  the  fair 
amazon  saw  the  dawn  of  the  new  century  and  the  sun  rise  on 
January  1,1500. 

It  had  become  known  that  Catherine  had  provided  herself 
with  chain  armour  to  wear  under  her  outer  garments,  that  she 
threw  herself  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight  with  her  soldiers, 
and  when  attacked  defended  herself  desperately,  wounding 
several  of  the  enemy.  The  French  and  Swiss  admired  her 
and  regretted  that  they  did  not  serve  under  her  banner. 
She  offered  5000  ducats  for  the  body  of  Cresar  Borgia  and 


THE    FALL    OF    RAVALDINO  311 

10,000  for  delivcrini^  him  alive  into  her  hands.  The  Duke 
retorted  by  promising  100,000  for  the  formidable  enem}' 
who  arrested  his  designs,  alive  or  dead.  The  Pope,  who 
pronounced  the  House  of  Sforza  to  be  the  devil's  seed, 
desired  that  Catherine  should  be  put  to  death  as  soon  as  she 
was  taken.  But  her  defenders  were  encouraged  by  the 
promise  of  the  possessions  of  those  of  her  subjects  who  had 
rebelled,  and  fired  by  the  example  of  her  indomitable  valour 
and  the  knowledge  that  she  would  sooner  die  than  surrender. 
"  Never,"  wrote  Grumcllo,  "  had  been  seen  a  woman  of  such 
spirit." 

The  fort  was  as  yet  uninjured  by  the  four  hundred  bombs 
that  had  been  thrown  into  it.  Any  damage  to  its  outer 
fortifications  sustained  during  the  day  was  repaired  by  night, 
so  that  every  morning  found  them  intact ;  a  reinforcement 
of  four  hundred  P'oot  was  expected,  whence  it  was  not  known, 
but  it  was  supposed  from  the  Florentines,  who  supported 
their  allies  in  secret  when  they  could  not  do  so  publicly. 
This  increased  the  boldness  and  confidence  of  the  garrison. 
Sanuto,  ever  garrulous,  relates  that  Catherine  caused  mocking 
and  indecorous  inscriptions  to  be  graven  on  the  shot  fired 
into  the  enemy's  camp,  to  prove  to  Borgia  the  contempt  in 
which  she  held  him  and  his. 

The  townspeople  were  distracted  from  their  anxieties  by 
the  banquets  given  by  the  French  captains,  according  to  the 
custom  of  their  country,  on  the  first  and  second  of  the  year. 
One  given  by  D'Aubigny  and  Galvani  to  Monseigneur 
d'Alegre  and  other  leaders,  and  described  by  Burriel,  will 
serve  as  an  example. 

"...  Rich  and  abundant  provision  for  two  whole  days 
was  ordered  from  the  country,  and  taken  from  the  peasants 
by  force  or  persuasion.  .  .  .  The  loggic  (terrace  or  verandah) 
of  this  ^  and  the  adjacent  houses  were  boarded  in,  and  there 
the  tables  were  set.  ...  At  the  appointed  hour  the  guests 
arrived,  followed  by  men  of  all  sorts  and  conditions,  and  all 
proceeded  to  partake  of  the  banquet  standing.     When   they 

^  The  house  of  Giovanni  Monsignani,  where  d'Aubigny  was  quartered. 


312  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

had   eaten  their  fill,  at  the  time   dictated    by  their   custom 


'''"'^1^'^^     ■^l:' <.    I'K'illAlil.Y    MAllK    lOK    (  A  I  1 1 KKINK    .S|-OK/A. 

two    of   these   men    mounted   on    the    tables,    ran   the   whole 
length  of  them,  breaking  plates  and  any  other  fragile  things, 


THE    FALL    OF    RAVALDINO  3' 3 

and  throwing  them  on  the  ground  if  they  were  empty  of 
food.  .  .  .  Then  appeared  a  long  procession  of  men  and 
women,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  a  man  on  horseback, 
wearing  a  long  coat  and  a  cap  shaped  like  a  mitre.     These 


woman's  aKxMOL'R  {back). 

persons  laughed,  drank  at  the  tables,  and  diverted  themselves 
to  excess,  and  afterwards  left,  arm-in-arm,  to  roam  the  streets 
with  ribald  song  and  jest,  to  the  scandal  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Forli.  ..." 


314  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

The  due  organization  of  both  the  attack  and  the  defence 
continued.  The  ducal  troops  erected  barricades,  dug  trenches, 
and  provided  cover  for  those  who  served  the  guns,  while 
thousands  of  casks  were  filled  with  sand  for  the  defences  of 
the  fort. 

On  the  5th  the  cannon  again  thundered  on  both  sides,  to 
more  purpose  for  Borgia  than  for  Catherine.  The  fort  artillery- 
killed  many  of  the  P'rench,  but  the  Duke's  destroyed  the 
highest  defences  of  the  chief  tower  and  the  entire  upper 
portion  of  its  side  towers,  leaving  them  as  they  appear  at  the 
present  time. 

On  the  eve  of  the  Epiphany,  although  the  French  had 
fought  all  day,  they  passed  the  night,  according  to  their 
custom,  in  eating  and  drinking,  without  sitting  down  ;  the 
Duke  meanwhile  was  in  council  with  his  bombardiers,  when 
they  were  interrupted  by  sudden  and  fearsome  news.  It 
was  said  that  a  man  had  escaped  from  the  fort,  and  warned 
the  Duke  that  while  the  French  were  carousing,  the  towns- 
people had  risen  under  arms  and  were  to  be  joined  by  a  sortie 
of  the  garrison,  and  all  the  French  were  to  be  butchered 
to  the  last  man. 

Twice  this  fate  had  befallen  French  armies  that  had  invaded 
Italy  ;  the  }ear  1282  had  witnessed  the  Sicilian  Vespers,  and 
the  chapel  of  the  Crocetta  or  Crosslet  in  the  square  at  Forli 
still  bore  witness  to  the  almost  contemporaneous  extermin- 
ation of  French  inv^adcrs  at  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Forli. 
Such  an  occurrence  would  not  therefore  be  either  new  or 
improbable. 

It  was  already  past  midnight  when  a  body  of  French 
soldiers  and  officers  came  to  inquire  of  the  Duke  whether 
there  was  foundation  for  the  rumour.  The  Duke  assured 
them  that  there  was  none,  but  many,  whom  he  had  not 
succeeded  in  reassuring,  entered  the  houses  of  the  towns- 
IK'oplc  to  ascertain  that  they  were  in  their  beds  and  harboured 
no  strangers.  They  need  have  had  no  fear,  for  the  people  of 
Forli,  unlike  their  ancestors,  had  neither  the  strength  nor  the 
courage  to  assert  themselves.  The  city  was  half  empty  ;  all 
had  fled  who  could,  including  the  priests  and  monks.     Bernardi 


THE    FALL    OF    RAVALDINO  315 

relates  that  the  Abbot  of  St.  Mercurial  had  disappeared  with 
all  his  monks,  leaving  only  four  to  chant  the  Sunday  vesper, 
and  that  he  often  found  himself  quite  alone  in  the  church 
with  Andrea  Numai.  The  only  masses  to  be  heard  were 
those  of  the  chaplains  of  the  French  army,  which,  says 
Bernardi,  were  reverently  attended  by  the  soldiers,  who  knelt, 
with  crossed  arms,  by  the  officers,  and  especially  by  the 
captains  of  high  rank.  "There  were,"  he  adds,  "many  of 
these  personages  who  were  very  spiritual,  and  who  visited 
the  churches  every  day."  January  8  was  a  memorable 
day.  A  lighted  torch  shone  from  the  roof  of  one  of  the 
principal  houses  in  the  town  and  another  gleamed  from  the 
fort.  "  Treason,  treason  !"  cried  the  French,  who  seized  their 
arms  and  poured  in  serried  ranks  into  the  square,  threatening 
to  tear  the  people  of  Forli  to  pieces  unless  they  explained 
the  meaning  of  the  two  torches.  The  townspeople  could  give 
no  explanation  of  them,  and  the  rage  of  the  French  increased. 
At  last  a  German  was  moved  to  confess  that  he  had  lighted 
a  torch  on  the  top  of  a  dovecot,  with  no  other  object  than  to 
steal  the  doves. 

The  siege  had  already  lasted  twenty  days,  and  it  seemed 
as  if  Catherine's  fortitude  kept  pace  wath  the  increasing  im- 
patience of  the  Duke.  The  French  and  Swiss,  who  at  first 
were  intoxicated  with  their  easily  won  victories  in  Lombardy, 
began  to  weary  and  lose  confidence  in  themselves.  The 
Duke  reviewed  them  all  and  distributed  higher  pay.  Mean- 
while the  ten  guns  that  covered  the  fort  had,  after  working 
day  and  night,  made  two  breaches  in  the  curtain  or  outer 
wall ;  but  the  besieged  (since  the  destruction  of  the  crown 
and  battlements  of  the  chief  and  two  lateral  tow^ers)  as- 
sembled behind  the  wall  that  stood  behind  the  two  breaches, 
and  from  there  offered  a  desperate  resistance.  The  ducal 
bombardiers  then  directed  their  attack  against  the  remaining 
wall,  and  when  they  had  destroyed  it  the  whole  fort,  from 
one  bastion  to  another,  was  exposed  and  unprotected. 

Catherine  ordered  defences  to  be  raised  to  replace  the 
external   wall,    but    her    men    were    under    the    direct    fire 


3i6  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

of  the  Duke's  falconets,  so  that  nearly  every  shot  was 
fatal.  The  material  of  the  ruined  wall  had  partly  fallen 
into  the  inner  courtyard  of  the  fort,  and  partly  into  the 
moat,  which  it  half  filled,  thus  facilitating  the  passage  of 
the  besiegers.  On  the  I2th  an  edict  was  "cried"  that  those 
who  loved  the  Duke  should  each  carry  a  fascine  to  the 
defences.  Many  were  then  carried  and  many  had  already 
been  collected.  Two  boats  arrived  opportunely  on  the  same 
day  from  Ravenna  to  serve  as  a  bridge  where  the  water 
was  still  high,  so  that  at  midday  the  passage  of  the  deep 
wide  moat  was  all  but  assured  to  the  assailants. 

At  noon,  the  Duke  dined.  In  sitting  down  to  table,  he 
expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  people  of  Forli  for  having 
brought  so  great  a  quantity  of  fascines,  and  then,  turning 
to  the  officers  who  were  his  guests,  said — "  To-day  it  is 
Sunday  ;  }'ou  will  see  that  on  Tuesday  Madonna  Caterina 
will  be  in  my  hands." 

Some  of  the  guests  opined  that  the  date  was  a  little  too 
near,  and  as  Borgia  repeated  that  on  Tuesday  the  beautiful 
Countess  would  be  his  prisoner,  and  the  others  persisted  in 
their  opinion,  the  matter  was  settled  by  a  bet  of  three 
hundred  ducats  on  either  side.  The  determination  with 
which  the  Duke  maintained  his  prophecy  inspired  the  foot 
soldiers  who  were  waiting  on  him  to  say — 

"  Your  Lordship  will  win  the  wager,  for  the  appointed  time 
suffices  for  our  courage  to  take  the  fort  ; "  all  of  which 
became  known  in  the  army  and  increased  its  ardour.  The 
Duke's  infantry  fearlessly  rushed  close  up  to  the  fort  to 
prevent  the  besieged  from  working  at  their  defences,  and 
the  fort  was  soon  riddled  through  and  through. 

Catherine  perceived  that  the  fall  of  the  Cotogni  ravelin 
was  imminent,  yet  did  not  for  a  moment  think  of  surrender  ; 
she  placed  a  battery  ^  in  the  courtyard  of  the  fort  and 
protected  it  as  best  she  could  with  beams  and  barrels  filled 
with  sand.  The  miserable  condition  of  the  besieged  pro- 
vokctl   the  insults  of  the  besiegers,  who  in  derision  dragged 

'   lUirricl  flcscribes  seven  iron  and  four  bronze  cannon  that  were  found  by  some 
convicts  working  in  the  courtyard  of  the  castle  of  Ravaldino  in  1795. 


THE    FALL    OF    RA\^\LDINO  317 

benches,  shovels,  spades  and  mattocks  to  the  edge  of  the 
moat,  crying — "  Courage,  cowards  ;  what  are  you  doing  in 
hiding?     Come  out  and  show  your  faces!" 

The  sentinel  of  the  iiiaschio,  seeing  that  a  multitude  of 
the  enemy  thronged  the  edge  of  the  moat,  thought  that  the 
assault  had  begun,  and  running  towards  the  citadel,  cried 
in  a  loud  voice — "Sic!  Sit!  Up!  Up!  Beloved  Madonna, 
with  your  great  genius  assemble  the  garrisons,  for  the  enemy 
have  begun  the  assault!"  at  the  same  time  crying  to  the 
squadrons  :  "  Sii  !  Sit  !  the  enemy  is  upon  us  1 "  At  the 
sentinel's  alarm  the  garrison  hastened  to  take  up  positions 
where  and  how  they  could,  on  the  ground  between  the  moat 
and  the  ravelin  Delia  Alontagna,  where  Catherine  was. 

The  Duke,  by  inciting  the  men  to  persist  in  carrying  beams 
and  fascines,  had  hourly  made  the  moat  more  navigable. 
Some  braved  the  risk  of  drowning  by  clinging  to  floating 
fascines  ;  one  of  them  gained  the  ravelin,  climbed  the  wall 
and  entered  it  without  opposition.  He  was  followed  by 
others,  sixteen  for  every  fascine,  and  climbing  the  ruined 
wall  mounted  by  the  remains  of  the  chief  staircase  that 
connected  the  mascJiio  with  the  curtain  or  outer  wall  ;  then 
with  the  help  of  ladders  they  swarmed  the  roofs  and  climbed 
to  the  top  of  the  great  tower,  above  which  hung  Catherine's 
flag.  A  Swiss,  named  Cupizer,  tore  it  down,  and  waving 
it  towards  the  soldiers  on  the  other  side  of  the  moat, 
cried  :  "  Come  !  The  victory  is  ours  !  Behold  the  enemy's 
flag!" 

All  this  took  place  in  sight  of  the  battery  that  was  in 
the  courtyard.  Why  did  it  not  open  fire  on  the  invaders  .-' 
Where  were  the  garrison  .'' 

Hence  the  suspicion  that  Giovanni  da  Casale,  captain  of 
all  the  fortifications  within  the  Paradiso,  had  betrayed 
Catherine,  which  appears  in  so  many  contemporary  histories. 
An  obscure  passage  in  Bernardi  hints  at  treachery  without 
defining  it — "  The  fort  was  taken,"  he  says,  "  'twixt  seeing 
and  not  seeing." 

In  a  "justification,"  legally  drawn  up  and  signed  "■  I\Iauu- 


3i8  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

propria^,'  ^  Giovanni  da  Casale,  first  accused  of  being 
Catherine's  lover,  and  later  her  betrayer,  refutes  this 
calumny  and  recalls  the  indecision  of  Alexander  Sforza, 
and  the  internal  discord  and  the  insubordination  to  which 
he  ascribes  the  taking  of  the  fort.  He  was  ready  to  con- 
found those  who,  "  lying  in  their  throats,"  had  called  him 
traitor  ;  there  were  indeed  those  whose  interests  and  obliga- 
tions in  that  undertaking  were  higher  than  his ;  yet  had 
they  shirked  their  duties  and  then  become  his  calumniators. 
The  names  of  those  persons  he  would  not  for  the  present 
divulge,  but  later  he  would  reveal  them.  His  allegations 
and  the  assertions  he  makes  with  regard  to  the  supreme 
command  that  had  devolved  on  Alexander  Sforza,  as  brother 
of  the  Countess,  bear  the  impress  of  truth.  For  the  rest, 
Machiavelli,  a  contemporary,  cognizant  of  the  place,  has 
explained  better  than  any  other  how  the  fort  was  lost,  and 
why  a  fort  does  not  suffice  for  the  defence  of  a  State. 

The  Fort  of  Forli,  says  Machiavelli,  in  his  Art  of  War, 
was  badly  constructed,  and  Casale,  instead  of  defending 
the  first  breach  made  by  the  Duke's  cannon,  incautiousl}- 
scattered  his  troops  in  too  many  separate  places.  The 
enemy  occupied  the  connecting  bridges,  thus  cutting  off 
the  besieged  from  one  another,  and  in  this  wise  nothing  re- 
mained of  the  high  emprise  of  Catherine,  save  the  admirable 
example  of  her  courage. 

The  flag  taken  by  Cupizer  had  been  seen  by  all  the 
enemy's  men  on  the  other  side  of  the  moat,  and  the  inspiring 
news  soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  Duke,  who  immediately 
ordered  the  passage  to  be  made  secure,  the  trumpets  to 
sound  and  all  his  forces  called  to  the  assault. 

Catherine,  desperate  but  undaunted,  exasperated  by  the 
vile  lethargy  of  her  men,  ordered  the  powder  magazine  to  be 
fired,  being  prepared  to  be  blown  up  with  the  walls  of  her 
fort.  Ikit  the  leaders  of  the  garrison  had  lost  heart  and 
thought    of   little   else   than   saving   their  own    lives,   fearing 

'  I'lonitliiic  Stale  Archives,  Med.  a.  I'r.  Cait.  I'liv.  f.  99,  Si  (I'livate  I'apeis 
of  tlic  Medici). 


THE    FALL    OF    RAVALDINO  319 

less  the  enemy's  onslaught  than  the  extreme  resolutions  of 
the  Countess.  Catherine  was  not  obeyed  in  time,  so  that 
when  at  last  the  ammunition  exploded,  it  but  helped  to  fill 
up  the  moat  with  debris  for  the  enemy's  passage.  Giovanni 
da  Casale,  who  had  declared  that  he  would  be  the  last  to 
leave  the  defences  that  had  been  confided  to  him,  crept 
into  a  tower  into  which  he  let  the  enemy  crowd  in  great 
numbers.  When  he  thought  it  would  hold  no  more,  he  set 
fire  to  the  last  of  the  ammunition  and  fled  by  a  secret  stair. 

Friends  and  enemies  perished  in  the  flames.  "  The  fire," 
says  Bernardi,  "reached  the  heavens,  and  many  of  our  own, 
with  Germans,  Swiss  and  French,  were  consumed,  for  they 
had  entered  a  place  to  which  there  was  no  exit." 

This  act  naturally  exasperated  the  enemy,  who  no  longer 
restrained  themselves  from  slaughter  and  every  possible 
cruelty  that  they  could   perpetrate  on  the  besieged. 

When  the  smoke  had  cleared,  the  bulk  of  the  enemy 
passed  over  the  debris  in  the  moat  and  occupied  the  bridges 
leading  to  the  citadel ;  the  sounds  of  battle  mingled  with 
the  cries  of  the  unhappy  wretches  who  had  been  trapped 
in  the  explosion  of  the  tower.  Cremona,  castellane  of  the 
fort,  committed  an  act  on  his  side  more  desperate  than  that 
of  Casale  on  the  side  of  the  Paradiso.  The  terrified,  tardy, 
and  perhaps  unfaithful  executor  of  Catherine's  daring  order, 
he  set  fire  to  the  stores  of  saltpetre  and  charcoal  in  the 
tower  that  faced  Cesena,  but  let  all  his  soldiery  escape  in 
disorder  and  alarm,  thus  offering  a  free  passage  to  the 
enemy,  who  seeing  the  smoke  and  the  flight  of  the  besieged 
began  to  cry:  "Onward!  onward!  The  enemy  has  evacuated 
the  fort !  this  is  the  day  of  victory  !  " 

The  soldiers  of  the  garrison  howled,  wept  and  cursed,  but 
henceforward  they  neither  fought  nor  resisted.  Catherine 
at  that  moment  appeared  from  the  viascJiio,  the  heart  and 
highest  point  of  the  fort,  a  square  tower  with  smooth  walls, 
inaccessible  to  the  scalers,  and  her  last  refuge. 

Who,  near  to  her  who  had  thrown  herself  heart  and  soul 
into  the  melee,  would  dare  to  have  been  a  coward  }  Near  to 
her,  courage  once  more  woke  to  action,  and  terror  changed  to 


320  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

the  most  desperate  heroism  :  the  garrison  fell  into  position, 
closed  its  ranks  and  fearlessly  hurled  itself  against  the 
enemy  that  with  ever-increasing  numbers  and  daring,  con- 
tinued to  pass  the  moat  and  crowd  the  citadel.  There  was 
no  longer  time  to  meditate  on  the  art  of  defence;  the  only 
possible  thought  was  to  meet  force  with  force,  to  withstand 
the  enemy  a  little  longer  and  fall  with  honour.  The  highest 
chiefs,  the  poet  Marullo,  Angelo  Laziosi,  Testadora,  Captain 
of  the  Murata,  mingled  with  the  soldiery,  fighting  by  their 
side.  Count  Alexander  and  Catherine's  two  other  brothers 
swept  in  blind  fury  amid  the  enemy,  while  Catherine,  armed 
from  head  to  foot,  was  ever  in  front  of  the  battle,  inspiring 
her  men  with  courage  by  word  and  deed.  She  was  soon 
recognized  by  the  French  and  Swiss,  who  would  have  seized 
her  but  for  the  fury  w'ith  which  they  were  always  met  by  her 
zealous  defenders.  "  For  many  days  past,"  wrote  Cardinal 
Sanseverino  to  the  ex-Duke  of  Milan,  '•'  Count  Alexander, 
and  sometimes  the  Countess,  had  made  sorties,  and  both 
had  killed  many  French."  But  now  they  w^ere  so  crowded 
in  a  narrow  space  that  no  freedom  of  movement  was  possible 
to  them  ;  at  their  feet  the  dead  were  heaped  up,  they  could 
not  have  moved  a  step  without  treading  on  them. 

The  flood  of  assailants  swelled  unceasingly,  and  after  an 
hour's  fighting  the  besieged  knew  that  their  tardy  efforts 
must  be  unavailing.  Yet,  excited  by  the  voice  and  example 
of  Catherine,  who  continued  to  defend  herself  with  the 
courage  of  despair,  they  fought  for  another  hour.  Four 
hundred  and  seventy-five  corpses  (the  French  chronicles 
say  seven  hundred)  and  many  more  wounded,  strewed  the 
ground.  Catherine,  seeing  that  it  was  no  longer  possible 
to  beat  back  the  enemy  with  steel,  ordered  fire  to  be  set 
to  the  heapcd-up  fascines  in  the  fort  and  citadel,  hoping 
to  i)ut  them  to  flight  ...  to  arrest  them  by  a  wall  of 
fire  .  .  . 

This  time  she  was  promptly  obeyed  ;  the  fascines  smoked, 
crackled  and  soon  threw  up  the  first  line  of  fire.  But 
the  wind  turned,  and  with  it  the  glare  of  the  flames  and 
den.se  columns  of  smoke  were  beaten  back  on  the  defenders 


THE    FALL    OF    RAVALDINO  321 

and  stopped  their  fighting-.  When  the  smoke  cleared, 
Catherine,  followed  by  a  little  band  of  heroes — who  no 
longer  thought  of  defending  the  fort,  but  of  saving  only 
her — pressed  onward  and  succeeded  in  re-opening  the  com- 
bat, when  Giovanni  da  Casale,  who  till  then  had  doggedly 
defended  the  Paradiso,  raised  the  white  flag,  inopportunely 
and  without  Catherine's  order. 

At  that  sight  there  were  cries,  joy,  indescribable  excite- 
ment among  the  men  of  Valentino,  and  among  those  of 
Catherine  such  profound  discouragement  and  surprise  that 
Alexander  Sforza  and  the  other  leaders,  finding  that  the 
paralyzed  soldiers  no  longer  obeyed  them,  perforce  surrendered 
unconditionally  to  the  enemy. 

It  was  the  hour  of  sunset. 

The  signal  of  surrender  was  repeated  by  tying  a  white 
kerchief  to  the  end  of  a  lance,  which  was  fastened  to  a  mast 
in  the  citadel,  and  the  battle  was  at  an  end.  But  in  their 
savagery,  the  Germans,  French  and  Swiss  continued  to  kill 
and  mutilate^  soldiers  and  inhabitants.  Many  of  the  wounded 
were  barbarously  killed,  many  succeeded  in  crawling  to  a 
hiding-place,  where  for  lack  of  succour  they  miserably 
perished.  Ail  through  that  night,  the  German,  French  and 
Swiss  mercenaries  continued  to  pillage,  kill  and  ruin.  Among 
other  things  they  destroyed  was  the  fine  bronze  monument, 
recently  erected  by  Catherine  to  the  memory  of  Giacomo  Feo. 

The  space  was  filled  with  smoke,  blood,  cries  of  menace, 
cries  of  prayer,  and  the  groans  of  the  dying.  "  For,"  says 
Bernardi,  "  it  was  the  Devil's  turn  to  reign  in  Paradise." 

^  The  besiegers  ripped  up  the  bellies  of  the  wounded  to  search  for  gems  or  coin 
among  their  intestines. 


CHAPTER   XXXII 

C^SAR   VICTORIOUS 

It  is  written  in  the  chronicles  of  Jean  d'Autun,  the  monkish 
biographer  of  Louis  XII.,  "  Conmant  dame  KatJierine  Sforcefut 
prize,  covivie  une  preiise  Thaniaris  {qui)  vigoiirciisement  se 
niaintenait,  et  mix  plus  desvoyez  ennuys  de  sa  perverse  fortune, 
d'une  joyeuse  cJicre  couvrant  le  dueil  de  son  infelicitc,  donnoit  a 
ses  gens  cueur  et  Jiardement  par  audacieux  langage.  .  ."  The 
French,  indeed,  wondered  that  neither  the  luck  nor  the  daring 
of  the  enemy,  nor  the  cowardice  of  her  own  people  could 
draw  from  her  a  sign  of  dismay  or  remorse,  and  the  Italians 
gloried  in  the  amazement  of  aliens.  "  Madonna,"  writes 
Parenti  in  his  Italian  Histories,  "entrenched  herself  in  the 
Fort  and  right  nobly  defended  herself:  hence  the  popular 
saying  that  when  the  French  thought  that  they  would  be 
confronted  by  men,  they  found  a  woman,  and  when  they 
thought  to  encounter  a  woman,  they  found  a  man." 

The  Italian  chronicles  narrate  that  after  giving  the  word 
for  the  assault,  the  Duke  returned  to  the  city  by  the  Gate  of 
Ravaldino  and  kept  himself  under  cover  as  long  as  the  action 
lasted.  Hearing  that  Catherine  had  determined  on  making 
a  sortie  with  the  whole  garrison,  and  on  fighting  her  way 
through  the  besiegers,  Borgia  gave  the  order  for  all  the 
cavalry  and  several  companies  of  Foot  to  draw  up  in  line  of 
battle  in  fnjnt  of  the  defence. 

There  was  therefore  no  chance  of  escape  for  Catherine,  who 
could  neither  hold  the  fort  nor  leave  it.  The  various  stages 
of  the  attacks  in  their  order  of  occurrence,  already  assuring  his 

322 


C/ESAR    \'ICTORIOUS  323 

triumph,  were  announced  to  the  Duke.  Casale  had  shown  the 
white  flag-,  nearly  all  the  leaders  and  their  men  had  laid  down 
their  arms,  but  so  lon^  as  Catherine  had  not  surrendered 
there  was  still  danger.  The  ruinous  walls,  riddled  by  shot 
and  damaged  by  explosions,  might  fall  alike  on  besiegers  and 
besieged,  under  them  lay  seven  hundred  corpses  ;  the  garrison 
was  exhausted.  But  among  those  smoking  ruins,  Catherine 
lived  and  moved,  exercising  an  irresistible  fascination  on  the 
remains  of  her  army.  Now  and  again  she  inspired  new 
courage,  developed    a    new    scheme   of  resistance    and  with 


KORT   OF   RAVALDINO:     PRESENT   DAY. 


sudden,  desperate  resolve,  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of 
her  assailants. 

Though  the  fort  had  fallen,  more  blood  would  have  to  flow 
ere  the  victors  could  take  possession  of  it,  unless  the  indomit- 
able woman  were  subdued.  It  was  manifest  that,  even  if  she 
persisted  in  resistance,  she  could  but  lead  her  men  to  certain 
death,  without  advantage  to  her  cause  or  her  honour,  Csesar, 
therefore,  having  ascertained  that  he  might  approach  the 
fort  without  danger,  mounted  his  horse  and  stood  under  the 
battlemented  corridor  that  faced  the  Cotogni  Gate,  where  he 
knew  he  would  find  Catherine. 

The  sinister  din  of  the  onslaught  was  interrupted  by  a  few 
shrill  and  rapid  trumpet  calls,  which  summoned  the  Countess 


324  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

to  a  parley.  Catherine  appeared  at  a  little  window  of  the 
tower  that  overlooked  that  part  of  the  castle  known  as  the 
Inferno,  because  it  was  here  that  justice,  in  the  form  of 
torture,  was  done  to  offenders.  The  Duke,  without  dismount- 
ing, courteously  prayed  her  to  surrender,  so  that  he  might 
control  his  soldiers'  greed  and  thirst  of  blood.  Unless 
she  surrendered,  there  was  no  knowing  where  the  slaughter 
might  stop.  He  entreated  her  to  consider  the  garrison  and 
the  poor  people  of  Forli  who  were  within  the  walls  and,  while 
there  was  yet  time,  to  prevent  the  needless  butchery  of  her 
defenders. 

According  to  Oliva,  Catherine,  "  saddened  by  the  pass  to 
which  she  had  come,  could  not  reply  as  she  would  fain  have 
done,"  because  in  that  moment  she  was  taken  prisoner.  But 
Bernardi,  the  barber  historian  (surnamed  Novacula),  who  was 
either  present  or  not  far  from  the  spot,  narrates  that  on 
hearing  from  the  lips  of  Borgia  of  the  imminent  holocaust  of 
her  people,  she  was  terrified,  moved  and  softened,  and  in  her 
emotion  replied  to  Borgia  not  with  her  usual  acerbities,  but 
"with  man)-  soft  words  .  .  .  saying:  'My  Lord  Duke,  I  am 
with  thee !'..."  but  gave  no  sign  of  surrender.  This  was 
probably  the  moment  in  which  Catherine  appealed  to  the 
besiegers  not  to  sully  their  victory  by  useless  bloodshed 
in  a  speech  recorded  by  Jean  d'Autun  beginning,  "  O  voiis, 
belliqiiculx  Francoys  .  .  .  puisque  Fortune  ineertaine  ni\i,  par 
vostre poiivoir  siihniise  et  donibtee.  .  .  ."  This  address  may  be 
founded  on  words  really  spoken  by  Catherine,  and  turned  by 
the  chronicler  in  a  form  flattering  to  the  self-love  of  his 
compatriots.  At  this  moment  a  German  or  Gascon,  named 
Bernhardt  or  Bertram  (captain,  constable  or  free-lance  of 
Antoinc  Bissey,  Bailli  of  Dijon),  one  of  the  first  to  enter  the 
citadel,  who  had  found  himself,  after  the  assault,  close  to  the 
bridge,  arrived  with  twelve  Gascons  and  eight  Germans  at  the 
ravelin  that  faced  the  Cotogni  Gate  which  Catherine  had 
just  entered.  Near  to  her  were  her  confessor,  her  secretary, 
Iwangelista  Monsignani  of  Imola,  and  several  brave  and 
faithful  women. 

The  Countess,  who  leaned  forward  to  speak  with  some  one 


CVKS AR    V I CTO R I O U S 


below  (in  the  act  of  appealing  to  the  humanity  of  the  con- 
querors), while  the  Duke  gazed  upwards  as  if  he  could  not  take 


C.^^.SAR    BORGIA. 


his  eyes  from  her  face,  was  immediately  recognized   by  her 
commanding  figure  and  fine  presence,  and  Captain  Bertrand, 


326  CATHERINE    AND    THE    ]5()RGIA 

surprised  to  find  her  deserted  by  her  guards,  cried — "  Madam, 
you  are  the  prisoner  of  my  Lord  the  Bailli  of  Dijon."  At 
these  words,  which  were  accompanied  by  the  pressure  of  a 
heavy  mailed  hand  on  her  shoulder,  the  Countess  turned, 
neither  offering  opposition  nor  reply,  and  was  seen  to  incline 
herself  "  with  careless  grace,  in  courteous  salutation  to  the 
Duke,"  as  who  should  say :  "  It  is  finished  !  " 

Bonoli  here  differs  from  the  narration  of  other  historians, 
"  but,"  he  says,  "  I  am  guided  by  contemporary  manuscripts." 
He  adds  that  the  astute  Catherine,  in  the  act  of  being  taken, 
remembered  that  the  laws  of  France  prohibited  the  holding  of 
women  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  with  admirable  presence  of 
mind  declared  to  her  captor,  that  she  surrendered  to  the 
Eailli  of  Dijon — to  the  French,  but  not  to  Caesar  Borgia,  who 
stood  below — confiding  her  person  and  her  honour  to  the 
honour  of  the  King  of  France. 

Then,  without  uttering  another  word,  "  she  with  sovereign 
dignity^  allowed  herself  to  be  led  by  the  German  to  a  place 
in  the  citadel  known  as  the  Tinello!' 

Neither  Catherine  in  her  retreat  in  the  maschio,  nor  Borgia 
who  stood  below,  then  knew  that  the  bridge  leading  to  the 
strongest  part  of  the  fort  had  been  already  stormed.  It  was 
only  while  she  was  being  led  to  the  Tinello  that  she  realized 
the  completeness  of  her  defeat.  The  enemy  had  turned  her 
cannon  and  culverins  against  her  own  men,  who  here  and 
there,  worn  out  and  stupefied,  quietly  surrendered  to  the 
assailants,  while  others  pointed  to  the  white  flag  that  Casale 
had  unfurled,  and  others,  again,  threw  down  their  arms  with 
heartrending  cries  for  mercy. 

Among  them  were  forty  admirably  armed  men-at-arms, 
who  were  recognized  by  the  men  of  Valentino.  They  had 
arrived  at  the  Duke's  camp  habited  as  pilgrims  on  their  way 
to  the  Roman  Jubilee.  Now  the  Jubilee  was  a  matter  of 
supreme  importance  to  papal  politics  and  finance,  and  for  this 
reason  the  Duke  had  received  the  pious  company  with  words 
of  praise,  and  given  it  God-speed  on  its  departure,  in  the  hope 
that   its  example   would  attract  other   pilgrims   by  the  way. 

'    Murriel,  iii.  8oi. 


C/ESAR  VICTORIOUS  327 

The  pretended  pilgrims  had  slowly  departed  to  the  sound  of 
their  own  psalmody  ;  on  leaving  the  camp  they  were  seen  to 
approach  the  fort,  where  a  door  had  suddenly  opened  through 
which  they  rushed  in.  Whether  bombardiers  or  pikemen,  they 
had  evidently  been  sent  to  Catherine's  relief  by  the  Duke  of 
Milan  or  the  Florentines.  They  were  picked  out  from  the 
rest  of  the  garrison  and  disposed  of  by  the  swords  and  partisans 
of  the  men  of  Valentino. 

According  to  the  Italian  chronicles,  Borgia  waited  some 
time  before  he  ventured  to  set  foot  in  the  interior  of  the  fort, 
contenting  himself  with  riding  round  it  and  demanding  an 
account  of  what  had  happened  from  those  he  met.  At  last, 
when  he  was  certain  that  neither  surprise  nor  treachery 
awaited  him,  when  he  saw  his  banners  and  those  of  France 
flying  over  every  tower,  then  only  did  he  make  up  his  mind 
to  enter,  after  securing  the  company  and  protection  of  the 
Captain-general  of  the  French  forces^  by  his  side.  He  rode 
through  the  breach  on  the  south  side,  followed  by  a  troop  of 
Lanzichenecchi  2  and  other  soldiers  greedy  for  booty.  The 
French  chronicles  maintain,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  had 
insisted  on  exposing  himself  in  action  with  the  other  leaders, 
but  that  when  he  set  foot  among  the  fascines  and  debris  in 
the  moat,  the  water  came  up  to  his  knees,  ce  qui  le  refroidid 
moult. 

It  was  night,  and  torches  lighted  the  way  of  Borgia  and 
d'Alegre,  until  they  found  themselves  in  the  presence  of  the 
Countess,  who  rising  when  the  Duke  was  announced,  without 
a  sign  "  of  pomp  nor  anger,  but  with  loyal  frankness,"  declared 
herself  his  prisoner.  With  her  were  Antonio  Baldraccani,  her 
chancellor,  Giovan  Giacomo  and  Giovanni  da  Carpi,  her  trusty 
cup-bearers  and  some  ladies,  among  whom  was  the  wife  of 
Dionisio  Naldi,  the  heroic  defender  of  the  Fort  of  Imola,  with 
her  children. 

This  meeting  of   Caesar  Borgia  with   Catherine    has  been 

^  Monseigneur  d'Alegre. 

^  The  Lanzichenecchi  (from  the  German  Lanzknecht)  play  a  conspicuous  part  in 
all  contemporary  stories  of  Italian  warfare. 


328  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

described  in  many  ways.  According  to  some  historians,  the 
officer  of  the  Bailli  of  Dijon  presented  the  Countess  to  the 
Duke  as  his  share  of  the  spoil,  receiving  in  return  from  him  a 
purse  of  two  hundred  gold  ducats.  According  to  Sanuto, 
Captain  Bernhardt  or  Bernard  demanded  the  20,000  ducats 
that  had  been  set  on  her  head,  but  Caesar  replied  that 
he  would  give  2000  and  no  more.  Then  the  captain,  "  in  a 
white  heat  of  anger,  drew  his  sword,  crying — '  So  wilt  break 
thy  word  to  me  ? '  making  as  if  he  would  cut  off  the  poor 
lady's  head  in  the  presence  of  the  said  Duke." 

Malapiero,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  the  captain  "  un- 
sheathed his  dagger  to  slay  him  (Borgia),  but  being  held  back 
Don  Caesar  escaped  (with  his  life)."  Sanuto  avers  that  the 
Duke  put  an  end  to  the  discussion  by  promising  the  captain 
5000  ducats  in  ready  money. 

The  Italian  chronicles  further  relate  that  Borgia  and  d'Alegre 
conversed  wnth  Catherine  for  an  hour  and  it  was  two  o'  clock, 
after  midnight,  when  Borgia  proposed  to  her  to  accompany 
him  to  his  lodging  in  the  citadel.  She  had  not  the  alternative 
of  refusal.  With  Valentino  by  her  side,  followed  by  two 
trusty  members  of  her  household,  a  lady  in  waiting,  named 
Argentina,  and  seven  or  eight  maids  of  honour,  Catherine 
crossed  the  inner  courtyard  of  the  fort.  It  was  heaped  up 
with  dead  and  she  could  not  pass  without  treading  upon  them. 
She  had  seen  certain  parties  of  infantry  seek  refuge  there  as 
in  a  place  of  safety  ;  she  had  seen  them  throw  down  their 
arms  and  beg  for  mercy,  and  before  her  lay  the  bodies  of  those 
who  had  not  succeeded  in  making  their  escape.  Unmoved  by 
the  sinister  spectacle,  "  Madonna,"  says  Machiavelli,  "  among 
the  dead,  said  that  she  regretted  the  living,"  thus  justifying 
the  saying  of  Sanuto  :  "  luvnine  quasi  virago  crudclissima  e 
(ii  gran  a}iinior  Yet  the  exclamation  was  hardly  uncalled 
for,  seeing  the  cowardly  and  inexplicable  lethargy  of  some  of 
the  men-at-arms  and  artillery,  which  had  enabled  the  enemy 
to  effect  an  entrance  and  lower  her  flag  without  firing  a 
shot  or  making  a  movement  to  prevent  it.  Looking  down 
on  those  corpses,  Catherine  remembered  the  cowards  who 
had  escaped. 


C.KSAR    VICTORIOUS  329 

It  is  recorded  that  Count  d'Aubigny — -who  six  years  before 
had  known  Catherine  in  Romagna — kept  apart  and  refused 
to  appear  among  the  combatants,  alleging  that  a  special 
respect  restrained  him  from  any  offence  to  her.  And  d'Alegre, 
fascinated  by  Catherine's  beauty,  courage  and  gentle  manners, 
became  from  that  day  one  of  her  staunchest  defenders. 
After  crossing  the  other  courtyards,  Catherine,  leaning  on  the 
arms  of  Borgia  and  d'Alegre,  slid  down  through  the  breach 
until  by  this  rugged  and  ruinous  way  she  arrived  at  the  moat. 
"  Here,"  adds  Bernardi,  "  our  poor  unhappy  Lady  was  obliged 
to  wade  through  the  water." 

•  On  January  12,  1500,  Catherine,  followed  by  her  ladies, 
entered  the  house  of  I.uffo  Numai  as  the  prisoner  of  Caesar 
Borgia.  This  disappearance  w^as  the  signal  for  the  mad- 
dened soldiery  to  abandon  themselves  to  the  vilest  cruelty. 
Two  of  them  having  found  her  confessor  and  her  secretary, 
Monsignani,  called  upon  them  to  surrender.  "  We  are  at 
your  orders,"  replied  Monsignani,  whose  politeness  disarmed 
the  soldiers.  They  contented  themselves  with  taking  from 
them  the  money  found  on  their  persons,  and  gave  them  their 
liberty.  They  were  then  fallen  upon  by  another  rapacious 
band,  who  demanded  money  of  them  :  "  Now  I  have  nothing, 
but  in  a  few  hours,  as  soon  as  I  am  set  free,  I  will  give  you  a 
hundred  ducats."  "  Peace,  peace  !  "  added  the  friar.  "  He  is  a 
rich  youth,  the  son  of  wealthy  merchants."  This  he  kept 
repeating  to  induce  the  soldiers  to  let  them  go.  That  was  the 
worst  thing  he  could  have  done,  for  the  mercenaries  began  to 
fight  over  Monsignani,  crying — "  If  I  cannot  get  him  you  shall 
not  have  him;"  and  suiting  the  action  to  the  words  stabbed 
him  until  he  died  in  the  confessor's  arms.  The  unhappy  friar 
was  tied  to  a  horse's  tail. 

The  sacking  of  the  fort  had  lasted  for  a  day  and  two  nights 
(from  Sunday  to  Tuesday)  when  the  Duke,  to  make  an  end  of 
it,  turned  the  soldiers  out  by  force,  destroyed  the  drawbridge 
and  threatened  to  hang  any  one  ipso  facto,  who  attempted 
to  re-enter.  The  dead  were  buried  ;  two  hundred  and  eighty 
were  carried  to  a  grave  dug  for  them  in  the  sacristy  of  the 


330  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

Dome  and  all  the  others  to  the  Church  of  the  Servi.  A  few 
months  later,  the  Duke  rebuilt  the  curtain  or  outer  wall  where 
his  cannon  had  made  the  first  breach,  and  in  the  centre  of  the 
new  wall  he  set  his  armorial  bearings,  carven  in  stone,  as  they 
remain  to  this  day. 

Catherine,  imprisoned  in  the  Duke's  quarters  in  Casa  Numai, 
excited  universal  sympathy.  The  Castle  of  Forli  had,  by  an 
effort  of  her  will,  been  the  only  one  in  Italy  to  resist  the 
Franco-papal  expedition  under  Borgia.  Catherine,  deserted 
by  her  subjects  and  allies,  had  succumbed,  but  it  was  patent 
to  all  that  had  any  one  stirred  on  her  behalf,  hers  would  have 
been  the  victory.  The  French  captains  who  saw  her  in 
Borgia's  lodging  wondered  to  find  her  always  calm,  patient 
and  dignified  with  her  conquerors.  She  spoke  little  and 
asked  for  nothing  for  herself.  The  fact  that  she  did  not 
assume  the  character  of  a  heroine  proved  her  heroism  and 
accentuated  its  enduring  quality,  and  the  victors  were 
in  turn  vanquished  by  the  strength  of  her  imperturbable 
serenity. 

The  courtesy  at  first  displayed  by  Caesar  to  the  prisoner, 
who  was  destined  to  become  his  victim,  suddenly  changed  to 
the  grossest  cruelty  and  perfidy,  and  the  Duke  boasted  openly 
that  the  fortune  of  war  had  given  not  only  the  fort,  but  the 
woman,  into  his  power. 

Although  Machiavelli  has  chosen  to  create  his  type  of 
the  Italian  Regenerator  on  the  model  of  Caesar  Borgia, 
tlic  latter  was  in  reality  but  a  brigand,  who  carried  to 
their  utmost  limits  the  profanation  of  the  sanctuary,  bad 
faith  in  politics  and  insensibility  to  any  form  of  human 
suffering. 

Assassination  was  the  favourite  means  of  this  villain,  whose 
ends  were  enormous  crimes,  masked  and  ennobled  by  the 
glamour  of  the  past,  their  very  enormity  and  the  illustrious 
names  with  which  they  arc  concerned.  In  lieu  of  military 
valour  or  a  consistent  political  s\stem  there  was  an  immeasur- 
able, shameless  thirst  of  power  that  worked  its  way  in  blood, 
violence  and  treachery.     C;esar  Borgia  assured  himself  of  the 


C/ESAR    X'lCroRlOUS  331 

stability  of  his  conquests  by  the  extermination  of  princes,  and 
the  torture,  poisoning  and  drowning  of  their  offspring.  It 
was  not  enough  for  him  to  have  taken  the  city  and  Castle  of 
Forli ;  he  must  have  Catherine  in  his  power,  and  with  her 
he  must  have  Octavian  and  the  younger  Riario  children.  The 
plant  must  be  torn  up  by  the  roots — he  had  the  eagle,  but  had 
yet  to  capture  the  eaglets,  w^ho  might  one  day  learn  the  use 
of  their  claws. 

The  distance  between  one  place  and  another,  the  difficulty 
of  communication,  the  few  letters  that  were  written  in  those 
days,  made  it  possible  to  do  many  things  unknown  to  the 
enemy.  C?esar  doubted  not  that  Catherine  had  shut  herself  up 
in  the  fort  with  all  her  children,  and  on  its  surrender  sent  his 
myrmidons,  like  hounds  after  their  prey,  in  search  of  the  Riario 
children.  It  had  been  useless  for  Catherine  to  aver  that  they 
would  not  find  her  children  there — so  natural  was  it  that  she 
should  wish  to  hide  them  from  the  conqueror  that  she  was 
not  believed — and  only  after  an  exhaustive  search  in  the 
fort,  city  and  suburbs  was  the  Duke  informed  that  the  children 
of  Madonna  were  really  not  to  be  found.  This  was  a  blow  to 
Ceesar.  The  possession  of  Forli  and  its  fort,  without  that  of 
its  whole  reigning  family,  seemed  to  him  no  better  than  an 
empty  purse,  the  chief  scope  of  the  expedition  had  failed, 
leaving  in  its  place  a  continuous  danger  and  menace.  Spite, 
rage,  humiliation,  every  low  and  cruel  instinct  possessed  him 
...  he  summoned  and  interrogated  Catherine.  Then  it 
was  that  the  conquered  princess  met  him  as  a  victorious 
mother,  victrix  over  violence  and  every  form  of  human 
treachery.  "  Her  children  ?  Had  she  not  told  him  that 
they  were  safe  under  the  protection  of  the  Florentine 
Republic .-'  Should  she  have  kepc  them  as  a  target  for 
his  cannon,  or  give  them  with  her  own  hands  as  food  for 
wolves  .''  .  .  ." 

God  or  the  Devil  had  helped  this  woman  to  defeat  his  ends, 
and  the  Duke  swore  that  she  should  suffer  for  it,  in  her  fair 
body  and  indomitable  soul,  and  that  he  would  make  her  an 
object  of  contempt  to  the  populace  and  soldiery  who  revered 
and  admired  her.     He  gave  out  that  Catherine  had  defended 


332  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

her  fort  better  than  her  virtue,  but  a  document^  in  the  Vatican 
mentions  the  "  cruel  tortures  "  inflicted  on  her,  and  Bernardi 
narrates  that  "  our  poor  unhappy  Madonna,  the  said  Catherine 
Sforza,  so  beautiful  in  person,  endured  grievous  bodily  in- 
justice." Sanuto  tells-  how  in  rage  at  having  lost  the  fruit  of 
his  victory,  Caesar  vented  his  spite  on  the  mother  who  had 
snatched  her  children  from  his  clutches  and,  "after  cruel 
torments,  dragged  her  with  him,  as  a  troph}/ of  his  victory  and 
in  contempt  of  her  noble  lineage  ...  he  was  infuriated  with 
the  result  of  the  expedition." 

]\Ieanwhile  the  Bailli  of  Dijon,  Captain  of  the  Swiss  soldiery, 
had  gained  no  material  advantage  by  the  capture  his  officer 
had  effected,  and  he  resolved  to  tear  Catherine  from  the  claws 
of  Borgia  and  exact  the  promised  ransom.  Although  contem- 
porar)'  historians  differ  as  to  the  sum  stipulated,  it  was  a  matter 
of  some  importance  which  had  nearly  cost  the  prisoner  her 
life  and  which  could  not  long  be  ignored.  On  January  21, 
"  at  the  second  hour,"  when  all  was  in  readiness  for  the  advance 
on  Pesaro,  the  Bailli  of  Dijon,  with  three  hundred  men-at-arms, 
awaited  the  Duke  at  a  corner  of  the  street  he  was  about  to 
pass  with  Catherine,  and  curtly  informed  him  that  he  had 
come  to  take  the  Countess  from  him  because  "he  held  it  to 
be  to  his  shame  "  that  she  who  had  confided  in  the  laws  of 
France  should,  in  their  despite,  be  held  a  prisoner.  Caesar  was 
daring  in  state-craft  and  in  war,  in  the  commands  he  issued  to 
others,  but  prudent  with  regard  to  his  own  person.  He  did 
not  therefore  attempt  to  oppose  the  determined  man  who 
surrounded  by  his  doughty  men-at-arms,  now  faced  him  and 
whom  Catherine,  in  the  hope  of  a  speedy  release,  promptly 
followed  to  his  quarters  in  Casa  Paolucci. 

The  Duke,  who  was  anxious  to  hand  Catherine  over  to  the 
Pope,  so  that  Alexander  VI.  might  fulfil  his  latest  intention 

'  "II  Valentino  .  .  .  impiigioiin  Catcrina  loro  Madre,  donna  di  rara  bellezza 
ed  ottinie  ijualita.  .  .  .  Taccio  quello  chc  oso  di  fare  il  Duca  Valentino  a  questa 
Donna  Nohilissima.  .  .  ."  Vita  di  Rodrigo  Borgia  (Alessandro  VI.),  e  del  Duca 
Valentino suo  fij^liiiolo. — Koma.    Bibl.  Casauatense.     Cod.  E.  iv.  23curt.  sec.  xvii. 

'■^  Sanuto,  Vita  di  J'apa  Alcssandra  Scsto,  Bi/>!i.'tccii  ra/iitiiia.  Cod.  Curt.  no. 
1676,  c.  113. 


C/liSAR    VICTORIOUS  333 

of  prosecuting  her,  fearing  that  the  BailH  might  refuse  to 
give  her  up  to  him,  sent  a  courier  post  haste  to  Monseigneur 
d'AIegre  at  ForHmpopoli.  Towards  five  o'clock  Monseigneur 
d'Alegre  dismounted  at  the  Duke's  quarters.  They  passed 
the  night  in  discussion,  but  did  not  come  to  any  decision 
because  the  Duke,  who  was  afraid  that  the  Bailli  might  lay 
violent  hands  upon  him,  decided  that  they  should  all  meet  in 
the  square  on  the  following  day  to  come  to  some  arrangement. 
After  dinner  on  the  following  day,  the  Duke,  the  Bailli, 
Vendome  and  d'Alegre  were  seen  to  pace  the  square,  dis- 
cussing what  was  to  be  done  with  the  Countess.  The  Bailli 
was  furious  that  Madonna  had  been  given  up  to  Valentino  as 
his  prisoner,  inasmuch  as  the  laws  of  France  prohibited  the 
imprisonment  of  women  taken  in  war ;  neither  did  they 
permit  them  to  be  treated  with  violence  or  discourtesy.  The 
Countess  had  surrendered  to  the  French,  she  had  been  cap- 
tured by  one  of  his  officers  ...  on  his  honour,  he  could  not 
leave  her  to  the  mercy  of  the  Duke.  The  Countess  was  tem- 
porarily in  his  charge  :  this  was  his  affair,  but  not  that  of 
the  Duke. 

"  Who  then,"  queried  Borgia,  "  is  the  supreme  leader  of  this- 
war?  In  whose  name  have  you  fought.''  This  war  has  been 
undertaken  in  my  name,  not  in  that  of  the  King  of  France, 
whose  men  are  but  my  auxiliaries  :  and  if  mine  be  the  fruits 
of  victory,  mine  the  cities  and  the  forts  that  have  fallen,  mine 
also  are  the  prisoners  of  war."  Here  the  Bailli  and  the  Duke 
hurled  offensive  epithets  at  each  other,  and  the  Bailli  sent  an 
officer  to  summon  his  Swiss  to  the  square,  who  arriving  fully 
armed,  raised  aloft  their  spears  and  banners  and  drew  up  in 
front  of  the  palace.  The  townspeople,  who  had  crowded  to 
the  spot  to  see  the  end  of  the  contest  between  the  Duke  and 
the  Bailli,  ran  back  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses,  or 
to  let  themselves  down  by  the  ramparts  on  the  arrival  of  the 
troops,  fearing  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  them. 

D'Alegre  now  offered  his  services  as  mediator  on  the 
following  terms  :  Madame  Catherine  S force  would  be  no 
man's  prisoner,  but  would  remain  subject  to  the  King  of 
France,  who  alone  was  arbiter  of  her  fate.      Meanwhile  the 


334  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

BailH  would  restore  the  Countess  to  the  Duke,  who  would 
keep  her  "  in  deposit"  in  the  Pope's  name,  and  on  this  under- 
standing would  conduct  her  to  Rome.  The  Countess  was  on 
no  account  to  be  considered  nor  treated  as  a  prisoner.  The 
Duke  would  pay  the  Bailli  the  "pay  and  a  half"  due  to  him 
for  his  soldiers.     D'Alegre  to  be  surety  for  both  parties. 

The  Bailli  immediately  dismissed  his  men  from  the  square, 
and  returning  to  his  quarters  reconducted  Catherine  and  her 
ladies  to  those  of  the  Duke.  To  this  the  latter  assented 
without  a  murmur,  because  she  did  not  know  what  fate  was 
in  store  for  her  until  she  found  herself  in  the  anteroom  of  the 
Duke's  lodging,  not  realizing  that  her  deliverer  had  been 
bought  by  the  payment  of  the  Duke's  debt  to  betray  his 
victim  and  drag  her  back  to  the  apartment  of  Valentino. 
Machiavelli  thus  summarizes  the  situation.  "  The  possession 
of  Madonna  was  disputed  by  the  Swiss  and  the  Duke.  She 
was  sold  to  Valentino."  Bernardi  describes  Catherine's  dress 
on  that  occasion,  which  was  of  black  satin  made  "  a  la  titrgiie" 
with  a  muslin  veil  to  bind  her  hair.  When  she  found  herself 
once  more  in  the  Duke's  rooms,  she  offered  a  desperate  re- 
sistance, and  a  violent  altercation  ensued.  The  Bailli  put 
forward  the  inexorable  necessity  of  circumstances  as  his 
excuse,  once  more  assuring  the  Countess  that  she  had  bettered 
her  condition,  being  now  no  longer  Cesar's  prisoner,  but 
under  his  care  and  the  protection  of  the  King  of  France. 

On  the  following  morning  a  trumpeter  paced  the  streets, 
giving  the  signal  of  departure  to  all  soldiers  quartered  in  the 
town.  But  these  adventurers  were  so  comfortably  lodged  in 
the  houses  of  the  townspeople  that  the  shrill  blast  of  the 
trumpet  failed  to  call  them  from  their  beds,  and  as  usual  it 
had  to  be  supplemented  by  tlie  threat  of  the  gallows.  At  last 
the  men-at-arms  filed  through  the  Gate  of  St.  Peter,  but  the 
Swiss  and  Germans,  who  had  halted  in  the\squarc,  demanded 
their  monc}-.  These  soldiers  of  Antoine  de  Bissey,  Bailli  of 
Dij(jn,  secretly  instigated  by  their  master,  had  mutinied.  The 
Duke  indignantly  declared  that  they  should  have  no  pay  until 
they  arrived  at  Cesena,  and  as  the  tumult  continued,  threat- 


C^:SAR    \'ICT()RI()US  335 

cned  to  toll  the  great  bell  and  have  them  all  cut  to  pieces  by 
the  peasantry.  On  this  menace  they  departed.  The  Duke, 
attended  by  his  captains,  went  to  the  mass  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  at  the  Dome  and  received  the  oath  of  allegiance  of 
the  four  deputies,  who  were  to  renew  it  at  the  feet  of  the 
Pontiff. 

A  Spaniard,  named  Gonzalo  Mirafuentes,  was  appointed 
Castellane  of  Ravaldino  and  the  notorious  Remiro  de  Lorqua, 
Governor  of  Imola  and  P'orli.  The  latter,  on  whom  later  it 
suited    Valentino    to    concentrate    the    odium    of    his    own 


CAS'ILE   OF    MAI.ATESTA,    OR   MURATA. 

enormities,  was  beheaded  at  Cesena  in  the  square  between 
the  citadel  and  the  fort  of  that  city.  The  body,  covered  with 
insignia  and  decorations,  stretched  on  a  mat,  and  the  head 
stuck  on  a  lance,  were  exhibited  all  day,  both  as  a  terror- 
inspiring  spectacle  and  an  example  of  the  Duke's  justice  and 
love  for  his  subjects.  Caesar  designated  him  as  guilty  of  all 
the  violence,  murder  and  rapine  that  had  been  perpetrated, 
but  chiefly  of  tampering  with  the  sale  of  corn,  whereby  the 
populace  had  been  starved  and  himself  mulcted  of  enormous 
sums  for  its  importation  and  distribution  to  the  soldiery  and 
people. 

On   Thursday,  January  23,  Casar  Borgia,  with  Catherine 


336 


CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 


riding  between  himself  and  d'Alegrc,  left  Forli,  preceded  by 
his  whole  army.  The  square  and  the  streets  were  crowded 
by  people  who  had  come  to  gaze  on  their  proud  Lady  in 
the  guise  of  a  prisoner,  who,  says  Bernardi,  slowly  advanced 
on  her  white  palfre}-,  followed  by  her  two  faithful  servitors 
and  the  two  ladies  who  always  accompanied  her.  Catherine's 
eyes  were  wet  and  swollen,  and  gently  she  responded  to 
the  salutations  of  her  people  ..."  as  if  to  take  a  last 
farewell  of  them."  And  the  crowd  wept  as  they  looked 
upon  her. 


il     MALATK.^l  A,    OR    MURATA    {cino'.llCr   Z'U'lc). 


The  Duke  halted  at  Forlimpopoli,  where  after  visiting  its 
fort  and  walls  he  received  the  oaths  of  allegiance  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Peter,  arriving  towards  evening  at  Cesena, 
where  with  his  prisoner  and  the  whole  of  his  artillery  he 
took  up  his  quarters  at  the  Miirata.  That  night  he  added 
to  Catherine's  misery  by  never  leaving  her  out  of  his  sight 
.'uid  by  encouraging  ev^cry  report  that  could  increase  her 
humiliation.  Time,  however,  avenged  and  refuted  these 
calumnies. 

Monscigneur    d'Alegre    chivalrously  dedicated    himself  to 


C/ESAR   VICTORIOUS 


337 


Catherine's  service,  and  temporarily  saved  her  from  further 
insult  by  offering  to  be  her  custodian  in  the  Murata,  when 
Caesar  left  for  the  conquest  of  Pesaro,  promising  to  give 
her  up  to  him  when  he  was  ready  to  leave  Romagna  for 
Rome. 

From  Cesena,  Caesar  Borgia  proceeded  to  Santarcangelo 
and  there  he  stayed  to  mature  his  plan  for  the  conquest 
of  Pesaro,when  two  couriers  from 
Lombardy  brought  d'Alegre  in- 
structions to  hasten  to  meet 
Ludovico  Sforza,  who  had  arrived 
at  Como  with  a  body  of  troops 
collected  with  the  help  of  Maxi- 
milian, Emperor  of  Germany. 

The  arrival  of  the  Moro,  sup- 
ported by  German  soldiery, 
seemed  a  presage  that  the  for- 
tunes of  the  House  of  Sforza 
would  revive,  as  by  enchant- 
ment, and  it  was  rumoured  that 
Octavian  Riario  had  re-entered 
Forli  and  dealt  summarily  with 
the  rebels.  This  news  had  no 
effect  on  Catherine.  A  few  days 
earlier  this  imperial  support,  nay, 
even  the  rumour  of  it,  would 
have  sufficed  to  save  her  ;  now 
it  was  too  late.     And  the  worst 

of  it  was  that  she  would  be  deserted  by  d'Alegre,  who  was 
obliged  to  march  his  soldiers  against  the  Germans  in  Lom- 
bardy without  delay. 

Bound  by  his  compact  and  his  given  word,  d'Alegre  could 
not  do  less  than  replace  Catherine  in  the  care  of  Borgia,  and 
having  confided  her  to  a  French  captain  and  some  trusty 
men-at-arms,  it  fell  to  his  lot  to  tear  the  unhappy  woman 
from  her  last  refuge  and  witness  her  disconsolate  departure 
for  the  camp  of  Caesar. 

The  departure  of  d'Alegre  and  the  French  troops  caused 


illllMll 

ARMS    OF    CESAR    BORGIA 


338  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

Caesar  to  renounce  the  conquest  of  Pesaro  for  the  moment, 
and  having  despatched  Hercules  Bentivogho  with  five  hundred 
men-at-arms,  and  the  Spaniard  Cardona,  with  three  hundred 
lances,  for  the  defence  of  the  Fort  of  Forh,  he  turned  his 
horse's  head  towards  Rome,  dragging  Catherine  with  him. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII 

THE    PRISONER    OF   WAR 

The  Roman  diaries  that  minutely  describe  the  triumphal 
entry  of  Duke  Valentino  make  no  mention  of  the  presence 
of  Catherine,  who  yet,  according  to  some  of  her  biographers, 
figured  therein,  bound  in  golden  chains,  thus  renewing  the 
spectacle  of  Queen  Zenobia  in  the  days  of  the  Emperor 
Aurelian. 

"Valentino  entered  Rome,"  says  Bonoli,  "  leading  Catherine 
adorned  with  golden  chains,  in  triumph,  prouder  of  having 
subdued  this  woman  than  of  any  of  the  most  redoubt- 
able warriors."  Justolo  in  his  panegyric  of  Borgia  narrates 
that  the  procession  moved  slowly  on  account  of  the  great 
crowd  that  filled  the  streets.  He  describes  Caesar  as  a 
beautiful  blond  hero,  "admired  of  all  the  merry  wives  who 
stood  at  their  doors,  and  of  all  the  marriageable  maids 
who  looked  down  from  the  high  windows." 

The  diary  of  Burckhardt  says  that  Caesar  was  habited  in  a 
black  velvet  coat  that  came  to  his  knee,  with  "a  rather  simple 
collar,"  In  describing  the  entire  procession,  he  makes  no 
mention  of  Catherine,  whence  we  gather  that  she  did  not 
appear  in  it. 

In  any  case  the  mode  of  her  entry  must  have  differed 
essentially  from  one  she  remembered  twenty  years  ago,  when 
the  population  who  had  assembled  to  acclaim  the  bride  of 
the  most  powerful  man  in  Rome,  now  saw  in  her  but  the 
prisoner  of  a  man  yet  more  powerful  and  fear-inspiring.  She 
was  in  Rome,  she  was  once  more  in  those  halls  of  the  Vatican 

339 


340  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

where  eager  courtiers  had  striven  for  a  smile,  a  look,  from  the 
young  and  beautiful  niece  of  the  Pope,  who  now  must  needs 
follow  her  conqueror  to  the  feet  of  another  pope. 

The  joy  of  Alexander  VI.  in  the  return  of  his  victorious 
son  was  so  overwhelming  that  the  reader  of  its  details  almost 
feels  the  thrill  of  his  emotion.  Convulsed  with  agitation, 
Alexander  spoke  to  him  in  his  native  Spanish ;  he  received 
no  audience  on  that  day  et  lacryinavit  et  visit  in  one,  says 
Sanuto,  who  adds  that  "  Madonna  had  been  conducted  to  the 
Belvedere  Palace."  Catherine,  guarded  by  twenty  men-at- 
arms,  was  honourably  lodged  there.  It  stood  within  the 
precincts  of  the  Vatican  in  the  Pope's  vineyard.  The  Pope's 
intention  was  to  prosecute  her  for  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
wherein  he  would  be  guided  by  what  should  ultimately  befall 
the  Sforza  of  Milan.  He  was  considering  how  to  force  her  to 
accept  an  arrangement  that  would  leave  her  enough  to  live 
upon,  "but  she,"  wrote  the  P'errarese  Orator,  "has  the  pluck 
of  the  devil  {sta  indiavolata)  and  keeps  her  strong  mind." 

The  Venetian  Orator  records  on  April  21  several  conversa- 
tions with  the  Pope,  who  had  expressed  great  satisfaction 
that  the  French  had  taken  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza.  His 
Holiness  had  remarked  that  the  Triple  Alliance  {la  liga 
trind)  had  given  into  his  hands  the  Madonna  of  Forli,  into 
those  of  the  King  of  France,  Ludovic,  Duke  of  Milan,  and 
into  those  of  the  Venetian  Senate,  Catherine's  uncle  the 
Cardinal.  On  May  1 1  Octavian  Riario  wrote  from  Florence 
to  "  Madonna,  his  beloved  mother,"  that  he  and  his  brothers 
were  straining  every  nerve  "  to  deliver  her  from  bondage." 
He  ended,  as  usual,  by  praying  that  she  "  would  contrive  that 
that  Jiat  (cardinal's  hat)  fall  to  me." 

A  letter  of  Alessandro  Braccio  to  Octavian  and  Cresar 
Riario,  dated  May  26,  1 500,  alludes  to  the  mysteries  of  the 
Vatican.  Convinced  that  their  efforts  would  soon  be  crowned 
with  success,  Braccio  wrote  that  "  he  was  burning  with 
impatience  to  find  himself  with  Her  Excellency,  Madonna, 
to  communicate  everything  to  her,  to  raise  her  spirits  by 
giving  her  good  hope  of  speedy  deliverance  ;  judging  that 
your  letter  would  be  of  great  comfort  to  her.     Scd  niJiil  est 


THE    PRISONER    OF    WAR  341 

tarn  diilcc  cui  fortwiia  invida  aliqitid  fellis  non  iuimisceat. 
Having  therefore  hied  me  to  the  Belvedere  to  see  Her  Lady- 
ship and  read  her  your  letter,  whereas  before,  when  I  went 
to  her,  the  door  was  freely  opened  to  admit  me  ;  I  was 
detained  outside,  in  the  meadow,  where  came  Messcr 
Aloisio(?)  with  an  unusual  countenance  as  of  one  much 
disturbed.  He  inquired  what  was  my  business,  and  I 
having  told  him  of  it,  he  replied  that  she  had  not  yet  risen, 
being  indisposed.  Therefore  it  would  be  idle  for  me  to  try 
to  see  her,  but  that  he  would  convey  to  her  for  her  comfort 
all  that  I  had  said.  He  advised  me  to  confer  with  Messcr 
Adriano,  Secretary  of  His  Holiness,  so  that  he  might  lay  the 
matter  before  the  Pope.  I  was  to  send  Baccino  (a  servant  of 
Catherine's)  to  him,  and  having  told  me  that  he  would  let 
me  know  through  him  if  I  might  speak  with  Madonna  he 
returned  indoors  in  a  bad  mind." 

Braccio  waited  on  the  papal  secretary  and  asked  for  an 
audience,  but  was  told  that  this  was  unnecessary  ;  everything 
would  be  said  for  him,  the  Riario  should  be  satisfied,  he 
(Adriano)  would  favour  them,  for  the  love  of  Pope  Sixtus 
and  Count  Girolamo.  He  requested  him  to  return  next  day 
for  the  Pope's  answer. 

Braccio,  according  to  the  request  of  Messer  Aloisio,  sent 
Baccino  to  him.  Baccino,  on  hearing  from  Aloisio  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  speak  with  Catherine,  went  out  and 
met  two  members  of  the  household  of  Messer  Corverano,  who 
were  sent  to  seek  a  certain  Fra  Lauro  (Lorenzo  Borsi, 
Milanese  Orator  to  Forli  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Giovanni 
Popolano),  to  tell  him  to  fly,  for  during  the  night  their  master 
and  a  certain  Giovan  Battista  of  Imola,  belonging  to  the 
household  of  Madonna,  had  been  taken,  and  Fra  Lauro  was 
also  sought  for,  but  it  was  too  late,  for  in  the  search  for  Fra 
Lauro,  in  which  Baccino  had  joined,  they  learned  that  "he 
too  had  been  taken  before  dawn  in  a  bed  in  the  Governor's 
quarters." 

Baccino  then  returned  to  the  Belvedere,  where  the  door- 
keeper told  him  to  go  away  at  once,  "  for  there  was  the 
devil  and  all  in  the  affairs   of  Madonna  and   Corverano  and 


342  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

Giovan  Battista  had  been  taken."  "  Baccino,"  continues 
Braccio,  "  then  returned  to  me,  but  after  supper  I  sent  him 
back  to  try  and  find  out  the  reason  of  this  disturbance.  He 
spoke  with  Messer  Aloisio,  from  whom  he  could  not  extract 
any  details  except  that  there  had  been  one  and  that 
Madonna  had  done  naught  but  weep  and  refuse  to  eat. 
On  his  return  he  caught  sight  of  His  Excellency  the  Duke 
(Cc-Esar  Borgia)  in  the  vineyard  and  learnt  that  there  had  been 
a  parley  between  him  and  Madonna.  On  meeting  with  those 
men  of  Corverano,  Baccino  learned  that  the  origin  of  the 
disturbance  was  a  letter  written  by  Fra  Lauro  to  Madonna 
(who  had  shown  it  to  Corverano),  which  had  somehow 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Duke."  Braccio  was  ignorant  of 
the  contents  of  this  letter,  nor  could  he  learn  them  ;  "  since 
I  may  not  speak  with  Madonna.  ...  It  must  be  some 
delusion  of  Fra  Lauro's  that  has  brought  Madonna  and 
Corverano  to  this  pass  .  .  .  and  made  her  feel  that  she  is 
a  prisoner  and  deserted  .  .  .  this  it  is  she  is  suffering  from, 
for  which  I  am  sore  grieved."  Braccio  expressed  curiosity, 
as  to  how  Corverano  could  have  dropped  the  incriminating 
letter  and  how  it  had  come  into  the  Duke's  hands. 

The  Venetian  Orator  mentions  on  June  13  that  a  certain 
Fra  Lauro  had  bribed  a  ducal  attendant  to  allow  the 
Madonna  of  Forli  to  escape,  and  adds  that  the  man  "was 
found  drowned  in  the  Tiber." 

Fra  Lauro,  or  Lorenzo  Bossi,  who  in  1493  had  already 
described  himself  as  "  a  poor  and  decrepid  old  man "  in  a 
political  letter  to  Catherine,  was  one  of  her  oldest  and  most 
faithful  friends.  He  had  planned  her  escape  to  no  purpose, 
owing  to  the  loss  of  his  letter  and  the  Duke's  subsequent 
discovery.  Oliva  narrates  that  when  Catherine  found  that 
the  j)lan  had  been  divulged,  believing  that  nothing  now 
could  save  her,  she  "  tried  to  subdue  the  guard  "  and  take  to 
flight. 

In  the  days  when  power  was  hers,  she  could  promise, 
terrorize,  enchant  and  beguile.  Now  all  that  was  left  to 
her  was  the  last  resource  of  the  wretched,  the  art  of  inspiring 
pit)-.    This  did  not  avail  her  with  the  guard,  who  let  her  have 


THE    PRISONER   OF    WAR 


34j 


her  say  but  barred  the  way.  On  this  attempt  ensued  mucli 
correspondence  and  intrigue.  After  a  conversation  with  the 
Duke,  Catherine  wept  all  day,  and  possibly  in  fear  of  poison 
refused  to  eat. 

The  reason  why  Braccio  was  not  received  by  Catherine 
on  May  26  at  the  Belvedere,  was  either  that  she  was  no 
longer  there  or  that  she  was  to  be  removed  in  the  night. 
The  two  Borgia,  disturbed  by  this  attempt  to  escape,  deter- 


CAST1.E   OF   ST.    ANGELO    IN    THE    FIFTEENTH    CENTURY. 

mined   on   a   more  economical   mode   of  imprisonment,  and 
without  further  ado  cast  her  into  a  dungeon  of  St.  Angelo. 


Catherine  found  herself  once  more  within  the  castle  she 
had  entered  and  held,  at  the  head  of  her  armed  retainers, 
on  the  death  of  Sixtus  IV.  at  the  beginning  of  her  political 
career.  There  is  no  record  of  the  place  she  inhabited  within 
these  gloomy  walls,  for  the  story  of  the  sufferings  they 
witnessed  has  ever  been  a  mysterious  one.  There  was  an 
unhappy  cardinal  whom  Pope  Alexander  caused  to  be  let 
down  into  a  dark  hole,  dug  in  the  thickness  of  the  walls,  and 
who  there,  deprived  of  light,  air  and    food  and  gnawed  by 


344  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

rats,  miserably  perished  of  stench  and  starvation.  His  was 
no  isolated  case  in  days  when  Rome  was  full  of  horror.  A 
pilgrim  of  the  year  1500  averred  that  he  could  never  pass 
the  Bridge  of  St.  Angelo  without  nausea,  because  of  the 
long  string  of  corpses  that  were  ever  hanging  to  the  battle- 
ments. For  three  centuries  the  bones  of  victims  continued 
to  moulder  in  the  dungeons  and  vaults  of  St.  Angelo,  and 
the  position  of  the  skeletons  indicated  the  terrible  tortures 
to  which  the  victims  had  succumbed.  Until  the  end  of  the 
last  century  no  one  cared  to  make  them  the  subject  of 
historical  research  nor  to  investigate  these  results  of  the 
political  power  of  the  papacy.  But  with  the  dawn  of  the 
new  era  came  a  sense  of  the  danger  and  menace  that  was 
expressed  by  those  dry  bones,  and  they  were  removed. 

On  June  20  the  Venetian  Orator  wrote  that  "the  Pope 
was  in  treaty  with  the  Madonna  of  Forli  to  give  up  to  the 
Duke  Valentino  the  dominions  of  Forli  and  Imola,  which 
in  any  case  were  lost  to  her  and  her  sons,  promising  in 
return  an  income  of  3000  ducats  and,  within  a  given  time, 
another  State  ;  also  to  confirm  her  son  in  the  Archbishopric 
of  Pisa  which  his  uncle,  Cardinal  San  Giorgio,  renounced  in 
his  favour." 

These  negotiations,  which  had  been  initiated  when  the 
Pope  still  hoped  to  extract  money  from  the  Sforza  of  Milan, 
were  conducted  with  such  bad  faith  and  procrastination  that 
they  had  degenerated  into  a  treacherous  plot.  On  one  side 
the  Pope  aimed  at  draining  the  resources  of  the  Riario,  on 
the  other,  the  Riario,  already  enrolled  in  the  "  Army  of 
the  Church,"  sought  to  wrest  from  the  Pope  honours  and 
emoluments.  Catherine's  children  no  longer  gave  much 
thought  to  her  liberty  or  well-being,  but  overwhelmed  her, 
whose  bonds  could  not  detract  from  her  greatness,  and  whom 
they  still  believed  to  be  powerful,  with  demands  for  cardinals' 
hats,  benefices  and  bishoprics,  and  a  husband  and  dower 
for  their  sister  Bianca.  All  this  Catherine  was  to  obtain 
from  her  jailer,  and  in  return  they  promised  to  offer  the  Pope 
money   to   buy   her   freedom.      In   a  shameful   letter  to  their 


THE    PRISONER    OF    WAR  345 

mother,  dated  May  1500,  Octavian  and  Caesar  inform  her 
that  they  have  made  their  last  bid  to  the  Pope.  If  this  be 
not  accepted  "  we  pray  you  to  expect  no  more  from  us  .  .   . 


CASTLE    OF    Si'.    ANGELO. 
{From  a  fresco  in  the  Church  of  Si.  Cecilia,  Boiogita.) 

for  we  are  nowise  so  devotedly  attached  to  Your  Ladyship 
that  we  are  disposed  to  endure  absolute  beggary ;  Your 
Ladyship  will  therefore  come  to  the  best  terms  you  can  with 


346  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

His  Holiness."  They  added  that  as  Pope  Alexander  was 
most  just  and  clement,  he  would  see  justice  done  to  her  .  .  . 
"  May  this  suffice  for  your  comfort  and  stand  as  our  final 
decision."  "  I  verily  believe  the  Devil  has  deprived  you  of 
sense  and  memor}-,"  wrote  the  Piovano  Fortunati  in  righteous 
indignation,  to  Octavian.  ..."  Poor  creatures  that  you 
are,  who  cannot  see  that  the  Devil  is  ruining  you.  .  .  .  Come 
to  your  senses  in  the  name  of  God  and  remember  that  this 
Lady  is  your  mother  and  loves  you  all.  .  .  .  May  God 
forgive  those  who  are  responsible  for  such  unparalleled 
perfidy.  .  .  ."  ^  A  second  letter  from  Octavian  and  Caesar  to 
their  mother  proves  that  Catherine,  schooled  to  a  new  heroism 
by  adversity,  had  not  met  her  children's  ingratitude  with 
anathema,  but  with  such  gentleness  and  generosity  as  to 
touch  the  hardest-hearted  of  them. 

"  We  have  given  one  his  liberty  without  asking  aught  in 
return  :  this  has  caused  men  to  say  that  we  are  indeed  mad," 
wrote  Octavian  and  his  brother.  "  We  chose  to  do  it  that 
we  might  thereb}'  prove  to  Your  Ladyship  that  indeed  we 
love  you  as  our  mother  .  .  .  and  more,  since  we  know  that 
you  are  patient  to  endure  every  kind  of  adversity,  writing  us 
as  you  do  not  to  impoverish  ourselves  by  our  consideration 
for  you."  - 

Meantime  another  trouble  had  assailed  her.  Giannino,^  her 
youngest  born,  now  two  years  old,  was  to  be  torn  from 
her  maternal  guardianship.  "  Madonna,"  declared  certain 
jurisconsults,  "  is  no  longer  a  free  agent.  The  Pope  detains 
her,  as  a  vanquished  rebel  and  prisoner  of  war,  in  prison, 
thereby  subjecting  her  to  the  niaxinia  capitis  diniimitio ;  by 
this  she  forfeits  her  civic  and  maternal  rights  and  all  authority 
over  her  little  son." 

This  was  the  result  of  the  machinations  of  those  to  whom 
the  child  was  an  obstacle,  and  who  wished  he  had  never  been 
born.     "  Into  whose  hands  will  he  fall?     What  will   become 

'   Kor  the  Piovano's  whole  letter,  see  the  note  to  p.  256,  Vol.  ii. 
-  Sec  p.  256,  Vol.  ii.  Doc.  1195. 

■'  Giannino  or  CJiovanni  de'  Medici,  who  had  been  christened  Ludovic.  Vide 
Mid.  a.  I'r.  Filza  95.  Protest  of  Catherine  .Sforza,  1500,  29  April. 


THE    PRISONER    OF    WAR  347 

of  him  ? "  thought  the  unhappy  mother,  until  the  Mantuan 
Orator  wrote  his  master — *'  Since  the  Pope  has  sent  the 
Countess — attended  by  only  two  women — to  the  Castle,  the 
Florentine  Signoria  has  sent  a  man  to  hasten  the  agreement 
between  the  Pope  .  .  .  who  has  played  with  her  as  a  cat 
with  a  mouse  before  it  eats  it  .  .  .  but  it  is  not  yet 
signed.  ..."  A  fortnight  later  he  added  :  "  The  Madonna 
of  Forli  is  ill  of  a  breaking  heart ;  there  is  no  longer  any 
talk  of  exchange  (of  prisoners)  or  agreement  and  they  let  her 
have  any  doctor  she  chooses.  .  .  ."  ^ 

There  was  no  longer  any  need  to  put  Catherine  to  death  ; 
fever  and  her  broken  heart  were  furthering  the  designs  of 
the  Borgia. 

^  30  July,  1500,  Gonzaga  Archives.     Mantua. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

THE    POPE'S    IMPEACHMENT 

Catherine's  iron  temperament  withstood  pain  and  sorrow. 
Contrary  to  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  Borgia,  this 
prisoner,  who  was  so  difficult  to  guard,  and  who  gave  no  further 
sign  of  immediate  dissolution,  became  a  living  danger  to  her 
conquerors.  Seeing  that  she  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to 
renounce  her  States,  and  that  she  had  already  attempted 
flight,  Alexander  and  his  son  determined  to  find  a  pretext 
that  would  remove  her  from  their  path,  or  at  least  consign  her 
to  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  for  the  rest  of  her  life. 

The  Borgia  could  not  kill  or  cause  this  prisoner  to  disappear, 
like  their  other  mysterious  victims.  The  House  of  Sforza 
was  fallen,  but  Catherine  was  still  sister  to  Bianca  Maria, 
Empress  of  Germany  and  Queen  of  the  Romans,  a  subject  of 
Louis  XII.,  and  a  ward  of  the  arms  and  honour  of  France.  In 
the  day  of  her  misfortune,  her  enemies  had  become  her 
defenders  ;  what  if  another  French  army  were  to  invade  Italy 
to  demand  an  account  of  her  ? 

But  the  Borgian  policy  was,  for  the  time  being,  as  astute  as 
it  was  treacherous  ;  the  Pope,  for  reasons  of  his  own,  had 
kept  a  bone  to  pick  with  Madonna  Catherina ;  this  was 
the  moment  to  draw  the  threads  of  his  net  together,  and  to 
assume  the  part  of  the  injured  and  persecuted  prelate. 

Since  November  1499,  three  inhabitants  of  Forli  had  been 
imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  who  were  reserved  as 
special  instruments  for  the  final  undoing  of  Catherine,  when 
the  opporluiic  mniiiciit  slujiild   present  itself.      One  ot   these 

J4^ 


PASSAGE   FROM   THE   VATICAN   TO   THE   CASTLE  OF   ST.    AXGELO. 

349 


350  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

men,  a  certain  Battista  da  Meldola,  averred  that  in  the  previous 
November,  when  Valentino  was  on  the  eve  of  besieging  Forli, 
the  Countess  had,  with  many  precautions,  sent  for  him,  to 
whom  she  consigned  certain  false  letters  in  which  she  or  the 
Commune  of  Forli  pretended  to  implore  the  Pope  to  com- 
promise. The  letters,  steeped  in  a  poisonous  substance,  were 
enclosed  in  a  hollow  cane  which  was  wrapped  in  a  red  cloth 
so  that  the  bearer  might  not  be  poisoned.  Catherine  had 
despatched  him  to  Rome,  enjoining  him  to  deliver  these 
papers  into  the  hands  of  none  other  than  the  Pope. 

He  added  that  the  Countess  had,  in  confiding  the  execution 
of  her  infernal  design  to  him,  informed  him  that  the  letters 
would  free  her  from  Pope  Alexander,  who  had  been  the  cause 
of  her  ruin.  For  this  purpose,  she  had  had  them  placed  on 
the  chest  of  a  victim  of  the  mortal  and  contagious  disease 
that  at  that  time  raged  in  Forli.  On  opening  them  the  Pope 
would  fall  dead. 

Battista  da  Meldola  had,  on  arriving  in  Rome,  met  with  a 
certain  Christopher  Balatrone,  who  had  once  served  Count 
Girolamo  and  was  still  faithful  to  Octavian.  After  some  dis- 
agreement with  Catherine  and  Giacomo  Feo,  he  had  estab- 
lished himself  in  Rome.  He  wished  to  be  reinstated  in  favour 
of  the  Riario,  and  had  to  this  end  enlisted  the  services  of 
Battista. 

Battista  had  promised  to  help  him  on  condition  that  he 
would  help  him  in  a  secret  affair  of  his  own.  Christopher 
had  been  most  willing,  and  Battista  had  then  confided  to  him 
that  he  had  been  sent  to  Rome  by  the  Countess  to  poison  the 
Pope.  For  this  purpose  he  asked  him  to  obtain  an  audience 
for  him,  so  that  he  might  present  the  letters  so  infected  with 
the  plague  that  the  Pope  would  die  on  opening  them,  leaving 
Catherine  in  undisputed  possession  of  her  States, 

Christopher,  dazed  and  horror-struck,  had  replied — "  You 
will  never  succeed,  for  His  Holiness  is  a  God  upon  Earth." 
He  had  persuaded  Battista  to  present  himself  with  him  to  the 
Pope  and  reveal  the  plot,  so  that  at  least  he  might  be  absolved 
of  a  terrible  crime.  They  then  went  to  the  Pope,  but  as  it 
was    too    late    to    see    him,   a    young    man    of   Forli    named 


THE    POPK'S    IMPEACHMENT  351 

Tommaso,  one  of  the  Pope's  valets,  whom  they  found  in  the 
anteroom,  had  told  them  to  return  on  the  following  day. 

During  the  night  Balatrone  had  informed  his  brother,  a 
soldier  in  the  Pope's  guard,  of  the  plot  ;  the  latter  had 
repeated  the  story  to  his  captain,  who,  after  casting  Battista 
and  Christopher  Balatrone  into  prison,  had  repeated  the  story 
to  the  Pope. 

Pope    Alexander,    horror-struck    and    impatient    to    throw 
more    light   on   the   mystery,   had    sent    his   valet    Tommaso 
to  share  the  strict  confinement  of  his  fellow-citizens  until  the 
Countess    could    be    brought   to    Rome.     On  November  24, 
there  had  been  public  thanksgiving  in  the  Church  of  Santa 
Maria  del  la  Pace  quod  Po)itifcx  a  vencno  et  iiisidiis  iiiimicoruni 
liberatus  essct.     Then  it  was  that    the  Pope  had  hastily  de- 
spatched   a  courier   to  Romagna  with  a   letter    bidding   the 
Duke  not  to  put  Catherine  to  death,  but  to  bring  her  to  Rome, 
where  the  matter  could  be  sifted.     A  papal  brief  had  at  the 
same  time  informed  the  Signory  of  Florence  of  this  alleged 
act  of  "  Catherine,  Daughter  of  Perdition."    In  this  Alexander 
may  have  acted  in  good  faith,  and  in  the  actual  belief  that 
there  had  been  an  attempt  on  his  life.  If  in  those  days  poison 
and  assassination  came  to  the  minds  of  people,  the  fault  lay 
with  the   Borgia,  who  were   naturally  the   first   to   fear  them. 
About   this   time   the   Ferrarese   Orator    wrote   the  Duke   of 
Ferrara    that    Cardinal    San    Giorgio    (Raphael  Riario)    had 
suddenly  left  Rome.     The  ostensible  reason  of  his  departure 
was  notorious  :  he  could  not  endure  Valentino's  treatment  of 
his  kinsmen.     He  had   implored  the  Pope   to   abandon   the 
expedition  against  them,  but  in  vain.     Then  he  had  offered  to 
be  the  Pope's  mediator  and  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Castle 
of  Forli  for  him  without  bloodshed  ;    but  Catherine,  in  her 
distrust  of  Alexander,  had  refused  to  accede  to  such  proposals. 
None    could   divine  the  end,    and   if  anything  happened   to 
Valentino  what  could  have  saved  even  an  innocent  man  from 
the  Pope's  revenge  ? 

The  other  and  secret  cause  was  that  '"  on  a  Wednesday 
night,  at  the  seventh  hour,  two  serving-men,  habited  as 
peasants,  had  been  taken  and  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of  St. 


352  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

Angelo  ...  on  whom  were  found  several  kinds  of  poison 
intended  for  the  Pope."  These  "  serving-men  "  were  Battista 
of  Meldola  and  Christofero  Balatrone,  natives  of  Forli. 
Cardinal  Raphael  thought  that  as  a  kinsman  of  Catherine's 
he  might  be  suspected  of  connivance,  and  had  therefore  gone 
a-hunting  and  never  returned. 

Unless  the  Pope  had  intended  to  keep  back  the  charge 
against  Catherine  as  a  last  resource,  it  is  curious,  if  he  was 
really  eager  to  investigate  the  matter,  that  he  should  have 
allowed  four  months  to  elapse,  have  received  Catherine  with 
apparent  courtesy,  given  her  a  palace  for  her  residence,  and 
what  purported  to  be  a  guard  of  honour,  although  it  was 
composed  of  Caesar's  myrmidons. 

If  Catherine  had  been  docile  it  would  have  been  better  to 
come  to  an  amicable  understanding  with  her.  But  neither 
the  Pope  nor  his  son  had  succeeded  in  extorting  money,  nor 
the  renunciation  of  her  States  from  her ;  they  had  but  driven 
her  to  exasperation  and  violent  reprisals.  She  must  have 
been  planning  her  escape  when  Giovanni  Lucido  wrote  the 
Marquis  of  Mantua,  "  Sta  indiavolata  e  forte  de  ajiiino"  and 
things  had  gone  from  bad  to  worse.  There  was  no  longer 
room  for  hesitation  ;  wherefore  Caesar,  to  whom  Catherine 
was  a  perpetual  menace,  had  impelled  the  Pope  to  make  an 
end  of  it. 

The  lawsuit  began,  and  by  special  desire  of  the  Pope 
Catherine  was  subjected  to  a  searching  examination.  She 
sturdily  denied  the  imputation,  and  having  listened  to 
evidence  and  confessions  of  the  prisoners,  cried — "  Lies.  .  .  . 
Lies.  .  .  .  There  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  them!"  In  any 
other  case,  the  prisoner  would  have  been  subjected  to  torture, 
but  even  Pope  Alexander  did  not  venture  to  subject  the  body 
of  Catherine  Sforza  to  such  an  experiment.  He  therefore 
ordered  all  the  accused  to  be  brought  before  him  and  again 
cross-examined  in  his  presence. 

"  It  is  untrue !  .  .  .  I  did  not  do  it.  ...  I  did  not  send 
them,"  cried  the  exasperated  Catherine,  from  whose  lips 
came  such   prodigious    countercharges    that    the   two  Borgia 


THE    POPE'S    IMPEACHMENT 


353 


repented  of  having;  roused  this  woman.  It  seemed  to  them 
as  if  they  had  raised  the  devil  ;  in  faiUng  to  bring  to  Hght 
the  guilt  of  Catherine  they  had  but  exposed  the  infamy  of 
Ca.>sar.  Silence  became  the  order  of  the  day,  and  secrecy 
enshrouded  the  subsequent 
proceedings.  The  substance 
of  the  interrogatories  and 
cross-examination  was  not 
allowed  to  transpire,  although 
Bernardi  appears  to  have 
known  it  without  daring  to 
write  it.  It  was  only  fifty 
years  later  that  Oliva  ven- 
tured to  be  more  explicit. 

As  a  conviction  was  out 
of  the  question,  and  a  pro- 
clamation of  the  prisoner's 
innocence  would  have  been 
both  scandalous  and  danger- 
ous, no  sentence  could  be 
delivered.  This  was  doubt- 
less a  great  disappointment 
to  the  Pope,  to  whose  feet 
the  very  nature  of  the  crime 
would  have  brought  the  civil- 
ized world. 

The  total  absence  of  any 
document  bearing  on  this 
celebrated  lawsuit,^  and  the 
fact  of  the  personal  inter- 
vention of  the  Pope,  leads  the  writer  to  believe  that  being  a 
private  affair  of  the  Pontiff's,  determined  by  special  political 
motives,  it  was  personally  and  verbally  conducted  by  Alex- 
ander VI.,  and  that  he  stopped  it,  without  coming  to  any 
decision,  when  he  found  that  it  could  not  conduce  to  the 
attainment  of  his  ends. 

^  Vide  Letter  of  the  Chief  Custodian  of  the  Vatican  Archives,  Caterina  Sforza, 
Pier  Dcsiderio  Pasolini,  p.  290,  Vol.  ii. 


WINDOW  IX  THE  CASTLE  OF  ST.  ANGELO. 


354  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

Was  Catherine  innocent  ?  Had  she  saved  herself  by  a 
combination  of  daring  and  astuteness,  or  had  she  prevailed 
by  the  force  of  truth  ?  We  know  that  under  much  slighter 
provocation  she  had  not  hesitated  to  steep  her  hands  in 
blood.  If,  in  self-defence  and  in  defence  of  her  State  and 
her  children's  lives,  she  had  had  recourse  to  this  extreme 
measure,  who,  in  her  own  time,  would  have  thrown  the  first 
stone  at  her  ?  Neither  may  it  be  thought  that  the  sacredness 
of  the  Pontiff's  character  would  withhold  any  of  his  con- 
temporaries from  attempting  to  take  his  life  ;  that  would  be 
modelling  the  ruthless  soul  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  our  own 
image.  To  Catherine,  daughter  of  a  daggered  father,  widow 
of  two  husbands  slain  in  treachery,  violent  deaths  were  no 
novelty.  And  it  is  possible  that,  both  as  the  idol  and  the 
victim  of  the  papal  court,  she  may  have  looked  behind  the 
scenes  and  upon  the  popes  of  her  day  as  persons  not  wholly 
sacred. 

Princes  had  so  often  recourse  to  political  homicide  as  a 
means  of  government,  that  when  one  died  his  death  was 
seldom  ascribed  to  natural  causes.  It  was  known  that  when 
the  Borgia  found  it  necessary  to  avoid  suspicion  they  used  a 
powder,  white  as  snow  and  of  agreeable  flavour,  that,  blending 
with  any  kind  of  food,  produced  certain  but  gradual  death. 
Catherine  had  made  so  many  experiments  in  veleni  a 
tcrmiuc^  and  other  poisons — as  is  proved  by  her  book  of 
"  household  recipes  " — that  it  is  difficult  to  believe  this  story 
of  poison  for  the  Pope.  The  strongest  proofs  of  her  innocence 
lie  in  the  ineptitude  of  the  means  attributed  to  her,  and  to 
the  Pope's  prolonged  silence  and  inaction  rather  than  in  her 
incapacity  for  committing  the  crime.  Catherine  was  not  a 
woman  to  use  the  first  comer  as  an  emissary,  nor  would  she 
have  employed  a  "  serving-man,"  a  simple  soldier,  or  a  person 
as  ignorant  as  was  evidently  Battista  of  Meldola.     Yet  the 

'  Her  household  book  contains  recipes  for  cosmetics,  disinfectants,  poisons,  and 
l)rcscriptions  for  every  (Usease  under  the  sun,  among  which,  amid  many  that  raise 
the  modern  smile,  may  be  found  some,  notably  anaesthetics,  that  forestall  modern 
discoveries.  V'idc  Expcrimcnli  dc  la  Extna.  Sra.  Caterina  da  Fiirli,  capiat i  dagli 
autograji  di  ki  dal  Coiile  Lucanloitio  Ciippano,  Ravenna,  Arch.  I'asoliiii,  Cod. 
cartacco.  Sec.  xvi. 


THE    POPE^S    IMPEACHMENT 


355 


criminals,  when  taken  by  surprise,  averred  that  they  had  been 
sent  by  Catherine.  Terror-stricken  at  the  prospect  of  torture, 
with  a  horrible  death  starinij  them  in  the  face,  they  seized  the 
most     plausible    pretext 


1^  S^_        '■ 


for  diverting  the  wrath 
of  the  Borgia  from  them- 
selves to  their  sovereign 
Lady.  IMachiavclli  ac- 
cepted the  popular  ver- 
sion without  discussion. 
"  Madonna,"  he  tersely 
wrote  to  the  Ten  (di 
Balia),  "sent  to  poison 
PopeAlexander."  Burck- 
hardt's  diary  ^  records 
that  the  idea  did  not 
originate  with  the  Coun- 
tess, but  with  a  subject 
of  hers,  who,  being  taken 
red-handed,  averred  that 
his  only  thought  was 
that  the  death  of  the  Pope  would  deliver  the  Lady  of  Forli, 
for  whose  sake  he  would  give  his  life  a  thousand  times,  from 
the  advancing  army  of  Valentino,  Pomponio  Leti,  in  his 
life  of  Caesar  Borgia,  confirms  this  account. 

At  Venice,  that  great  mart  of  political  gossip,  people 
jested  on  the  "vanie"  or  simulated  fears  of  "  Papa  Borgia  " 
of  the  poison  of  the  Lady  of  Forli,  which  it  was  supposed 
were  intended  to  alienate  from  her  the  sympathy  of  the 
Florentine  Republic.  Neither  do  Gregorovius-  nor  Moroni^ 
give  any  credence  to  this  fable. 

^  Novembris  i8. — Die  Jovis. 

'   Civilization  of  the  Renascence,  Vol.  iii.  \).  243. 

"^  Dizionario  Ecclesiasiico,  Vol.  xxv.  p.  272. 


CANNON  S    MOUTH,    CASTLE   OK   ST.    ANGELO. 


CHAPTER    XXXV 

THE   DELIVERANCE 

For  another  }-ear  the  walls  of  St.  Angelo  hide  Catherine 
from  our  view.  Little  is  known  of  that  time  save  that  Fra 
Lauro  shared  her  captivity,  and  possibly  her  plans  for  the 
future.  She  still  looked  forward  to  escape,  and  to  regaining 
possession  of  her  little  Giannino ;  while  the  Borgia,  who 
hoped  she  would  die  in  confinement,  had  determined  on 
suppressing  her  as  soon  as  they  found  that  they  could  do  so 
with  impunity. 

Her  end  would  probably  have  been  like  that  of  Astorre 
Manfredi,^  whose  body  was  found  in  the  Tiber,  after  he  had 
been  put  to  death  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  but  in  June 
1 50 1,  the  same  French  army  that  had  reft  her  of  her  State 
once  more  invaded  Italy,  led  by  Yves  dAlegre,  to  take 
possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  which  was  claimed  by 
Louis  XII.  as  heir  of  Charles  VIII.  The  King  of  France 
had  renewed  his  alliance  with  the  Pope. 

The  sieges  of  Imola  and  Forli  had  been  the  only  incidents 
in  the  war  of  the  preceding  year  on  which  the  French  prided 
themselves.  Catherine  lived  in  their  hearts,  and  in  her 
glorification  they  glorified  themselves.  Her  resistance  had 
shed  a  new  lustre  on  the  French  arms,  without  which,  they 
averred,  neither  Duke,  nor  Pope,  nor  Germans,  nor  Spaniards 

'  Astorre  M.infrcdi  had  hecii  taken  l)y  Civsar  Borgia  wliile  heroically  defending 
his  city  in  liis  expedition  in  Romagna.  The  young  Lord  of  Facnza,  once 
affianced  to  Bianca  Kiario,  was  murdered  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  his 
Ijody  thrown  into  the  Tiber. 

35(^ 


THE    DELIVERANCE 


357 


could  have  subdued  the  Comtessc  Katherine  Sforce,  the  for- 
midable Madame  de  Forli.  And  none  might  harm  a  hair  of 
her  head  so  long  as  France  was  France. 

This  homage  of  the  French  to  Catherine's  valour  may 
be  best  gauged  by  an  ap- 
preciation of  the  enthusiasm 
it  evoked  throughout  the 
length  and  width  of  the 
peninsula.  Machiavelli  says 
that  many  songs  and  epi- 
grams in  praise  of  her  were 
current  in  his  day.  The 
only  one  which  the  writer 
has  succeeded  in  tracing  is 
the  "  Lament  of  Catherine 
Sforza,"  by  Marsilio  Com- 
pagnoni,^  beginning — 

"  Ascolta  questa  sconsolata 
Catherina  da  forlivo," 

throughout  whose  many 
stanzas  occur  words  and 
expressions  so  characteristic 
of  the  style  peculiar  to 
Catherine's  familiar  corre- 
spondence that  the  poem 
not  only  expresses  Cathe- 
rine's sentiments,  but  might 
be  made  up  in  parts  of 
phrases  that  have  actually  fallen  from  her  lips 

"  Anti  morta  o  ch'abia  andare 
Via  piangendo  a  cape  inchino 
Son  disposta  a  niinare 
I  fondamenti  de  Forlivo. 


WINDOW,    CASTLE   OK    ST.    ANGELO. 


Prima  voglio  veder  el  diavolo 
A  cavallo  de  la  luna. 


'  Milan.  Trivulziana,  sci/.  48,  4. 


358  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

lo  vo'  perder  per  bataglia 

E  morire  con  honoie 

RIa'l  me  dole  ben  d'  Italia." 


The  "Lament"  is  above  all  things  an  appeal  to  Ludovico 
il  More  to  raise  an  army,  re-conquer  his  State,  and  mend  the 
fortunes  of  the  House  of  Sforza.  Catherine  exhorts  the 
Italians,  intimidated  by  French  successes,  to  follow  her  advice 
and  example.  Milan  is  lost !  What  of  that  ?  Let  them 
read  the  historians  !  The  French  (Ultramontanes)  had  once 
even  invaded  Rome,  but  were  hounded  from  it  and  undone. 

"Ah  I  Italian!  impauriti 

se  udite  la  mia  istoria 
v'armerete  inanimiti 
per  quistar  honor  e  gloria 
tito  Livio  fa  memoria 
ne'  gran  facti  de'  Romani 
guastar  Roma  i  tramontani 
poi  sua  gente  fracassata. 

Scolta  questa  sconsolata 
catarina  da  forlivo." 

These  and  other  songs,  giving  popular  expression  to  the 
genius  of  Catherine,  had  been  sung  throughout  Romagna 
and  in  both  camps  ;  for  in  the  French  ranks  were  many 
Italian  mercenaries.  They  were  household  words  in  castle 
and  city,  and  familiar  ones  b}'  the  enemy's  camp-fire. 

In  those  da}-s  news  travelled  so  slowl}-  from  one  country 
to  another  that  often  they  who  left  a  countr}-  knew  no  more 
about  it  until  they  returned  to  it  again.  Nothing  more  had 
transpired  outside  Itah-  of  Catherine's  fortunes,  and  the 
French  believed  her  to  be  living  in  honourable  ease  and 
liberty.  It  was  onl}'  after  they  had  crossed  the  Alps,  on 
their  arrival  in  Lombardy,  that  they  learnt  that  the  Pope  was 
keeping  her  in  durance,  that  he  had  persecuted  her  with 
a  vexatious  lawsuit,  that  she  languished  on  a  bed  of  sickness 
and  that  she  would  never  leave  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo 
alive. 

The    h'rcnch   cursed    and    menaced    the   thankless    Borgia, 
vile  and  traitorous  defamers  of  the  honour  of  I*^-ancc.     This 


THE    DELIVERANCE  359 

news  of  treachery  to  Catherine  and  France  was  indeed  the 
first   spark   of  that  flame  which   kindled   steadily   to   a   fire. 
From  this  time  on,  the  relations  between  the  Pope  and  the 
French  became  so  strained  that  they  who  had  come  in  friend- 
ship in  1 50 1,  returned  in  anger  in  1502  to  put  a  limit  to  the 
ambition  of  Caesar,  who   had   aggrandized  himself  at  their 
expense  ;  while  the  Pope  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  expel 
the  French  from   Italy,  had  entered  into  a  league  with  the 
Emperor    of  Germany,    the    Venetians    and    the    Spaniards. 
Valentino,  moreover,  who  called   himself  "  Caesar  Borgia  of 
France,"  had  so  harried  and  tyrannized  Italy  that  the  Italians 
would   have  dared  and  endured  anything  to  turn  him  out  of 
it :  every  aspiration  and  all  political  enmity  paled  before  the 
hate  of  Caesar.     Such  cries  of  suffering  had  reached  the  ears 
of  good  King  Louis  that  one  day  he  exclaimed  that  "a  war 
undertaken  to  punish  the  crimes  of  the  Borgia  would  be  so 
holy  and   righteous  that  its  merits  could  not  be  surpassed 
by  a  crusade  against  the  Turks."     On  the  approach  of  the 
King,  Caesar  threw  all  the  blame  of  his  political  rapine  on 
his  lieutenants.     He  had  escaped  punishment,  yet  this  man, 
to  whose  ambitions   no  crime,  however  monstrous,  was   an 
obstacle,  was  invested  with  the  highest  dignities  of  the  Court 
of    France ;    King   Louis   paid    him    a    large    pension,    and 
addressed  him  as  Jllon  ires  aime  cousin  !     He  had  married 
his  sister  Lucretia,  who  was  widowed   of  two  husbands,  to 
Alfonso   of  Ferrara,  and   was   the   sworn    ally  and    faithful 
executor  of  the  plots  of  Alexander  VI.,  worthy  fathei   of  a 
despicable  son.    All  this  and  more  weighed  on  the  conscience 
of  Louis   XII.,  who  besides  was  ill-pleased    that  the   Pope 
should  incline   his  ear  to  the   Emperor  Maximilian,  whose 
ambition  it  was  to  be  crowned  in  St.  Peter's.     On  arriving  in 
Italy,  he  was  deafened  by  the  cries  of  the  aggrieved — cries 
for  justice  and  for  vengeance.     The  coalition  against  Caesar 
Borgia    included    the    Dukes   of    Urbino    and    Ferrara,   the 
Marquis   of   Mantua,   Cardinal    Orsini,   and    the   Orators   of 
Florence,  Bologna  and  Venice.      It  would  seem  as  if  he  could 
no  longer  hesitate  to  make  an  end  of  the  despoiler  of  Italy 
and    the    dishonour   of   France.     Caesar   was    sav^ed    by   the 


36o  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

appearance  upon  the  scene  of  a  defender  of  humble  aspect 
but  of  some  capacity.  A  certain  Francis  Troches,  or  Troccio, 
his  valet  or  chamberlain,  known  by  the  unhappy  Italians  as 
the  most  daring  and  infamous  of  the  Pope's  confidants,  pre- 
sented himself  before  the  King  of  France,  and  succeeded  in 
clearing  the  character  of  his  master,  despite  the  accusation  of 
the  princes  and  people  of  Italy.  So  ably  did  he  lie  that  the 
Borgia  were  purified  in  the  eyes  of  the  King,  whose  con- 
fidence in  them  was  restored.  This  is  not  the  only  occasion 
on  which  Troccio  rendered  them  this  service  ;  this  special 
incident,  which  occurred  a  year  later  (1502),  is  referred  to 
here  because  Troccio  will  soon  again  appear,  and  the  reader 
will  be  the  better  prepared  to  recognize  in  him  a  suitable 
agent  between  the  papal  and  the  French  courts. 

The  knightly  regard  of  the  French  army,  "  in  the  full  pride 
of  its  chivalry,"  for  Catherine,  was  especially  stimulating  in 
the  case  of  Yves  d'Alegre,  who  shared  the  chief  command 
with  d'Aubigny.  He  had  done  all  he  could  to  protect 
Catherine  from  the  avarice  of  Antoine  de  Bissey,  and  from 
the  licentious  ferocity  of  Caesar  Borgia.  He  had  pledged  the 
word  of  a  French  officer  that  none  might  call  her  prisoner, 
but  that  the  liberty  of  a  subject  of  his  King  should  be 
respected,  and  he  swore  that  he  would  rescue  her  from  the 
vile  clutches  of  the  Borgia  as  from  the  devil's  claws.  He 
left  the  army  encamped  at  Viterbo,  and,  attended  by  only 
three  horsemen,  rode  with  such  haste  to  Rome  that  he  dis- 
mounted at  the  gates  of  the  Vatican  on  the  20th.  He 
instantly  presented  himself  to  the  Pope,  to  whom  with  the 
audacity  of  a  Frenchman,  and  the  assurance  of  a  powerful 
ally,  he  spoke  as  follows — 

"  Holy  Father !  Madame  Katherine  Sforce  is  not,  and 
never  can  be  your  prisoner :  she  is  the  subject  of  the  King  of 
France  my  Lord,  whose  military  laws,  as  you  are  aware, 
prohibit  the  imprisonment  of  women  in  war.  She  might 
have  been  temporarily  detained  in  Rome  but  left  free  to  go 
and  come  within  the  city  as  she  pleased.  This  was  the 
compact  agreed  upon  by  my  mediation  between  your  Duke 
of    Valentino    and    the  Bailli   of   Dijon,  who   had   charge  of 


THE   DELIVERANCE  361 

Madame,  and  for  it  I  gave  my  security.  Therefore  Your 
Holiness  will  immediately  liberate  Madame,  or  I  will  advise 
the  King  my  Lord  by  courier,  that  compacts  to  which  he  had 
lent  his  name  have  been  violated  :  and  with  sorrow  to  Himself 
and  dishonour  to  Your  Holiness  he  will  enforce  the  deliver- 
ance of  Madame,  unless  our  army  which  now  lies  at  Viterbo, 
but  will  be  here  within  a  few  days,  has  not  already  wiped  out 
the  dishonour  of  France  with  tumult  and  scandal.  .  .  ." 

The  Pope  was  intimidated,  and  lest  he  should  lose  the 
alliance  with  France  and  Spain,  and  the  fruits  of  the  war 
with  Naples,  he  obeyed  and  declared  that  Catherine  should 
be  set  free.  But  the  closing  scene  of  this  drama,  simple  and 
speedy  as  it  appeared,  could  not  take  place  without  the 
intervention  of  the  orators  of  alien  States  and  others,  among 
whom  were  perhaps  the  Florentine  Allessandro  Bracci  and 
the  orator  of  the  republic,  Francesco  de'  Pepi.  One  who 
may  not  be  overlooked  on  this  occasion  was  certainly  Troches 
or  Troccio,  one  of  the  Borgia's  most  trusted  assassins,  destined 
to  be  the  buffer  between  themselves  and  the  righteous  in- 
dignation of  the  King  of  France. 

Meanwhile  Cc-esar  Borgia,  in  virtue  of  his  recent  conquests 
of  Pesaro,  Rimini  and  Faenza,  had  been  created  Duke  of 
Romagna.  On  the  approach  of  the  French  army,  he  foresaw 
that  a  movement  in  favour  of  Catherine  would  re-open  a 
dangerous  matter,  and  since  his  return,  on  the  evening  of 
the  17th,  he  had  \2\vl  perdu  in  the  Vatican  to  watch  the  tide 
of  events  and  regulate  its  course. 

It  is  to  be  gathered  from  several  documents  that  the  Duke 
of  Romagna  opposed  the  liberation  of  Catherine  with  all 
his  might.  "  She  would  be  a  living  menace  to  his  new 
State.  She  would  draw  the  Emperor  to  her  side,  move  the 
Florentines,  cause  a  rising  among  the  Bolognese,  fill  the 
Venetians  with  suspicion,  agitate  the  people  of  Genoa  and 
Savona,  and  turn  Lombardy  and  Romagna  upside  down  ! 
She  had  partisans,  conspirators,  intrigues  and  lovers  all  over 
Italy :  she  would  raise  the  devil,  as  she  had  ever  done,  to 
regain  her  States  and  revenge  herself."  Thus  the  Duke 
justified    her    imprisonment   and    opposed    her    deliverance. 


362  CATHERINE   AND    THE   BORGIA 

without,  however,  making  any  impression  on  d'AIegre  ;  the 
French  army  was  at  the  gates  of  Rome,  there  was  no  time  to 
be  lost,  and  the  Duke  had  no  choice  but  to  yield.  There  was 
therefore  nothing  more  to  do  but  to  discuss  the  terms  upon 
which  she  should  be  set  free.  These  were  that  she  should 
sign  a  formal  renunciation  of  her  States,  and  consent  to  super- 
vision so  long  as  she  remained  in  Rome.  The  Frenchman 
then  left  the  \'atican  and  rode  down  to  the  fort  by  the  Borgo. 
In  a  few  moments  Catherine,  languishing  in  prison,  would 
look  upon  the  angel  of  deliverance. 

The  woman  who  rose  to  meet  Monseigneur  d'AIegre  did 
not  resemble  the  one  he  had  known  a  year  ago.  She  had 
passed  a  year  in  the  dark,  narrow  cell  into  which  the  Borgia 
had  thrust  her.  They  had  expended  as  little  as  possible  on 
her,  in  continual  expectation  of  her  death.  She  was  haggard 
from  suffering  and  scant  food,  worn  by  fever,  and  livid  from 
living  in  the  dark. 

O  Lords  of  the  \"enetian  Senate !  come  and  gaze  on  your 
formidable  enemy,  qiiclla  tigre  de  la  inadona  de  Forli !  Do 
you  recognize  her  in  the  long,  spare,  nun-like  figure,  worn  by 
vigil,  fast  and  penance,  who  has  tried  to  still  the  torments  of 
the  mind  by  those  of  the  body  }  Every  time  that  her  scanty 
food  was  brought  her  she  had  dreaded  poison  ;  every  night 
she  had  dreaded  the  Tiber. 

Yet  her  hard  destiny  had  not  surprised  her :  she  believed 
and  felt  that  she  had  deserved  it.  Her  letters  prove  that 
in  religion  her  ideas  were  simple  and  firmly  rooted,  and  that 
the  influence  of  her  grandmother  Bianca,  and  her  adopted 
mother  Bona,  had  never  left  her.  She  had  no  doubts  on  the 
subject  of  free-will  ;  she  was  sure  that  in  this  world  or  the 
next  she  would  have  to  give  an  account  of  her  public  and 
private  shortcomings.  In  the  triumph  of  the  Borgia,  she 
perceived  the  punishment  of  the  crimes  of  the  Riario,  and 
was  assured  that  God  would  not  forget  the  Borgia  when  their 
time  came.  In  her  own  tortures  she  felt  that  her  victims 
were  being  avenged :  those  who  had  been  thrown  down 
spiked  wells  or   had  died  on   her  gallows.     O  poor   Rosaria 


THE    DELI\'ERANCE  363 

and  innocent  children  of  the  Orsi !  O  unhappy  wretches 
who  had  disappeared  in  the  dungeons  of  Imola  and  Forli ! 
your  blood  has  cried  aloud  to  God  for  vengeance,  and  God 
had  punished  her  who  slew  and  tortured. 

She  appears  to  have  sought  relief  in  correspondence  with 
her  sons  ;  not  by  complaining  of  physical  discomfort,  which 
she  had  assured  them  she  was  able  and  willing  to  bear,  but 
from  the  torments  of  her  conscience  ;  and  her  sons,  having 
recovered  their  sense  of  justice  and  filial  love,  had  offered 
the  Pope  in  exchange  for  her  liberty  the  whole  of  their 
ecclesiastical  benefices  in  Romagna.  The  penitent  they 
would  have  rescued  from  "such  hard  servitude  and  misery" 
suffered  even  more  acutely  from  the  terrors  of  that  Gehenna 
to  which  her  conscience  pointed  than  from  those  of  the  Tiber 
and  the  poison  of  her  jailers.  She  prayed  them  to  remember 
her  in  their  prayers.  They  in  return  prayed  her  to  bear 
these  torments,  since  God  had  willed  them  :  " .  .  .  hoping  in 
the  unwearied  love,  mercy  and  justice  of  Our  Redeemer 
Jesus  Christ  ;  in  the  certainty  that  he  will  not  abandon  Your 
Ladyship  .  .  .  and  that  these  afflictions  are  given  for  the 
salvation  of  Your  soul.  ...  So  that  by  unceasing  appeal  to 
Him,  he  may  grant  Your  desire,  always  remembering  not  to 
be  led  by  the  Devil  to  despair,  even  if  he  should  put  before 
Your  eyes  all  Your  errors.  For  one  sole  drop  of  the  blood 
of  Christ  suffices  to  ransom  all  the  sins  of  hell,  much  less  to 
justify  Your  Excellency.  Therefore  fear  nothing,  Madonna, 
Our  beloved  Mother  ;  be  steadfast  and  let  God  work,  for 
We  know  that  he  will  neither  abandon  You  nor  Us,  and  that 
even  if  we  succeed  not  with  this  contract  (proposal  for  her 
deliverance)  it  will  be  to  Your  honour  and  salvation.  There- 
fore take  comfort  and  lean  on  God,  for  all  other  hope  is 
vain.  .  .  .  Neither  will  We  cease  to  work  in  the  alleviation 
of  Your  anguish.  ...  It  will  be  well  for  Your  Ladyship  to 
tear  up  this  letter  at  once,  so  that  it  may  not  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Pope.  .  .  ."  ^     Besides  her  terrors  and  remorse, 

^  A  long  letter  addressed  at  this  same  time  to  Cardinal  Medici  by  Octavian 
and  Cresar  Riario,  proves  that  even  in  the  effort  to  effect  their  mother's 
deliverance  they  were  seeking  their  own  advantage  and  clamouring  for  benefits 


364  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

Catherine  suffered  agonies  of  anxiety  on  behalf  of  her  little 
son  Giannino.  For  the  love  of  this  child  she  longed  to 
perform  good  deeds,  so  earning  a  right  to  live,  to  see  her 
child  again,  to  rescue  him.  These  had  been  the  thoughts  of 
Catherine  during  those  long  days  and  nights  she  had  lain  in 
the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  clasping  her  crucifix  to  her  breast. 
She  did  not  dream  that  the  army  which  had  dethroned  her 
had  again  invaded  Italy,  and  was  clamouring  at  the  gates  of 
Rome  for  her  freedom. 

It  had  seemed  almost  impossible  to  the  Borgia  that  even 
d'Alegre  could  induce  Catherine  to  renounce  her  sovereignty. 
But  Catherine  was  above  all  a  practical  statesman,  and  she 
realized  that  her  States  were  indeed  lost  to  her.  France  had 
guaranteed  her  personal  liberty,  yet  King  Louis  neither  could 
nor  would  give  a  ducat  nor  a  soldier  to  re-instate  her.  She 
remembered  that  the  "  Most  Christian  king"  had  declared  his 
personal  indifference  to  the  question  of  Romagna,  into  which 
he  had  been  drawn  by  the  Pope's  importunity,  and  that  he 
also  felt  himself  prohibited  from  intervention  between  the 
Pope  and  his  vicars. 

Catherine,  who  did  not  wish  to  increase  the  difficulties  of 
her  deliverers,  immediately  conceded  to  d'Alegre  that  which 
she  had  so  obstinately  denied  to  the  Borgia.  In  truth  this 
renunciation  of  her  States,  which  she  had  agreed  to  sign  as 
soon  as  she  left  prison,  did  not  mean  much  to  her.  The  Pope 
\\as  stricken  in  years  ;  after  him  what  would  become  of  the 
Duke  of  Romagna  ?  Would  divine  justice  chastise  the  Riario, 
yet  overlook  the  treachery,  the  poison  and  other  villainies  of 
Ca.^sar  Borgia  .''  The  College  of  Cardinals  included  a  Sforza, 
a  Riario,  and  a  Delia  Rovere  .  .  .  the  days  of  Sixtus  IV. 
might  N'ct  return  for  her  and  hers.  Catherine  witnessed  a 
singular  spectacle  during  the  last  days  of  her  imprisonment. 
The  Pope,  albeit  a  Spaniard,  and,  to  quote  Jean  d'Autun,  "  a 
bad  r^-cnchman,"  had  received  the  P>ench  captains  with  con- 
sj)icuous  honour,  and  Rome  was  in  holiday  attire.  "  The 
league  between    the    Pope,    France   and    Spain    had     been 

for  themselves.  See  Vol.  ii.  of  the  original  Caterina  Sforza,  di  Pier  Desiderio 
I'asolini. 


THE    DELIVERANCE  365 

declared,"  writes  Sanuto.  "  An  edict  requires  every  one  to 
rejoice  and  illuminate  .  ,  .  there  is  nothing  to  be  seen  in  Rome 
but  silks  and  brocade."  The  French  army  left  the  Eternal 
City  on  June  28,  1501.  The  infantry,  artillery  and  baggage- 
wagons,  which  were  the  first  to  move,  extended  for  the  length 
of  a  mile.  Then  came  the  mounted  men-at-arms,  helmet  on 
head  and  lance  on  hip,  in  fighting  array.  The  city  was  so 
deafened  by  the  sound  of  trumpets,  fifes  and  big  Swiss  drums, 
that  thunder  would  have  passed  unheard." 

Opposite  to  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  seated  on  a  low 
battlemented  terrace  and  surrounded  by  cardinals,  bishops 
and  Roman  barons,  sat  Pope  Alexander,  with  the  Duke  of 
Romagna  by  his  side,  extending  his  hand  in  apostolic  bene- 
diction over  the  heads  of  the  Italian,  French  and  Swiss 
soldiers,  as  they  passed  before  him. 

On  June  13,  a  few  armed  men,  on  horseback,  issued  from 
the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  A  woman  rode  in  their  midst,  and 
with  them  crossed  the  bridge.  It  was  Catherine,  who,  after 
sixteen  months'  ditj-esse,  was  led  by  Troccio,  chamberlain  of 
the  Pope,  from  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  to  the  house  of  the 
[Spanish]  Cardinal  of  San  Clemente,  and  there,  wrote  the 
Piovano  Fortunati  to  Octavian  and  Ca:isar  Riario,  "  she  re- 
mained about  three  hours  :  and  by  the  deed  of  the  public 
notary  did  renounce  her  States  on  her  own  behalf  and  as 
guardian  of  her  sons  .  .  .  and,  besides,  did  agree,  under  penalty 
of  twenty-five  ducats,  not  to  depart  from  Rome  without 
permission  from  the  Pope."  This  permission  would  be 
accorded  her  as  soon  as  she  received  2000  ducats,  which  the 
Countess  acknowledged  "  to  have  spent  on  the  occasion  of 
this  her  deliverance  among  various  persons."  The  fact  that 
Catherine  was   led   out  of  prison  by  Troccio  ^  points  to  the 

^  The  end  of  Troclies,  or  Troccio,  is  too  characteristic  of  the  age  to  be  omitted 
here.  The  assassin  claimed  the  Red  Hat  as  a  reward  for  his  services,  and  one  day 
(in  the  year  1553)  confided  to  the  Pope  his  displeasure  in  not  having  been  included 
in  the  last  batch  of  cardinals.  "  And  His  Holiness  replying  that  '  My  Lord  Duke 
had  made  the  list,'  Troccio  inveighed  against  the  Duke  until  the  Pope  called  him  a 
madman  to  let  his  tongue  run  away  with  him  ;  for  if  the  Duke  heard  of  it,  '  he  would 
surely  put  him  to  death.  .  ." "'  Troccio  fled  from  Rome,  and  either  to  save  his  life,  or 


366  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

probability  that  he  was  a  party  to  the  negotiations  with 
d'Alegre,  that  he  had  dictated  to  Catherine  the  sum  "  incurred 
in  her  expenses  of  hberation,"  and  that  he  had  been  employed 
as  a  jailer-inspector  by  the  Borgia,  to  report  to  them  on  the 
progress  of  the  malady  that  should  have  delivered  them  of 
her.  The  Piovano  encloses  some  letters  written  to  him  by  the 
Countess,  and  the  list  of  the  persons  among  whom  the  2000 
ducats  were  to  be  distributed,  sending  the  whole  by  a  trusty 
groom,  so  that  "  the  Countess  may  escape  from  those  incarnate 
fiends  and  return  to  her  children.  .  ."  "And  I  think  it  best  to 
hasten  matters  so  that  she  may  avoid  any  new  snare,  for  the 
slightest  hitch  would  reduce  her  to  a  worse  servitude  than 
before.  .  .  Therefore  provide  at  once  and  hasten  to  be  here. 
..."  In  the  same  letter  we  learn  that  Fra  Lauro  was  at  large 
and  that  Madonna  had  already  appointed  him  her  chaplain, 
"  an  excellent  choice,  inasmuch  as  he  is  an  influential  person 
and  a  worthy  friar  ; "  although  the  Piovano  seems  to  fear  that 
his  (Fra  Lauro's)  want  of  tact  may  be  prejudicial  to  them  in 
Florence. 

Having  signed  the  document  of  renunciation,  Catherine's 
first  steps  were  directed  to  Monseigneur  d'Alegre,  with  the 
object  of  offering  her  thanks  to  her  noble  deliverer,  "with 
whom  she  remained  for  a  long  time  in  conversation  on 
present  affairs  and  past  events."  1 

Catherine  "  went  to  dwell  in  her  own  house,"  wrote  the 
Piovano,  "  or  rather  in  that  of  the  Most  Reverend  Monsignor 


in  revenge,  revealed  to  tlie  French  the  secret  intrigues  of  the  Borgia  with  Spain. 
Valentino  enjoined  on  his  allies  to  catch  Troccio,  who  was  spreading  rumours 
"injurious  to  the  honour  of  France."  He  was  accordingly  seized  on  board  a 
vessel  bound  for  Corsica,  brought  back  to  Rome,  and  imprisoned  in  a  tower  in 
Trastevere.  Here  he  was  confronted  by  the  Duke,  wlio  after  saying  a  few  words  to 
him  retired  to  a  place  where,  unseen,  he  could  watch  Troccio  being  strangled  by 
Michelotto.  "  Tiiey  have  sent  him  to  do  penance  for  his  sins  in  another  world," 
wrote  Giustinian  to  the  Venetian  Senate  on  June  8  of  that  year.  "Now,"  con- 
tinues the  Orator,  "they  are  almost  without  servants  to  do  their  business.  The 
Duke  has  only  Remolines  and  Michelotto  left,  who  are  expecting  to  come  to  the 
same  end,  within  a  short  time." — Vide  Letter  of  Bertrande  Costabeli  to  the  Duke 
of  Furrara,  June  ii,  1503.  P.  Villari  {MachiavclU :  Vol.  i.  p.  599),  and  the 
Dispalihcsof  Gitislinian,  No.  410,  t.  ii.  pages  35-36. 
'   Hurriel. 


THE    DELIVERAN'CE  367 

San  Giorgio "  (Cardinal  Raphael  Riario).^  Surrounded  by 
the  partisans  of  Pope  Sixtus,  Catherine  remained  in  Rome 
until  the  middle  of  July,  and  every  day  a  long  line  of  the 


■>p->n<y 


vc*.a(X~y   a.    -y^     ^&-  L<x.yi-nf  ^J    "'5^*   ^  -y^^Co    dyer 
no     ytr^e^t-T*  ^*-    Lyf7j     Li  ai-t    '^-yitr  a-ynxi-ro  c<mho  \fyo 


\y)  iU   Lj    UnK^^    i-e-r-y-myiJ     d-yrc-Ce^f-o   \yicho-4n 
tra.   ooy-m     >7»o^ti     Woiy   ^\it-9    f-y^  L^v»v^    ^-r^a.     ^ 


AUTOGRAPH    LET-reR    OF   CATHERINE   SFORZA. 

richly-caparisoned  mules  and  palfreys  of  the  Roman  car- 
dinals and  nobles  stopped  the  way  before  her  door.  For 
especially  those  of  the  Orsini  faction  came  to  ofifer  their 
homage  and  congratulations  to  this  celebrated  woman,  and 

1  Nephew  of  Girolamo  and  one  of  the  defenders  of  the  Castle  of  Foili. 


368  CATHERINE   AND   THE   BORGIA 

either  from  admiration  or  curiosity,  all  Rome  followed  in  her 
steps,  until  even  the  Florentine  Orator  began  to  think  he 
might  venture  to  present  himself  "  I,  having  cautiously 
offered  my  excuses  to  the  Madonna  of  Imola  in  that  I  have 
not  paid  my  respects  to  her,"  wrote  Francesco  de  Pepi  to  the 
Florentine  Ten,  "  she  informed  me  that  she  is  about  to  leave, 
and  that  not  knowing  where  else  to  go,  will  come  to  Florence, 
desiring  me  to  recommend  her  to  Your  Lordships.  Roma,  die 
X  ill  Hi,  1 50 1." 

Three  days  later,  the  Pope,  in  the  following  letter,  recom- 
mended to  the  Signory  of  Florence  the  erstwhile  "  Daughter 
of  Perdition  and  Iniquity." 

"  Beloved  Sons,  Greeting  and  Apostolic  Benediction. 

"  Our  beloved  Daughter  in  Christ,  the  noble  Dame  Cathe- 
rine Sforza,  whom,  as  you  know,  we  have  on  certain  reason- 
able grounds  caused  to  be  here  detained,  is  leaving  for 
Florence,  we  having  graciously  liberated  her.  And  because 
according  to  our  habit  and  pastoral  office — we  have  not  only 
dealt  clemently  with  the  said  Catherine,  but  we  desire,  in  so  far 
as  it  is  consistent  with  the  law  of  God,  to  provide  for  her 
advantage^we  are  minded  to  write  you,  fervently  recom- 
mending to  }'ou  the  said  Catherine  by  the  love  you  bear  us  : 
so  that,  confiding  in  your  benevolence,  she  may  find  shelter 
among  you  as  in  her  own  land,  and  that  by  virtue  of  our 
recommendation,  she  may  not  be  deceived  in  this  her  hope. 
.  .  .  Giv^en  in  Rome  .  .  .  under  the  Apostolic  Seal  on  the  13th 
day  of  Jul}',  1501,  in  the  ninth  year  of  our  Pontificate." 

As  early  as  July  i,  Paul  Riario^  had  written  Catherine  that 
all  Rome  exulted  in  her  deliverance,  and  all  Plorence  rejoiced 
in  her  coming,  adding  that  he  hoped  that  she  would  be 
accompanied  to  Florence  by  some  of  the  French  lords,  lest 
"  she  fall  into  danger." 

To  this  same  danger  the  Mantuan  Orator  alludes  in  writing 
to  Francesco  Gonzaga — "  The  Countess  of  Forli  has  left  this- 

'   Nci)hcw  of  (liiohuHo  and  one  of  tlic  dcfcndeis  of  the  Caslle  of  Forli. 


THE    1)ELI\'ERANCE  369 

with  the  Tope's  permission,  and  for  fear  of  her  enemies  .  .  . 
gave  out  that  she  was  leaving  by  land,  but  went  by  sea.  .  . 
Roma, 20  milt,  1501."  And  Machiavelli  says — "The  Madonna 
of  Imola  was  liberated  by  the  Pope  at  the  prayer  of  Mon- 
seigneur  d'Alcgre.  And  no  sooner  was  she  free  than  she 
fled  to  Leghorn  by  sea  and  came  to  Florence." 

Catherine  must  have  heard  that  C?Esar  Borgia,  having  been 
forced  to  liberate  her  against  his  will,  had  posted  certain 
Romagnole  assassins  along  the  way  she  was  to  travel.  She 
preferred  to  risk  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  and  fall  into  the 
hands  of  Turks  and  corsairs,  than  those  of  the  Borgia  braves  ; 
she  did  not  leave,  but  fled  from  Rome  by  the  Tiber,  in  a 
boat  ;  taking  to  the  sea  at  Ostia  or  Fiumicino  and  landing, 
after  a  few  days'  sail,  at  Leghorn.  She  must  have  entered 
Florence  by  the  Pisan  road  that  wound  through  the  fragrant 
woods,  passing  by  its  fir  and  cypress  crowned  castles  and 
its  populous  villages,  until  she  looked  again  upon  the  hospit- 
able walls  that  girded  the  city  of  her  choice. 

On  approaching  Florence,  Catherine  was  met  by  a  little 
cavalcade  which,  with  indescribable  emotion,  she  discovered 
to  consist  of  her  five  sons,  Octavian,  Caesar,  Galeazzo  and 
Francesco  Riario,  and  Bernardino  Feo,  who  led  her  through 
the  quiet  streets  of  her  childish  dreams  ;  through  Por  Santa 
Maria,  turning  from  Vacchereccia  into  the  great  square  where 
stood  the  palace  of  the  Signoria  and  the  house  of  the  Gondi 
to  the  palace  of  the  Podesta  ;  then  on  again  by  the  Via  del 
Proconsolo,  through  the  Borgo  degli  Albizzi,  under  the 
windows  of  the  Pazzi,  the  Alessandri  and  the  Filicaia,  until 
at  last,  passing  under  the  Arch  of  San  Piero,  and  entering 
Borgo  Pinti,  they  halted  before  the  house  of  Giuliano  Scali. 

Here  Catherine's  daughter  Bianca  must  have  placed  the 
little  Giannino,  who  had  been  confided  to  her  special  care,  in 
his  mother's  arms.  Here,  too,  she  was  awaited  by  Lorenzo, 
brother  of  her  third  husband,  who  conducted  her  to  her  own 
house,  "as  mistress  of  all  that  had  belonged  to  his  late  brother," 
says  Burriel.  Catherine  at  once  took  her  place  in  a  family 
destined  to  found  the  reigning  dynasty  of  Tuscany,  to  give 
a  queen  to  France  and  a  splendid  civilization  to  the  world. 

B  B 


370  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

Florentines  of  ev^ery  faction  and  condition  came  to  pay 
their  respects  to  the  widow  of  Giovanni  Popolano,  and  the 
old  and  the  new  stories  of  the  Madonna  of  Imola  revived  in 
the  minds  of  the  Florentines.  Had  not  Machiavelli  told 
them  of  her  ?  And  they  came  in  eager  crowds  to  do  her 
honour. 

The  warmth  of  Catherine's  reception  caused  displeasure  at 
the  Vatican,  and  some  anxiety  to  Valentino.  "  It  is  my  duty 
to  inform  Your  Lordships,"  wrote  Fortunati  to  Octavian  and 
Csesar  Riario,  "  that  the  Duke  has  complained  to  the  Bishop  of 
Volterra,  that  this  city  holds  you  in  such  favour,  reputation 
and  esteem,  and  His  Reverence  having  constrained  him  to 
explain  whether  he  referred  to  Madonna,  your  mother,  he 
replied  that  he  set  no  store  by  women,  especially  by  your 
mother,  whom,  for  his  part,  he  would  not  have  suffered  to 
leave  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo." 

Yet  this  woman,  who  had  been  so  bitter  in  denunciation 
of  her  other  enemies,  the  Bentivoglio  and  the  cardinals,  her 
kinsmen,  this  woman  who  has  been  described  as  "quick  of 
speech,"^  when  her  anger  was  roused;  who  had  been  betrayed, 
slandered,  and  starved  by  the  Borgia,  never  henceforward 
mentioned  them  in  hatred  or  revenge.  That  which  she  had 
suffered  at  their  hands  she  could  not  speak  of.  Only  once 
she  had  spoken  to  her  Dominican  confessor  these  significant 
words — "  Could  I  write  all,  the  world  would  turn  to  stone!" 
^  Beinardi,  "^ d/  lingua  T'ehuissinia." 


i 


CHAPTER    XXXVI 
THE  LAST  TROUBLES  AND  THE  END 

Catherine's  biographers  have  been  hitherto  unanimous 
in  stating  that  after  her  arrival  in  Florence,  forgetful  of 
worldly  grandeur  and  political  intrigue,  she  lived,  absorbed 
in  pious  thoughts  and  charitable  works,  in  absolute  retirement. 

Yet  the  correspondence  of  that  day,  some  of  Catherine's 
letters  and  many  addressed  to  her  by  her  sons  and  familiars, 
show  that  the  pious  resignation  of  those  years  was  not  wholly 
unleavened  by  worldly  cares  and  sorrows,  and  even  by 
ambition. 

Her  friends  gave  her  a  mournful  account  of  the  effects  of 
Caisar's  government  in  her  former  dominions:  "Fire"  and 
"  Rope "  were  the  words  of  most  frequent  occurrence  in 
letters  from  Imola  ;  but  in  that  fort  where  tortures  were 
enacted,  they  worked  day  and  night  and  expended  6000 
to  8000  gold  ducats  in  the  preparation  for  public  amusement. 
Caesar  would  keep  his  city  in  liesse.  Attached  to  his  person 
was  a  boisterous  company  of  a  hundred  young  men,  many  of 
whom  were  to  become  famous  in  arms  ;  among  them  being 
Dionisio  of  Brisighella,  Taddeo  della  Volpe  (who  later  fought 
under  the  Venetian  flag),  and  the  Spaniards  Don  Juan  de 
Cardona  and  Moncada  (who  later  served  Charles  V.).  Among 
veterans  in  arms  were  Hercules  Bentivoglio,  ex-captain  of 
the  Florentines,  Cxsar  Spadari  of  Modena,  Vitellozzo  Vitelli 
and  the  Orsini.  In  carnival  time  this  wild  band  was  a  worse 
scourge  to  the  quiet  population  of  Imola  than  they  had  been 
in  time  of  war.     Thus   Catherine's  trusty  Tonelli,  who  con- 

371 


372  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

eludes  by  entreating  her  to  send  a  courier  to  her  sister,  the 
Empress  of  Germany,  to  hasten  her  coming  with  the  Emperor  ; 
it  being  "now  the  highest  time."  On  February  21,  1502, 
Tonelli  sends  Catherine  a  list  of  her  partisans  at  Imola,  and 
one  "  of  the  ribald  traitors  who  have  given  Your  Excellency's 
State  into  the  hands  of  that  Marano  (Valentino)."  He  adds 
that  every  night  the  faithful  meet  at  his  house  to  recall  their 
Lady,  whom  "  ma}'  God  and  Our  Lady  send  back  soon  to  her 
State.  .  .  .  One  day  seems  to  us  as  a  thousand  years.  .  .  ." 
With  wide-stretched  arms  they  all  await  their  sovereign  Lady, 
who  if  she  come  not  soon  to  "  drive  those  swinish  traitors  to 
the  House  of  the  Devil,  it  were  better  for  us  to  die.  ...  If 
I  sleep,  I  think  I  am  with  Your  Lad}-ship,  if  1  wake  it  is  the 
same  ;  if  I  eat  I  leave  off  eating  to  talk  with  Your  Ladyship." 
Throughout  Bologna  and  Ferrara,  there  is  no  talk  but  of  her 
return,  so  that  the  "poltroon  traitors"  are  beginning  to  feel 
ill  at  ease.  He  concludes  by  allusion  to  the  rapine  of  Valen- 
tino, and  of  his  creature  "  Messer  Remiro,"  and  to  the  passage 
of  Lucretia  Borgia  through  Imola. 

There  is  a  letter  from  Catherine  (dated  April  22,  1502, 
to  a  certain  Era  Domenico)  enjoining  on  him  to  open  the 
eyes  of  the  Emperor  IMaximilian  to  the  "  perfidy  and  male- 
volence of  those,  thanks  to  whom  little  credence  has  been 
given  to  me  hitherto,  to  the  detriment  and  dishonour  of  His 
Cesarean  Majesty.  .  .  .  The  affairs  of  Itah',  and  especially 
of  these  provinces,  cannot  be  regulated  by  this  standard.  .  .  . 
The  populace  has  opened  its  eyes,  caring  naught  for  blows, 
threats  and  terrorism.  The  Emperor  must  do  exactly  the 
contrary  to  that  which  was  done  by  the  French  Kings 
Charles  and  Louis,  and,  by  conferring  favour  and  prosperity 
on  this  people,  will  obtain  from  them  more  than  he  could 
have  asked.  .  .  .  And  so  it  would  be  with  the  rest  of  Italy.  .  .  . 
I  have  warned  His  Cesarean  Majesty  that  unless  he  be 
prompt  in  action  and  loving  treatment  of  the  Italians,  he 
will  lose  every  chance  of  achieving  his  ends.  .  .   ." 

On  August  18,  1503,  Pope  Alexander  VI.  died,  and  that  the 
Church  did  not  expire  in  his  arms  is  surely  a  sign  that  God 
had   taken   her  under   His  wincf.     With   the  extinction  of  the 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  373 

fount  of  corruption,  the  world  breathed  a  purer  air  and 
Catherine  awakened.  "  I  am  ready  to  mount  my  horse,"  she 
wrote  to  Antenore  Giovanetti  at  Bologna,  a  month  later, 
"  and  am  only  waiting  to  put  everything  in  order.  .  .  .  Write 
me  where  it  were  best  to  dismount  (Imola  or  Forli  ?)  and  take 
counsel  with  Messer  Bonaparte.  Be  assured,  all  of  you,  that 
these  States  must  return  to  the  Lord  Octavian  and  to  me, 
his  mother.  ...  I  have  arranged  that  everything  must  take 
its  (natural)  course."  But  Catherine  was  entreated  not  to 
move  at  that  juncture  ;  her  enemies  were  legion.  "  I  realize," 
wrote  Giovan  Battista  Ridolfi,  Florentine  Commissioner  in 
Romagna,  "that  if  Madonna  were  dead  the  Lord  Octavian 
would  not  be  unacceptable,  except  among  the  people  of  Forli 
and  its  rural  population.  But  during  the  lifetime  of  Madonna 
they  who  might  espouse  his  cause  would  do  so  unwillingly; 
so  much  do  they  fear  and  hate  her."  This  either  represents 
the  opinion  or  the  policy  of  Catherine's  adversaries.  Mean- 
while, from  Imola  they  write  her  that  "  she  is  indeed  not 
hated,"  and  reproach  her  for  scruples  and  want  of  faith  in 
herself  On  September  9  Tonelli  had  written  her  from 
Rome  :  "  All  the  princes  have  come  to  their  own  again, 
because  they  have  not  had  as  many  scruples  as  Your  Lady- 
ship." If  she  would  send  troops  under  Octavian,  she  would 
learn  that  the  men  of  Imola  are  not  so  disaffected  as  has 
been  represented  to  her.  If  Guido  Vaini  ^  were  but  back 
among  them  !  "  He  has  up  to  now  endured  such  injuries  at 
the  Duke's  hands  that  there  is  no  ill  on  earth  he  would  not 
do  to  him  .  .  .  and  even  without  this,  he  would  have  done  it." 
The  Florentines,  impatient  to  snatch  Forli  from  Valentino, 
tried  to  corrupt  his  castellane,  promising  the  latter  the  hand 
of  the  still  beautiful  and  influential  Catherine,  and  the  life- 
governorship  of  Imola.  Giovanni  Dalamasa  wrote  her  that 
many  citizens  had  discussed  the  matter  with  the  said  castellane, 
telling  him  that  "  the  best  thing  he  could  do  was  to  give  the 
said  fort  to  Your  Ladyship  and  take  }'ou  to  wife."  The 
castellane  replied  that  he  would  certainly  not  give  the  fort 
to  the  Pope,  whom  "  he  hated  for  a  traitor,"  and  that  he  would 

^  Head  of  the  Ghibellines  of  Imola  and  a  partisan  of  the  Riario. 


374  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

rather  give  it  to  Catherine  than  to  any  other.  And  many- 
times  he  had  said  to  his  friends  that  Catherine  was  his  wife 
(z,^.  the  wife  for  him).  Catherine  had  already  been  in  com- 
munication with  him  by  means  of  a  certain  Ceriobola,  a 
strange  woman  with  whom  she  was  on  most  intimate  terms, 
and  on  whom  she  relied  in  matters  that  required  secrecy. 

The  plan  for  the  return  to  Forli  was  soon  perfected  and 
drawn  up.  Catherine  and  Octavian  sent  Antenore  Giovanetti 
to  Venice  with  a  message  to  the  effect  that  if  the  Senate 
would  co-operate  in  their  reinstatement  they  would  do  any- 
thing that  Venice  could  require  of  them.  Octavian,  despite 
his  archbishopric,  was  willing  to  wed  the  daughter  of  a 
Venetian  patrician  ;  he  no  longer  hankered  after  the  Red 
Hat.  The  Countess  had  received  offers  from  the  Florentines, 
but  albeit  a  citizen  of  Florence  she  wished  to  ally  herself 
with  the  Venetians.  Meanwhile  Anton  Maria  Ordelafifi  had 
been  cutting  the  ground  beneath  their  feet.  With  the  help 
of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  and  the  Bolognese,  he  had  already 
entered  Forli.  The  Venetian  magistrates  asked  Giovanetti 
if  he  came  on  behalf  of  Cardinal  Riario  as  well  as  on  that  of 
the  Count  and  Countess,  and  he  having  replied  in  the  negative, 
they  gave  him  an  evasive  answer. 

But  Catherine  was  not  to  be  discouraged.  "  It  is  matter 
for  general  wonder  that  you  should  allow  yourself  to  be  led 
(by  the  nose),"  she  wrote  Octavian;  ".  .  .  .  beware  to  be 
subject  to  none,  nor  to  be  coerced  by  the  letters  you  receive 
.  .  .  that  which  is  being  done  is  for  your  sake  and  for 
none  other  .  .  .  if  you  are  guided  by  the  wrong  persons  you 
\\'\\\  ?ir\d  your  cap  pit  l/cd  over  your  eyes  .  .  .  wherefore  awake!" 
She  had  information  from  Rome  of  the  policy  of  the  moment; 
she  begged  him  to  remember  that  in  her  previous  letter  she 
"atlviscd  him"  that  he  had  come  to  man's  estate,  that  he 
wa  ;  of  an  age  to  know  the  world  and  men  ;  to  him  and  none 
other  she  appealed  that  he  might  remember  she  "was  his 
mother,  to  whom  he  had  given  his  word."  In  the  affair  of 
Ordelaffi,  "  it  i)leascs  me  that  the  iron  be  struck  while  it  is 
hot  .  .  .  lose  no  time,  but  remember  that  (popular)  favour  is 
an  important  factor  ;  therefore  hasten,  I  beseech  }'ou.  .  .  ." 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  375 

"  Si'j/ts  violaitdmn  est,  rcgnandi  causa  violandiun  est,''  wrote 
Fortunati  to  Octavian,  "and  I  pray  Your  Lordship  to  remember 
that  you  have  ever  known  me  for  a  faithful  servant  who  (now 
exhorts  you)  to  continually  hold  your  mother  in  your  heart ; 
for,  before  God,  she  is  about  to  do  things  of  fire  for  Your 
Lordship.  And  since  all  cannot  be  said  .  .  .  read  often  the 
notes  given  you  by  your  mother  for  the  time  when  your 
State  should  be  given  back  to  you." 

Octavian  never  recovered  his  State ;  that  he  was  incapable 
of  regaining  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  Ancients  of  Imola, 
who,  on  October  22,  1503,  scarcely  deigned  to  open  a  letter 
he  had  written  them,  and,  having  opened  it,  threatened  to 
hang  the  horseman  "by  the  neck"  who  had  brought  it.  "If 
Your  Ladyship  had  headed  the  undertaking,"  wrote  Tonelli, 
"  it  would  have  yielded  better  fruit.  .  .  .  We  are  indeed  worse 
off  than  when  Valentino  was  here,  for  then,  at  least,  we  had 
undisturbed  possession  of  our  own.  If  Your  Ladyship  do  not 
help  us  we  are  in  evil  case,  .  .  ."  Throughout  Bologna, 
where  Tonelli  then  resided,  Catherine's  sons  were  spoken  so 
badl)^  of  that  he  and  her  other  partisans  "  were  sore  ashamed, 
from  love  to  Your  Ladyship,  whose  sons  they  are ;  every  day 
we  go  to  pay  '  our  court  to  Madonna  Zianevera  (Ginevra 
Bentivoglio),  and  if  it  were  not  for  the  entertainment  offered 
us  by  Her  Ladyship,  we  were  already  dead  of  sheer  weariness." 

On  December  2,  1 503,  Alessandro  Sarti  wrote  Catherine 
from  Rome  that  "  they  who  would  not  have  your  name 
mentioned,  when  I  first  arrived  in  Rome,  are  now  well  disposed 
in  your  favour,  and  whereas  at  first  I  met  with  ugly  faces 
(opposition)  for  love  of  Your  Ladyship,  I  now  encounter 
smiling  ones,  and  whereas  at  first  I  was  told  in  this  house  of 
the  chamberlain  that  I  might  not  speak  of  Your  Ladyship's 
affairs,  now  I  may  say  what  I  will." 

Meanwhile  Catherine  had  written  him  that  she  could 
endure  no  longer,  that  she  no  longer  could  restrain  herself 
from  condign  punishment  "  of  those  ribald  servants  that  have 
been  left  in  our  house."  To  which  Sarti  replied:  "For  the 
love  of  God,  for  the  sake  of  the  honour  of  the  cause  and  our 
services,  do  nothing!     Since  Your   Ladyship  has   borne    so 


376  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

much,  bear  it  yet  a  little  while ! "  All  would  end  well. 
Octavian  would  be  an  admirable  and  obedient  son  to  her, 
but  the  evil-minded  had  so  terrified  him  that  he  was  more 
dead  than  alive ;  his  letters  were  full  of  tears  and  anguish. 
Catherine's  innocence  would  conquer  their  malignity.  A 
certain  Francesco  of  Parma,  once  servant  to  the  late  Count 
Girolamo,  had  "died  in  want,  like  a  dog."  Sarti  regretted  this, 
for  the  "  sake  of  the  honour  "  of  Octavian.  "  Duke  Valentino 
is  in  the  palace,  under  strong  guard."  This  was  in  December. 
In  the  following  January,  1504,  the  Castellane  of  Forli 
announced,  to  the  accompaniment  of  cannon,  that  it  was  his 
intention  to  level  half  the  city  to  the  ground,  and  to  offer  it 
to  Catherine  Sforza.  He  was  supposed  to  hold  the  fort  for 
Valentino,  but  the  latter  was  "detained  in  the  palace"  until 
he  gave  up  the  strongholds  of  his  duchy  of  Romagna  to  the 
new  Pope.  In  the  College  of  Cardinals,  Ascanio  Sforza  was 
in  favour  of  and  Raphael  Riario  averse  to  her  restoration,  to 
which  the  new  Pope  seemed  favourably  inclined. 

The  Venetian  Orator  learned,  in  an  interview  with  Cardinal 
Riario,  that  the  latter,  despite  his  personal  liking  for  Madonna, 
could  not  further  her  designs,  because  the  Pope  intended  to 
keep  those  States  for  the  Church.  And  although  the  Cardinal 
believed  that  the  Pope  would  eventually  re-invest  the  Riario 
with  the  vicariats  of  Imola  and  Forli,  he  had  told  the  Orator 
that  "  neither  Pope  nor  people  would  consent  to  the  return  of 
Madonna  Caterina."  The  Pope  sought  the  alliance  of  the 
Venetians  to  obtain  possession  of  the  forts  in  which  Valentino 
was  said  to  have  hidden  his  treasure.  In  conclusion,  the 
Cardinal  had  confessed  that  he  hoped  to  be  the  next  pope 
after  this  one.  Sanuto  repeats  that  the  Imolese  will  not  have 
Madonna  back  again.  On  January  11  the  Pope  received  the 
Imolese  envoys,  to  whom  he  said  :  "  Since  you  have  no  other 
instructions  except  to  swear  obedience  to  the  Church,  we 
will  hold  the  State  ourselves."  Meanwhile,  let  them  consider 
if  Ihcy  would  prefer  to  have  "a  secular  Lord  as  our  vicar." 
His  Holiness  would  favour  the  Riario  "if  the  whole  land  were 
in  accord."  It  was  understood  that  he  referred  to  Giovanni 
Sassatelli,  who  had  surrendered  Imola  to  Valentino. 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  377 

The  Pope's  words  led  some  persons  to  believe  that  the  Riario 
might  return  to  Imola,  but  only  through  the  interv^ention 
of  Cardinal  Riario  and  without  Catherine.  "  The  Popc,^  in 
reference  to  Your  Ladyship,  said  that  }'ou  had  told  the  said 
Johanne  (Sassatelli)  that  not  you  but  Cardinal  San  Giorgio 
had  caused  his  father  to  be  assassinated.  .  .  .  They  say  of  you 
that  in  one  day  you  undo  the  work  of  fifteen.  For  the  love 
of  God  do  not  thwart  the  ways  of  Providence."  Catherine's 
correspondent  warns  Octavian  against  going  to  Rome,  should 
he  be  summoned.  He  wished  to  go  to  state  his  grievances, 
and  to  complain  at  being  excluded  from  his  State.  But  if 
the  Pope  asked  him  to  sign  the  renunciation  of  his  rights,  how 
would  he  defend  himself.''  This  state  of  things  could  not 
last  for  ever,  "  inasmuch  that  all  our  astrologers  agree  that 
the  Pope  cannot  outlive  the  whole  of  the  coming  month  of 
October."  In  which  the  astrologers  were  at  fault,  for  Pope 
Julian  II.  did  not  die  until  February  21,  15 13.  "The 
Bentivoglio  complain  bitterly  of  Octavian's  obstinacy,  and 
wish  they  had  never  set  eyes  on  him."  And  as  Catherine 
would  not  be  withheld  from  going  to  Bologna,  to  keep  in 
touch  with  Romagnole  politics,  the  trusty  Tonelli  entreats 
her  not  to  pass  the  frontier,  but  to  write  him  word  where  to 
meet  her,  "  and  immediately  I  will  conduct  Your  Ladyship  to 
my  house,  where  my  Madonna  will  make  you  safe  and  com- 
fortable .  .  .  and  none  shall  learn  of  your  arrival  except 
those  whom  you  wish  to  be  informed  of  it." 

In  February  a  difference  between  the  Cardinals  Riario  and 
Alidosi  was  arranged  by  an  agreement  by  which  Raphael 
Riario  gave  a  niece  in  marriage  to  Bertrando  Alidosi  and 
Imola  to  Galeazzo,  Catherine's  third  son,  on  the  condition  that 
the  Countess  would  not  set  foot  in  that  State.  The  intended 
wife  of  the  new  Lord  of  Imola  was  a  daughter  of  Giovanna 
of  Montefeltro,  Duchess  of  Sora.  The  State  would  not  be 
given  to  Octavian  "  because  of  his  understanding  with  his 
mother,  for  which  reason  the  population  would  not  hear  of 
him."  In  any  case  Giovanna  of  Montefeltro  would  not  give 
him  her  daughter  "  because  he  was  fat  beyond  measure  :  his 

^  Doc.  1225. 


378  CATHERINE    AND    THE    liORGIA 

uncle    the   cardinal    would    have    him    a   priest    and    soon    a 
cardinal."  ^ 

But  on  March  24  Tonelli  informed  Catherine  that  Octavian 
was  not  to  have  the  cardinal's  hat  after  all  ;  that  no  new 
cardinals  would  be  elected  for  the  next  three  years,  and  that 
Pope  Julian  did  not  care  for  Galeazzo  as  a  candidate.  He 
had  said  of  Galeazzo  that  he  had  "  little  wool  in  his  petticoat." 
Poor  Octavian  had  been  disparaged  by  his  own  friends, 
who  had  spread  about  Rome  that  "  he  was  thick  of  blood 
and  brains."-  "The  Duke  of  Urbino  likes  him  and  wonders 
how  he  can  prefer  the  Red  Hat  to  the  recovery  of  his 
States,  adding  that  he  was  popular  at  Imola  and  Forli  and 
a  man  grown  and  of  some  wit.  .  .  .  They  will  have  none 
other  lest  they  fall  under  the  government  of  priests."  But  if 
the  Pope  will  have  none  of  him,  of  what  avail  is  his  popularity.^ 
It  was  rumoured  that  Catherine  was  going  to  Rome.  "  God 
send  her,"  cried  her  partisans.  "She  would,  indeed,  teach 
them  reason,  and  tell  the  poor  people  who  had  been  deceived 
by  rogues  where  to  look  for  justice.  Meanwhile  Imola  was 
unsettled,  and  in  June  there  was  an  armed  rising  of  the 
populace.  None  of  the  Riario  had  returned,  and  Octavian 
declared  that  he  would  not  give  up  his  States  unless  they 
made  him  a  cardinal." 

During  the  fluctuations  of  this  intrigue  the  Bentivoglio,  of 
whom  Catherine  had  long  thought  and  wrote  as  her  worst 
enemies,  became  her  devoted  friends,  and  Bologna  the  head- 
centre  of  her  partisans.  Antenore  Giovanetti  wrote  Catherine, 
that  a  certain  person  had  ventured  to  express  to  Madonna 
Ippolita  Bentivoglio  (a  daughter  of  Carlo  Sforza)  his  hope 
Catherine  would  keep  away  from  Bologna,  where  her  presence 
would  be  injurious  to  the  prospects  of  her  son  Galeazzo.  But 
Ippolita  "had  so  mocked  him,"  saying  that  if  Catherine  came 
to  Bologna  she  would  never  leave  her  by  day  or  night,  and 
that  her  arrival  was  desired  by  every  member  of  the  House 
of  Bentivoglio,  that  the  misguided  man  had  "remained  like 
a  scalded  dog,  and  never  again  ventured  to  appear  before 
her."     They  all  sorrowed  that  her  sons  were  so  wanting  in 

'  .Sanuto,  Vol.  v.  col.  799,  and  833,  34.  -  Doc.  1235. 


THE    LAST   TROUULES    AND    THE    END  379 

affection  for  her.  .  .  .  The  best  and  most  devoted  to  her  was 
Galeazzo. 

Sanuto  relates  that  in  December  of  that  year,  when  Pope 
Julian  conferred  knighthood  and  a  gold  collar  on  Giovanni 
Sassateili,  leader  of  the  Gueiph  faction,  who  were  for  the 
papal  government  of  Finola,  and  opposed  to  the  Riario, 
Octavian,  who  considered  himself  Lord  of  Imola,  "went  about 
Rome  like  a  madman "  in  his  despair.  The  Venetian 
Orator  wrote  that  he  "  had  become  so  fearsome  that  he  never 
went  unarmed." 

Hatred  and  distrust  of  Catherine  clashed  with  the  blind 
faith  and  love  she  inspired.  "  I  cannot  write  you,"  wrote  one 
of  her  partisans  in  July  1504,  "so  beset  am  I  by  a  hundred 
couples  of  devils,  because  of  the  love  I  bear  Your  Ladyship." 
"  We  are  all  unhinged  as  dwellers  in  a  deserted  house,"  wrote 
Gabriele  Piccoli,  warrior  and  poet,  from  the  Fort  of  Casola 
Valsenio,  "like  a  vessel  at  sea,  without  sail,  mast,  rudder,  or 
oars.  .  .  .  To  hearten  myself,  I  have  recourse  to  Your  Lady- 
ship with  the  earnest  prayer  that  you  will  straighten  (our 
differences),  admonish,  instruct,  counsel  and  remember  us. 
.  .  .  I  do  not  believe  there  be  a  man  in  the  world  who 
loves  you  with  a  greater  affection  than  I,  wherefore,  w^ere  I 
to  die  a  thousand  times  and  be  as  often  resuscitated,  so  often 
would  I  return,  my  Goddess,  to  suffer  death  for  your  sake." 
The  veteran  soldier  writes,  full  of  hope,  that  the  troops  of  the 
Emperor  Maximilian  had  arrived  at  Bellinzona,  ruined  a  castle 
of  the  Trivulzio,  and  taken  a  son  of  Count  Gian-Giacomo 
prisoner.  The  Venetians,  with  their  designs  on  Romagna,  were 
hiring  condottieri,  levying  Light    Horse,  six   hundred    Foot, 

etc The  Count  of  Caiazzo,  and  others,   had   invited 

Piccoli  to  join  them  with  several  hundred  men,  but  he  "would 
not  leave  for  anything  the  world  (has  to  offer),  and  I  will  die 
in  theTaith  in  which  I  have  lived.  You  are  more  adored 
than  ever  ;  every  one  hopes  in  Your  Ladyship  ....  and  I 
for  one  will  prove  to  you  that  I  am  not  so  worn  out  as  to  be 
incapable  of  more  than  you  expect  ;  for  if  I  was  anxious  to 
serve  you,  now  it  has  become  a  necessity  to  me.  Your 
Ladyship  criticizes  the  ruggedness    of  my  speech  in  terms 


38o  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

SO  suave,  gentle,  cordial  and  delightful  that  they  move  me  to 
tears.  I  hold  my  ruggedness  in  affection  in  that  it  has 
brought  me  such  a  letter  from  Your  Ladyship.  Nicolo  dal 
Sale  longs  for  }-our  coming ;  he  adores  you,  and  so  do 
many  others  whom,  in  time,  I  will  make  known  to  you — 
this  is  not  the  season.  I  have  some  sonnets  and  other 
material ;  these  also  I  hope  to  show  you.  The  courier  wants 
to  start.  Bene  et  felicitcr  valeat  semper  Dnminatio  ]\^stra,  o 
Divinitas  et  spes  viea.  Ex  Faventia  X.  Jn/ii,  1507.  Servolus 
Gabriel  Piceoliis." 

Catherine,  on  leaving  Florence,  retired  to  Castello,  a  posses- 
sion of  her  late  husband's  ;  but  even  there  it  was  not  given  to 
her  to  devote  herself  peacefully,  either  to  the  education  of 
Giannino  or  the  rustic  and  domestic  avocations  that  she 
loved.  For  in  the  rest  of  this  woman  of  action  inactivity  had 
no  part ;  her  housekeeping  included  the  minutest  details  of 
supervision  ;  she  was  a  breeder  and  lover  of  animals  ;  her 
book  of  Experiments  (edited  from  her  own  handwriting  by 
Count  Lucantonio  Cuppano)  and  her  letters  prov^e  that  the 
health  and  well-being  of  her  dependents  interested  her  no  less 
than  the  hygiene  of  a  plague-stricken  city.  Her  correspond- 
ence ranged  from  high  politics  to  exchanges  with  the  Marquis 
of  Mantua  of  a  recipe  for  making  nineteen-carat  gold  for  a 
cosmetic;  from  letters  to  holy  men  (in  1497  Savonarola  had 
been  among  their  number)  to  the  discussion  of  Spanish 
genets;  from  sporting  dogs  with  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara  to 
the  loan  of  that  princess's  tailor;  from  complaints  to  the 
Duke  her  husband  of  the  nefarious  designs  of  the  Pope,  to 
thanks  for  the  gift  of  salted  eels  (which,  despite  their  political 
differences,  she  will  "eat  for  love  of  him");  from  discussion 
of  the  growth  and  distribution  of  grain  with  her  factor  to  a 
letter,  written  within  a  few  months  of  her  death,  to  "  Anna  a 
Hebrew,"  on  the  subject  of  tonics  for  the  skin.  With  all 
this,  Catherine  found  time  to  be  a  notable  needlewoman. 
Battista  Riario  writes  in  1502,  from  Blois,  to  acknowledge  her 
kindness  in  having  made  him  seven  shirts  a  la  FraiK^aise: 
"  The  Lord  Octavian  writes  me  that  Your  Ladyship  has  made 
mc  .seven   beautiful   shirts,  of  which   I   stand  much  in  need. 


THE    LAST    TROUBLES    AND    THE    END 


381 


The  Lord  Octavian  writes  that  he  will  i^ivc  them  to  mc  with 
his  own  hand,  but  I  pray  you  to  be  pleased  to  send  them  to 
Madonna  Caterina  at  Pavia,  who  hath  many  an  opportunity 
of  sending  them  to  me,  for  I  doubt  whether  we  meet  within 
six  months.  .  .  ,"  And,  above  all,  there  was  Giannino  to  make 
a  man  of. 

Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici  and  Lorenzo,  her  brother-in-law, 
disputed  her  possession  of  the  Villa  Castello,  whence  Catherine, 
as  if  it  had  been  another  Forli,  declared  that  "  they  should 
only  get  her  in  pieces  ;"  but  soon  after,  exasperated  by  dis- 


^WMi^ 

^^i^WT 

1;  /:"'-■' -ic-^'^^,^ 

'^:5EJ 

i^'^'^'mtrmmm^^  •'"■ 

■'Am 

V-.^*"*J  ■'■>          ^^^^y|: '.  » 

?^T^^"*^ 

il 

<  -■'■■«*«#iw*«ri^_j« 

-'^mttat 

■ 

ISl':''  ■             ^mMimmUMiiiinit    My-"^- 

CASTELLO:    A    VILLArOF    THE    MEDICI    NEAR    FLORENCE. 


putes  with  her  sons  on  money  matters,  she  fled  from  it  "  for 
a  quiet  place."'  "  I  send  Your  Lordship  Maria,  Giovanni, 
Benedetto  Battista,  and  Palarino  with  my  cattle.  .  .  .  Keep 
them  yourselves  with  the  cattle,  and  send  the  slave  Maria  to 
the  service  of  my  mother  in  ]\Iilan,  and  have  no  care  for  me, 
for  the  Lord  is  with  me,  and  you  know  that  He  will  not 
abandon  me.  Have  a  care  for  your  health,  and  say  the  same 
to  the  Archbishop  (Caesar),  but  take  special  care  of  yourself, 
for  you  need  it.  Be  not  anxious  for  me,  for  things  will  soon 
be  settled  and  in  the  right  wa}'.  Castello,  die  21  Jiiiiii,  1502. 
Caterina  Sf.     Mann  pp.  a'.' 


382  CATHERINE    AND    THE    BORGIA 

This  letter  to  Octavian  was  followed  by  one  from  Fortunati. 
"  The  sincerity  with  which  I  serve  you,"  wrote  the  worthy 
canon,  "  constrains  me  to  impress  on  Your  Lordships  that 
Madonna  your  mother  has  decided  on  leaving  you  because  of 
the  bad  conduct  of  Alberto,  who  has  been  acting  on  your 
behalf.  .  .  .  The  pain  you  have  caused  her  is  scarcely 
credible,  and  it  inspires  every  one  with  the  greatest  com- 
passion for  her.  ...  I  can  do  nothing,  for  the  offence  is  so 
public  that  it  can  neither  be  endured  nor  repaired,  and  I  am 
sure  that  it  will  have  disastrous  result  unless  Your  Lordships 
do  provide  against  it,  which  you  could  do  well  personally 
or  through  the  Cardinal  (Riario)  :  otherwise  I  pray  Your 
Lordships  to  believe  that  this  will  be  a  greater  loss  and  injury 
to  you  than  the  loss  of  your  dominions  ....  I  have  in- 
structed Franceschino  Merenda  to  ask  Madonna  Bianca^  to 
send  table  linen  and  sheets,  and  the  six  forks  and  spoons  and 
other  necessaries,  so  that  the  displeasure  (of  the  Countess) 
may  be  in  part  assuaged.  But  she  has  not  stirred,  so  that 
I  cannot  think  he  gave  her  my  message:  for  Madonna  Bianca 
is  not  one  to  neglect  so  important  a  matter.  When  Scipio 
arrived  I  sent  Franceschino  to  ask  Madonna  Bianca  to  pro- 
vide for  his  sleeping  accommodation,  which  was  immediately 
done.  This  has  increased  Her  Excellency's  anger  :  not  that 
he  should  have  been  well  treated,  but  that  she  should  be  the 
only  person  to  be  excluded  from  all  sort  of  comfort  and  well- 
being.  Now  I  have  no  more  to  say,  except  to  appeal  to  the 
wisdom  of  Your  Lordships  to  put  an  end  to  this  state  of 
things  in  the  manner  which  seems  to  you  best,  and  may  God 
grant  you  take  it  sanely  and  in  good  part.  .  .  .  22iid  July, 
1501." 

On  the  same  day  Catherine  wrote  to  her  sons  as  follows  :  — 

"  lllustris  D.  et  filii  bejiedicte, 

"The  Piovano's  letter  will  have  informed  you  of  my 
needs.  First  of  all  I  wish  Maria  to  be  sent  for  and  con- 
ducted to  my  mother  .  .  .  and  if  you   return  here  bring  m}- 

'  Catherine's  daughter,  afterwards  Countess  of  .San  Secondo,  tlien  living  in 
temporary  retirement  in  a  convent,  "in  nuicii  comfort  and  ease,"  wrote  a  certain 
Alberto,  probably  her  brother's  agent. 


THE    LAST    TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  383 

mule  and  m}-  other  animals  that  are  in  the  stables  of  IMcsser 
Giovanni  da  Casale,  and  ask  Melozzo  for  an  account  of  what 
he  has  spent  in  their  maintenance,  with  that  of  my  people ; 
for  I  will  requite   him   to   the   utmost.     Bring  with  you  the 
groom  and  stableman.    I  will  not  have  Benedetto  here  again  ; 
if  you  have  any  use  for  him,  take  him  and  tell  him  that  this 
is  my  will.     If,  on   the  other  hand,  you  are  not   returning 
immediately,  send  my  mule  and  the  other  beasts  by  Melozzo 
with  the    groom   and    the  stableman.     Nicolo   can  come   for 
Maria,  take  her  to  my  mother,  and  then  return  to  you.     Your 
Lordships  will  be  so  good   as   to  attend   promptl}-  to  these 
matters,  without  reproach  to  me  if  the  cattle  have  been  sent 
to  Messer  Giovanni,  to  whom   I  did  not  send  them.      I  sent 
them  to  Your  Lordships.     You  know  (best)  who  has  been  the 
cause  of  this,  but  since  I  have  not  suffered  dishonour  except 
in   my  own  family  and   to  my  (personal)  humiliation,   I   am 
well  pleased,  for  they  (the  cattle  and  their  attendants)  have 
been  maintained  hitherto.     But  the  shame,  My  Lords,  is  that 
which  is  of  \'Our  own  making  and  (which  you)  have  permitted 
others  to  do  to  me.     Let  it  rest  with  God,  and  even  for  this 
I   have    found    a   remed}*.     I    find   myself  with  twenty-three 
mouths   to   feed  :   five   horses   and   three   mules,  all  of  which 
I  have  to  maintain  without  a  soldo  to  do  it  on.     No  one  has 
given   me  so  much  as  a  glass  of  water,  and  what  is  worse, 
neither  a  table-cloth,  napkin  nor  pair  of  sheets  wherewith  to 
provide  for  the  following  of  Messer  Scipio.     I  will  bear  this 
until  I  have  your  answer,  and  then   I  shall  know  what  to  do. 
Since  I  was  born   I  have  ne'er  been  so  hurt  nor  so  uncom- 
fortable .  .  .   God  help  me  .  .  .  God  forgive  you  .  .  ." 

There  is  another  letter  from  her  hiding-place,  in  which 
Catherine  tells  her  son  Caesar  that  "between  this  and  Castello 
I  have  to  provide  for  twenty-nine  mouths,  five  saddle-horses 
and  three  mules,  for  which  I  have  no  money,  neither  do  you 
send  me  any.  ...  I  will  put  all  my  affairs  in  order,  but  \'OU, 
as  good  sons,  should  have  told  me  yourselves,  in  good  time, 
that  you  wished  to  free  yourselves  of  me  instead  of  giving  me 
this  information  through  Alberto  and  in  such  a  manner.  .  .  ." 
Well  misrht  Guasconi  write  Octavian  :  "You  ha\'e  but  two 


384  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

friends,  your  mother  and  the  Piovano,  and  be  assured  that  had 
not  your  mother  in  person  cried  *  Help !  help ! '  to  the  Gon- 
faloniere,  absolutely  Your  Lordship  would  never  have  had  a 
copper.  You  treat  Her  Ladyship  execrably  .  .  .  you  never 
write  a  word  to  her,  and  I  fear  that  God  will  punish  you,  and 
that  she,  in  her  despair,  will  let  everything  go  to  ruin.  Should 
Her  Ladyship  lose  patience,  as  I  fear  she  must,  it  is  plain  that 
}-ou  will  be  a  ruined  man." 

While  these  humiliating  discussions  were  pending,  legal 
questions  arose  as  to  her  right  to  the  guardianship  of  Gian- 
nino  de'  Medici,  which  were  no  sooner  settled  than  Octavian 
wrote  asking  her  to  refund  moneys  due  to  him.  Her  third 
son,  Galeazzo,  never  swerved  in  duty  nor  affection  to  her : 
"  Any  little  word  of  Your  Excellency,"  he  wrote,  "  would  send 
me  from  Rome  to  Jerusalem."  A  letter  from  the  Piovano 
Fortunati  indicates  a  better  state  of  things  in  September 
1503,  but  in  the  following  year  Catherine  was  again  in  urgent 
need  of  money.  Giovanetti  advised  her  not  to  try  to  sell  her 
jewels  in  Milan,  Genoa,  Paris,  nor  Lyons,  In  Milan  there 
was  no  market,  at  Genoa  there  was  the  plague,  and  in  Paris 
and  Lyons  marriages  were  not  solemnized  in  the  prevailing 
heat.^  Yet  she  was  obliged  to  sell,  because  her  sons,  she 
averred,  had  stripped  her  of  everything.  In  a  letter  to  an 
unknown  person,  she  wishes  the  Emperor  to  be  informed 
that  peace  is  denied  to  her,  even  after  she  has  lost  her  States. 
"  If,"  she  adds,  "  our  States  should  unfortunately  pass  into 
my  sons'  hands  by  other  than  my  means,  in  truth  they  would 
have  no  more  respect  for  me  than  for  a  servant."  For  this 
reason  she  strives  to  regain  the  States  herself  for  Octavian. 
Meanwhile,  failing  to  sell  her  jewels,  she  pledged  them  to 
Pagolantonio  Soderini  for  2464  ducats. 

On  August  12,  1507,  Octavian  prays  her  to  send  him  fifty 
ducats,  or  at  least  a  piece  of  crimson  caniclot  for  a  vestment 
to  wear  on  the  occasion  of  the  Pope's  arrival,  to  send  him  the 
corniola  'the  seal)  and  his  song-book,  but,  above  all,  to  pro- 
cure for  him  the  much-coveted  Red  Hat.  He  also  begs  her 
to  give  him  frequent  news  of  Germany,  "because  our  Most 

^  Doc.  1263. 


s^ 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  385 

Reverend  Monsignor  often  asks  me  :  Bene  doitiine  Episcope, 
Madonna  ve  scrive  niente  de  le  cose  de  li  Todeschi?^  and  I 
know  not  what  to  say  and  stand  there  Hke  a  fool."  In  March 
1508,  he  had  "a  bestial  creditor,  who  made  of  no  yes,  and 
of  yes  no  .  .  .  and  he  prayed  Madonna,  his  beloved  mother, 
to  ease  his  shoulders  of  this  burden,"  also  to  find  him  "a 
trustworthy  Vicar"  (naming  his  conditions),  and  to  send  him 
the  great  song- book  in  which  are  written  all  the  things  of 
the  Holy  Week,  that  he  may  learn  them  in  time.  Above 
all,  he  entreats  her  to  remember  him  when  the  friend  (the 
Emperor)  shall  arrive  in  Italy  ...  to  get  for  him  (Octavian) 
if  possible  "that  Red  Thing,  which  will  be,  whether  you  will 
or  no,  more  yours  than  mine  :  for  if  you  will  have  none  of 
me,  I  have  need  of  you,  and  will  never  fail  in  the  duties  of 
a  good  son  to  you."  He  concludes  by  recommending  to  her 
his  natural  daughter,  Cornelia. 

The  lawsuit  with  the  House  of  Medici  ended  in  favour  of 
Catherine,  with  an  "  eulogy "  pronounced  by  Girolamo  da 
Pagolo  Bencivieni  on  the  dissensions  and  respective  rights 
of  Pierfrancesco  di  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  Madonna  Caterina 
Sforza  and  Giovanni  di  Giovanni  de'  Medici  her  son.  Lorenzo 
had,  for  reasons  of  his  own,  withheld  from  Catherine  large 
sums  of  money  due  to  her  as  guardian  of  Giannino,  and  dis- 
puted her  right  to  this  guardianship.  The  legal  question 
which  arose  was :  Did  Catherine  forfeit  her  civil  rights  on 
becoming  a  prisoner  of  the  Pope .''  The  reply  was :  No 
because  her  imprisonment  was  illegal. 

Catherine  wrote  to  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  asking  for  his 
protection  and  that  of  Giovanni  Gonzaga,  his  brother,  who 
was  then  in  Germany,  whom  she  prayed  to  "  lay  her  affairs 
before  His  Imperial  Majesty  and  the  Most  Christian  Queen." 
A  little  later  Luigi  Ciocha,  a  partisan  of  Catherine's,  wrote 
to  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  praying  him  to  "favour  her  in 
her  struggle  with  Lorenzino  de'  Medici,  who  withheld  from 
her  many  thousand  ducats  and  the  guardianship  of  her  infant 
son,  son  to  the  Magnifico  Giovanni,  so  that  Lorenzino  may 

^  "Well,  my  Lord  Bishop,  does  Madonna  write  you  naught  of  the  affairs  of 
Germany  ? " 

C  C 


386  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

not  keep  from  her  that  which  is  hers,  and  may  cease  to  do 
injury  to  her,  as  heretofore."  These  letters  date  from  the 
year  1503,  one  of  Catherine's  most  unhappy  years. 

"Fear  not  but  that  God  will  help  you,"  wrote  the  worthy 
Fortunati,  "and  leave  all  to  me,  for  this  child  moves  me  to 
do  more  than  I  could  have  imagined,  if  only  for  the  love  of 
the  blessed  dead,  who  loved  you  so  well.  And  believe  that 
I  am  unconscious  of  any  slight,  either  on  Your  Excellency's 
part  or  on  that  of  others  .  .  .  and  that  I  am  your  devoted 
servant."  Meanwhile  Lorenzo,  either  by  force  or  treachery, 
succeeded  in  taking  the  child  from  Catherine  and  so  getting 
him  into  his  own  hands.  Catherine  had  again  recourse  to 
law,  whence  it  resulted  that  an  uncle  could  not  be  at  the 
same  time  heir  and  guardian  of  his  nephew,  and  the  child  was 
restored  to  his  mother. 

But  Catherine  realized  that  even  in  her 'arms  her  child  was 
not  safe  from  the  nefarious  designs  of  Lorenzo,  who  had 
spent  a  great  part  of  his  brother's  heritage,  a  breach  of  trust 
which  could  not  fail  to  be  discovered  if  the  boy  were  per- 
mitted to  come  to  full  age.  To  avoid  public  scandal  and 
the  reprisals  of  his  nephew,  Lorenzo  would  not  hesitate  to 
again  steal  him  from  his  mother,  and  Catherine,  who  knew 
that  his  life  was  in  danger,  speedily  conveyed  him,  with  some 
female  attendants,  to  the  educational  convent  of  Annalena. 
For  eight  months  the  great  captain  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
like  another  Achilles  in  Scyros,  wore  girl's  clothes  and 
remained  in  the  care  of  these  nuns,  to  whom  when  he  came 
to  man's  estate  he  substantially  proved  his  gratitude.  This 
is  the  origin  of  the  many  favours  granted  to  the  nuns  of 
Annalena  by  future  Grand-Dukcs  and  Duchesses  of  Tuscany. 

From  the  day  in  which  Lorenzo  had  lost  his  case  and  been 
obliged  to  restore  Giannino  to  his  mother,  he  not  only  lost 
the  hope  of  enriching  himself  at  the  child's  expense,  but  the 
consideration  of  his  fellow-citizens,  to  whom  his  nefarious 
designs  had  become  known.  So  great  was  his  despair  at 
the  loss  of  his  fair  fame  that  he  fell  ill  of  it  and  died.  The 
death  of  Lorenzo  is  the  last  dramatic  incident  in  the  life  of 
Catherine,  who  returned  to  Castcllo  with  Giannino  and  there 


THE    LAST    TROUBLES    AND    THE    END  387 

devoted  the  peaceful  close  of  her  life  "to  training  him 
(Giannino,  the  future  Giovanni  dalle  Bande  Nere)  in  every 
virtue  and  surrounding  him  with  masters  who  could  accustom 
him  to  all  those  exercises  suitable  to  his  rank."  ^  In  which 
love's  labour  was  partly  lost;  "for  the  sturdy  boy  cared 
little  for  letters,  but  from  his  childhood  upwards  only  for 
riding,  swimming  and  those  exercises  that  best  become  a 
man  of  war.  .  .  ."  The  boy  was  indocile  and  passionate, 
but  of  an  affectionate  and  generous  nature,  and  Catherine 
exulted  in  him.  Heaven  had  listened  to  her  prayer :  a  new 
Sforza  had  sprung  from  her  womb.  Catherine  wrote  to  a 
former  officer  of  hers,  a  certain  Baccino  da  Cremona,  that  at 
last  her  child  had  been  given  back  to  her  whole  and  hearty ; 
would  he  (Baccino)  "  find  a  small  and  beautiful  saddlehorse 
(pony)  for  him  who  was  all  fire,  arms  and  horses  ? "  Baccino 
replied  :  "  So  you  have  recovered  your  child  !  I  could  not  be 
happier  if  my  father  were  resuscitated,  and  it  is  the  same 
with  all  the  condotticri  who  are  in  camp.  The  day  that  your 
letter  arrived  the  Commissioner  did  not  eat  for  joy.  .  .  .  We 
will  look  for  the  horse  among  the  condotticri,  and  whoever 
has  (what  we  want)  will  be  pleased  to  place  it  at  our  service."  '^ 

Catherine,  who  was  determined  that  her  son  should  be  a 
typical  prince  of  the  Renascence,  knew  that  strength  and 
valour  alone  would  not  suffice  to  endow  him,  and  from  1505 
sought  learned  tutors  for  him,  far  and  wide.  Among  many 
letters  on  this  subject  there  is  a  curious  one  from  a  butcher. 
Maestro  V'incenzo  da  Sassuolo,  once  in  Catherine's  service, 
recommending  her  "a  gentleman  to  instruct  her  little 
child  ...  a  man  of  about  thirt}'-five,  of  a  fine  presence  and 
very  well  apparelled,  so  that  on  only  looking  on  him  it  is  easy 
to  divine  that  he  comes  of  gentle  blood  and  is  more 
accustomed  to  having  dependants  of  his  own  than  being  de- 
pendent himself."^ 

This  gentleman  who  for  "certain  misfortunes  of  his  own" 
sought  a  home  far  from  his  birthplace,  "  where  the  air  did  not 

^  Vita  de  Giovanni  Medici,  by  Gian  Girolamo  Rossi,  Bishop  of  Pavia  and  son 
of  Catherine's  daughter  Bianca,  Countess  of  San  Secondo. 
-  Doc.  1312.  •'  Doc.  1314. 


388  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

agree  with  him,"  so  highly  recommended  in  September,  either 
did  not  go  to  Castello  or  stayed  there  but  a  short  time  ;  for  on 
the  4th  of  the  following  December  a  certain  Ser  Bartolomeo 
Massaconi  wrote  to  the  Piovano  Fortunati,  that  he  was  ready 
to  go  there  but  that  he  would  not  bind  himself  to  always 
live  under  the  roof  of  the  Countess.  He  would  stay  there 
when  it  suited  him,  and  therefore  would  have  a  room  set  aside 
for  his  use.  He  promises  to  ride  with  the  boy  and  in  every 
way  adequately  perform  the  duties  of  a  tutor  to  him.  But  if  he 
is  to  be  treated  like  his  predecessors,  "we  will  let  the  matter 
drop,  for  I  am  accustomed  to  be  treated  like  a  pet  sparrow,  and 
to  suffer  little  inconvenience  except  what  I  bring  upon 
myself."  ^  Ser  Bartolomeo  had  heard  that  former  tutors  had 
eaten  with  the  servants  and  endured  much  discomfort,  even  to 
sleeping  on  mattresses  and  with  the  dependents  of  the  villa. 
Ser  Bartolomeo  cannot  have  stayed  there  long,  because  on 
December  30,  1507,  Serristori  wrote  Fortunati  ^  from  Rome 
that  he  was  looking  for  a  tutor  for  Giannino,  then  in  his 
tenth  year,  but  that  it  was  difficult  to  find  one  worthy  of  the 
trust.  "  You  know,"  he  wrote,  "  how  plentiful  are  rogues,  and 
if  this  preceptor  be  not  good  beyond  the  average  and  in 
every  sense  of  the  word,  he  cannot  possibly  be  a  member  of 
Madonna's  household."  In  this  Serristori  differs  from  Ser 
Bartolomeo.  The  hard  necessity  of  war  and  politics  had 
brought  Catherine  in  contact  with  men  of  diverse  calibre,  she 
had  met  with  cowards  and  traitors  (such  as  Achilles  Tiberti) ; 
but  all  those  who  enjoyed  her  personal  confidence  were  (like 
the  Piovano  h^ortunati)  good  and  honourable  men.  Catherine, 
mindful  of  her  past  sovereignty,  determined  to  make  of  her 
son  a  man  capable  of  ruling  States  and  leading  armies. 
During  his  childhood,  the  future  Captain  of  the  Black  Bands 
had  never  feared  nor  obeyed  any  one  but  her,  "  so  that  when 
Catherine,  his  mother,  was  dead,  there  was  no  one  who  could 
correct  nor  admonish  him."^ 


1  Doc.  1312. 

''  Serristori  adds  that  on  the  day  he  wrote  the  cannons  of  .St.   Angelo  were 
l)eing  fired  in  honour  of  a  Portuguese  victory  in  the  island  of  Ceylon. 
•'  Gian  Girolanio  Rossi.     Vita  cii  Giovautn  Medic/. 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES   AND   THE    END  389 

That  time  was  fast  approaching,  for  Catherine's  days  were 
numbered.  In  June  1508  her  foot  caused  her  suffering  and 
her  robust  constitution  showed  signs  of  beginning  to  give  waj^. 
In  April  1509  she  was  very  ill,  and  reported  to  be  dying,  but 
recovered  and  believed  herself  to  be  cured. 

Octavian  Riario  wrote  from  Viterbo  to  Fortunati  complain- 
ing that  he  had  not  been  written  to  "when  Madonna  my 
mother  was  at  the  point  of  death."  Ludovico  Albertini,  a 
chemist  of  Forli,  wrote  affectionately  to  the  Countess,  asking 
her  for  news  of  her  health.  Bishop  Sebastiano  of  Galeata 
wrote  to  Fortunati  that  having  heard  that  both  he  and  the 
Countess  were  dead,  he  had  vowed  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  Madonna  of  Loreto  if  the  report  were  to  prove  unfounded. 
He  not  only  heard  that  Catherine  was  alive  and  well  but  that 
she  contemplated  a  pilgrimage  to  that  shrine,  in  which  he 
offered  to  accompany  her.^ 

But  in  May,  to  the  dismay  of  her  dependents,  she  was 
again  ill.  Prayers  were  offered  in  the  Church  of  Trebbio,  and 
Ludovico  Vaini,  her  factor  at  Trebbio,  wrote  anxiously  to 
Fortunati  for  news  of  Madonna,  for  whose  recovery  he  would 
have  masses  said.  Meanwhile  the  illness  made  rapid  strides 
until,  ten  days  later,  Catherine  lay  on  her  death-bed  in  her 
house  in  Florence.  The  two  physicians  who  attended  her 
had  tortured  her  up  to  then  by  applications  of  boiling 
plasters,  according  to  the  custom  of  their  day.  But  Catherine 
could  not  endure  more  pain,  and  feeling  that  although  her 
mind  was  perfectly  clear  she  was  losing  strength,  she  expressed 
a  wish  to  make  her  will.  Ser  Pietro  del  Serra,  notary,  was 
brought  to  her  bedside,  and  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  three 
citizens,  she  dictated  her  last  wishes. 

Catherine  Sforza  recommended  her  soul  to  Almighty  God, 
to  the  Virgin  and  the  Saints  of  Paradise,  and  her  body  to 
the  Convent  of  Santa  Maria  delle  Murate.  Her  funeral  was 
to  be  devoid  of  pomp  and  its  expenses  limited  to  mere 
necessaries. 

As  a  citizen  of  Florence  she  set  aside  a  legacy  towards  the 
building  of  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore  and  the  reconstruction  of 

1  Doc.  1349. 


39° 


CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 


the  walls.  She  charged  Fortunati  to  have  looo  masses 
said  for  the  repose  of  her  soul,  in  Florence,  within  two  months 
of  her  death,  and  founded  a  yearly  and  perpetual  service  of 
thirty  masses  to  be  celebrated  in  the  oratory  of  the  Murate, 
with  alms  for  the  nuns.  She  requested  Giovanni  de'  Medici, 
her  son,  to  pay  2000  gold  florins  to  her  grandchild  Cornelia, 
natural  daughter  of  Octavian,  Bishop  of  Viterbo,  on  her  mar- 
riage, and  meanwhile  to  maintain  her  at  the  Convent  delle 
Murate.  Should  she  become  a  nun  her  dower  would  only  be  of 
three  hundred  florins.    To  pay  1000  gold  florins  to  her  grand- 


MARIA   SALVIATI    DE     MEDICI. 


child  Julia,  legitimate  daughter  of  her  son  Galeazzo,  to  main- 
tain her  till  her  marriage  at  the  Murate,  and  in  the  event  of 
her  taking  the  veil  to  give  her  only  three  hundred  florins. 
To  Cornelia  and  Julia  were  bequeathed  the  chests  of  linen 
deposited  for  safe  custody  with  the  Sisters  of  the  Murate, 
both  the  chests  and  their  contents  to  be  handed  over  to  their 
future  husbands.  Fortunati  and  Giacomo  Salviati  were 
appointed  the  executors  of  this  legacy.  A  dower  was  set 
aside  for  her  maid  Giovanna,  "daughter  to  the  Signora 
Cecilia,"  and  for  another  surnamed  the  Morctta,  the  sum  to 
be  deposited  in  the  Monte  di  J^icta  of  Florence.  At  this 
point,  almost   with    her  last  breath,   the   Countess  signed    to 


THE    LAST   TROUBLES   AND    THE    END 


391 


Giacomo  Salviati  to  come  nearer,  and  implored  him  to  send 
the  girls  to  their  homes  and  keep  them  there  till  the  day  of 
their  marriage.  She  also  charged  Salviati  to  give  a  remem- 
brance of  her  to  her  trusty  servant  Baccino  and  to  settle  all 
Fortunati's  accounts,  leaving  to  the  latter  her  books,  letters, 
public  and  private  documents,  with  power  to  do  with  them  as 
he  thought  best,  "  even  to  tearing  them  to  bits."  To  Carlo 
(Bernardino)  her  son  by  her  second  husband,  now  in  his 
twenty-first  year,  she  left  2000  gold  florins. 

To  Giovanni,  son  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  her  third  husband. 


■'-W'^^ 


MKDICI    CASTLE,    FLORENCE. 

2.  House  of  Giovanni  da  Lutiano. 

3.  Ancient  House  of  the  Medici,  where  Catherine  Sforza  died. 

she  bequeathed  all  her  real  and  landed  estate,  "and  because 
the  testatrix  earnestly  desires  her  beloved  son  to  grow  in 
modesty  and  gentleness,  according  to  the  manner  of  his 
country,"  she  confided  him  to  Fortunati  and  Salviati  and 
willed  that  they  watch  over  his  education  until  he  should 
have  attained  his  eighteenth  year.  She  desired  that  he  might 
marry  as  early  as  possible.^  If,  despite  the  counsel  of 
Fortunati  and  Salviati,  Giovanni  should  not  fulfil  his  mother's 

^  He  married  Maria,  daughter  of  Giacomo  Salviati,  whose  son  was  tlie  first 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany ;  see  portrait,  p.  35,  Vol.  ii. 


392  CATHERINE   AND    THE    BORGIA 

wishes,  or  should  die  without  offspring,  the  property  left  to 
him  would  be  v^estcd  in  the  Guild  of  Exchange  and  a  convent 
founded  and  endowed  with  the  income  of  this  property  and 
dowers  provided  therefrom  for  poor  maidens.  To  Giovanni 
Catherine  also  left  her  slave  Mora  Bona. 

To  Galeazzo  Riario  she  bequeathed  the  Castle  of  Bosco, 
given  to  her  father,  Duke  Galeazzo,  as  part  of  her  marriage- 
portion.  Should  Galeazzo  die  without  leaving  an  heir  his 
brother  Sforza  would  inherit  from  him  ;  failing  an  heir  to 
Sforza,  Castel  del  Bosco  would  go  to  his  half-brother  Giovanni. 

To  Octavian,  Bishop  of  Viterbo,  C?esar,  Archbishop  of  Pisa, 
Galeazzo  Sforza  Riario,  Catherine  bequeathed  all  other 
property  of  which  she  died  possessed  outside  the  dominion 
of  Florence. 

When  this  testament  had  been  read  to  her  and  she  had 
declared  it  to  be  "  in  truth  her  last  will  and  testament,"  the 
tolling  of  the  bell  of  San  Lorenzo  announced  to  the  Floren- 
tines that  the  agony  of  Madonna  d'Imola  had  begun,  and 
many  citizens,  according  to  the  pious  custom  of  their  day, 
assembled  their  families  within  their  houses,  or  in  the  various 
churches,  to  pray  that  in  that  dark  hour  God  would  stand  by 
her  who  "  had  ever  placed  the  poor  by  the  side  of  the  rich."  ^ 

^  Bernard!,  wlio,  in  describing  the  autopsy,  indicates  that  the  cause  of  death  was 
pleurisy  complicated  by  peritonitis.  "Her  Excellency  gave  up  her  spirit  to  God  on 
May  28  (1509),  being  about  forty-two  years  of  age  (she  was  forty-six),  tall  of 
stature  and  very  well  proportioned,  with  a  fair  and  fine  complexion,  great  eyes 
and  white  hair." 


INDEX 


AcUTO,  slaughter  of,  7 

Adriano,  Messer,  341 

Albertini,  Ludovico,  389 

Albret,   Charlotte  d',  of  Navarre,  262, 

272 
Aldobrandini,  Ser  Giacomo,  226 
Aldrovandi,  Benedetto,  213,  217,  248 
Alegre,  Yves,  275,  307,  308,  311,  327, 

328,  329,  333,  334,  336,   337,   356, 

360,  362,  364,  366.  369 
Alfon--o  of  Aragon,  94.     Sre  Calabria, 

Duke  of 
Alidosi,  Bertrando,  377 

Cardinal,  377 

Alopo,  Pandolfo,  8 
Alviano,  Bartolomo  d',  243 
Andrea,  Giovan,  of  Savona,  172 
Annalena,  Nuns  of,  386 
Appiani,  Milan  envoy,  62 
Aragon,  House  of,  180 

Aries,  Archbishop  of,  204,  205 
Armour,  woman's,  312,  313 
Assassination    as   viewed   in   sixteenth 

century,  354 
Aste,  Paolo  dall',  194,  282,  298 
Attendolo-Sforza  of  Cotignola,  3 
Attendolo,  Giacomo.     See  Sforza 
■  Giovanni,  of  the,  5 

family,  6 

d'Aubigny.     Sec'  D'Aubigny 
Autun,  Jean  d',  322,  324 

Babone,  Matteo,  161,  163 
Baccino,  Messer,  341,  391 
Bagnacavallo,  Don  Domenico  da,  191, 

193,  195 
Bagno,  Count  Guido  di,  133 
Bagnolo,  Peace  of,  76,  77 
Balatrone,  Christopher,  350 
Baldraccani,   Antonio,   248,   254,    258, 

259,  260,  327 
Barbiano  (or  Balbiano),  Alberigo  da,  3,  7 
Bartolomeo,  of  Bologna,  308 
Battista,  of  Savona,  141,  157 
Battista,  Giovan,  of  Imola,  341 
Bembo,  Bernardo,  65 


Bentivoglio,  the,  370,  377,  378 

Ginevra,  375 

Giovanni,  of  Bologna,   118,    134, 

135.  13S,  I39>  140,  141,  i53>  156,  157, 
164,  166,  168,  202,  203,  204,  206,  212, 
217,  222,  235,  242,  284,  298 

Hannibal,  97 

Hercules,  338,  371 

Ippolita,  378 

Bernardi,  Andrea,  50,  98,  103,  104,  124, 
126,  129,  148,  150,  151,  156,  181, 
1S4,  192,  201,  225,  22S,  279,  293, 
.300,  303,  315,  319,  321,  336,  392 

Bibbiena,  Dovizi,  182 

Biordo  of  Perugia,  7 

Bissey,  Antoine  de,  Bailli  of  Dijon,  307, 

326,  328,  332,  333,  334,  360 
Black  Bands,  the,  270 
Bologna,  33,  142,  378 

Bona  of  Savoy,  Duchess  of  Milan,  17, 
iS,  21,  22,  24,  28,  31,  32,  40,  51,  52, 
53.  362 

Bonaccorsi,  Biagio,  261 

Bonoli,  the  historian,  326 

Borgia,  Cffisar  (Dukeof  Valentino),  179, 
220,  250,  251,  262,  265,  266,  269, 
271,  272,  275,  276,  278,  284,  285, 
286,  289,  290,  291,  297,  298,  301, 
302,   303,   304,    305,    308,   310,    323, 

327,  328,  330.  337,  338,  339,  355. 
359, 360,  364,  365,  369, 371,  376,  392 

Charlotte,  his  wife.     See  d' Albret 

Giovanni,  Cardinal,  302,  303 

Lucretia,  220,  221,  239,  275,  359, 

372 

Piero,  Duke  of  Candia,  271 

Cardinal  Rodrigo,  51,   179.     See 

also  Pope  Alexander  VI. 

the,  277,  354,  355,  360,  370 

Bosi,  Galeotto  de,  246,  247,  259 
■  Pietro,  197 

Bossi,  Lorenzo  (Fra  Lauro),  Oialor  of 
Milan,  36,  37,  39,  225,  341.  342,  356 
Bracceschi,  defeat  of  the,  10,  1 1 
Bracci  (or   Braccio),    Alessandro,    340, 
341,  343,  361 


393 


394 


INDEX 


Biambilla,  Count  Gio,  of  Bergamo,  153, 

154,  155,  156,  157,  158 
Bioccardi,  G.  B.  de,  203 
Broglio  of  Chieri,  7 
Bruchello,  Maestro,  218 
Bubano,  Foit,  218,  219 
Bugado,  Anton,  213,  214 
Burckhardt's  diary,  339,  355 
Burriel,  Abbe,  xi,   281,  305,  31 1,  316, 

326,  369 
Butrighelli,  Antonio,  94 

Caglianello  of  Schiavonia,  197 
Caiazzo,  Count  of.     See  Sanseverino 
Calabria,  Dukes  of,  54,  69,  70,  75,  94, 

96,  1S2,  183,  184,  186 
Calco,  Battista,  52 
Calderini,  the,  173 
Calmeta,  \'incenzo,  273 
Campo  ^lorto,  70,  94 
Canigiani,  Antonio,  275 
Capoferri,   Bart  ,    121,    146,    147,    151, 

166,  167 

tiie  younger,  282 

Carcano,  JNIicliael,  16 

Carpi,  Giovanni  da,  327 

Casale,  Giovanni  da,  239,  248-9,  254, 

257,  260,  262,  270,  317,  318,  319,  321, 

323,  326,  383 
Castello,  Villa,  381,  386 
Castelnuovo,  200 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  73,  78,  79,  80,  8;^, 

84,  343,  348,  356,  358,  364,  365,  370, 

388 
Castrocaio,  Bello,  1S8 
Castrocaro,  135,  226,  244 
Cerretani,  80 

Cesena,  138,  204.  205,  275,  334,  335 
Charles  VIII  ,  180,  185,  186,  200,  211, 

216,  222,  280,  290,  372 
Chelini,  Dr.  Andrea,  90 
Cibo,  Franceschetto,  137 
Cardinal,  82,  83.     See  also  Pope 

Innocent  VIII. 
Cicognano  of  Castrocaro,  200 
Ciocha,  Luigi,  385 
Cobelii,   Leone,  59,  89,  91,    100,    loi, 

103,   108,    109,    117,   118,    125,    J29, 

143,  148,  149,  161,  162,  172,  186,  193, 

212 
Codronchi,  Innoccnzo,  99,  100,101,  102 
Coin,  Catherine  .Sforza'scopper,  281,283 
Coins  of  the  Kiario,  60 
Colonna,  Lorenzo,  72,  73 
Colonna,  the,  58,  72,  73,  76,  81,  83,  85 
Conii)agnoni,  Marsilio,  357 
Coiiclottieri,  3,  7,  8,  57,  153 
Contessa,  Castello  ciclla,  219 
Corbi/i,  Corbizzo,  215,  244,  245 
Corbiz/i,  letters  of,  135 


Corio,  Bernardino,  28,  29,  53 
Corradino,  Giovanni,  224 

•  Governor,  279 

Corte,  Bernardino  da,  267 
Cotignola,  5,  9,  11 
Cremona,  14,  75,  319 

Dalamasa,  Giovanni,  373 
D'Aubigny,  Count,  185,  329,  360 
Del  Maino,  Milanese  writer,  179 
Denti,  Alberico,  155 

Francesco,  121,  146,  166 

Paolo,  192,  198 

Dijon,  Bailli  of.     Sec  Bissey 
Dozzi,  Fort  of,  288 

Earthquake  of  Santa  Chiara,  75 
Ercolani,  Francesco,  125,  126,  128 

• •  Ludovico,  118,  148,  166,  296,  297, 

298 
Este,  Luca  d',  125,  127 
•  House  of,  64 

Faenza,  87,  200,  202,   203,   230,   234, 

235,  27s,  361 
Farnese,  Count  Ranuccio,  234 
Feo,  Bernardino,  369,  391 

Caesar,  177 

Corradino,  no,  1 15,  1 16,  118,128 

Giacomo,  174,   175.  176-77,  180, 

181,    1S2,   185,   188,   189,   190,    191, 
193,  213,  214,  218,  321 

Guiliano,  103 

Tommaso,     castellane    at    Forli, 

loi,    118,    122,    123,    125,    128,    151, 
157,  172,  173,  174,  175,  184,  194 

Ferrara,  66,  142 

Duke  Hercules  of,  63,  64,  66,  69, 

266 

-  Duke  of,  171,  287,  359 
Filicaja,  Berto  da,  272 
Fiorentino,  Giorgio,  54 

Florence  and  the  Florentines,  22,  23, 
50,  51,  85,  180,  181,  186,  189,  207, 
214,  215,  218,  222,  224,  231,  232, 
234,  235,  237,  241,  242,  243,  249, 
251-  253,  255,  257,  259,  266,  268, 
269,   272,   278,  281,  309,  311,  327, 

33i>  351.  355.  368,  370,  374 
Forli,  town    and   state    of,   53,   57-62, 
75-  76,  83,  85,  86,  87,  lOi,  103,  105, 
120,   136,    138,   13Q,    144,    149,    172, 
178,  179,213,218,373,  374,376,378 

its    history,    294 ;    surrenders   to 

Borgia,  295-99 

Castle.     See  Ravaldino 

Council  of  Eight,  133,  139,  141, 

142,  166 

Court  of,  89 

Dome  of,  159-60 


INDEX 


395 


Forli,  taxes  of,  S9  97,    105,    107,    109, 

167-8,  178,  297 
Foilimpopoli    fortress,    14I,    157,    167, 

177.  291,  336 
Fortunati,  Piovano,  238,  241,  246,  250, 

251,  252,    260,   269,  346,  365,  370, 

382,  386,  388,  389,  390,  391 
France,  214,  215,  216,  217,  251,   257, 

273,  334,  359>  361 
Franceschetto,  88 
Francesco,  Lorenzo  di  Pier,  260 
Frascati,  74 
French  army,  184,  265,  278,  290,  327, 

356-57,  362,  365 
French  captains'  banquet!^,  311-13 

Galasso,  Matteo,  129,  167 
Galasso's  house,  152 
Genoa,  23 

Germany,  Bianca- Maria,  Empress  of, 
307,  310,  348,  372 

Sec  Maximilian 

Cihetti,  Domenico,  191 

Gian  Antonio,  175,  191,  193,  194, 

195,  196 

Rosaria,  194 

Giacomo,  Giovan,  327 
Giovanetti,  Antenore,  374,  378 
Giovio,  8,  9 

Gonzaga,  Dorothea,  17 

Francesco,   Marquis    of   Mantua, 

277,  368 

Gabriella,  23 

Giovanni,  385 

Gian  Francesco,  206,  220 

Rudolph,    Marquis    of    Mantua, 

164 

archives,  347 

Gratti,  Carlo,  153,  154,  155,  157 

Griffone,  Gian,  149,  152 

Grumello,  311 

Guicciardini,    Ludovico,   57 ;    his  Hore 

di  recreationc,  129 
Guidoguerra,  Count  of  Chiaggiolo,  200, 

202,  204,  205 
Guidotto,  282 
Guriolo,  143 

Hawkswood,  Sir  John,  7 
Hercolano,  Ludovico,  127 
Hercules,  Duke.     Sec  Ferrara 

Ilario,  Fra,  197 

Imola,  county  and  town  of,  24,  25,  t,},, 
50,  54,  62,  66,  75,  83,  85,  87,  97, 
98,  102,  105,  112,  158,  159,  166, 
167,  172,  173,  177,  213,  219,  231, 
242,  371,  372,  373.  375.  376,  377. 
378 

taxes  of,  278,  281,  282 


Isabel  of  Aragon,  Duchess  of  Milan, 
180,  185,  186,  268 

Jews,  the,  141,  147,  173,  296,  302 
Joan,  Queen.     Sec  Naples 

Lampugnani,  G.  A.,  26,  29,  30 
Landriani,    Giovanni,    142,    143,    141:, 

153.  154.  155 

Giov.  Pietro,  177,  278,  287,  290 

Lucretia,  21,  24,  98 

Pietro,  177 

Stella,  98,  116,  118,  123,  130,  139 

Lanfredini,  Giovanni,  138 

Lanti,  Siennese  Orator,  72,  73,  82,  84 

Lauro,  Fra.     Sec  Bossi,  Lorenzo 

Laziosi,  Angelo,  320 

League  of  the  Pope,  France,  and  Venice, 
272 

Lega,  the,  50,  142,  207,  214 

Ligny,  Count  de,  185 

Lorqua,  Remiro  de,  335 

Louis  XIL  of  France,  265,  266,  267, 
268,  272,  273,  275,  280,  307,  322, 
326,  333,  348,  359,  364,  372 

Luiigara,  house  of  the  Riario,  74,  81 

Macliiavelli,  Xicolo,  23,  47,  102,  131, 
225,  244,  245,  252,  254,  258,  259, 
260,   261,   262,    266,   272,   275,  328, 

330>  355.  357,  369,  370 

's  Art  of  IVar,  318 

Malatesta,  Pandolfo,  275 

Malatesta  of  Rimini,  Robert,  69,    70, 

71,  72,  142 
Maldenti,  Maso,  133 
Manfredi,  Astorre,  l^ord  of  Faenza,  24, 

200,   201,   204,   223,   234,    245,   275. 

356 

Francesca,  168 

Galeotto,  135,  168 

Octavian,  200,  234,  244,  245,  246 

Taddeo,  Lord  of  Faenza,  86,  87 

Mangianti,  Bernardo,  193 

^Lantua,  ]\Lirquis  of,  142,  380,  385  ;  ami 

see  Gonzaga 
Marca,  Giacomo  della,  8 
Marcobelli,  Barth.,  168 

the,  132,  189,  191,  195,  197 

Marino,  72,  73 

Martinelli  of  Cesena,  205 
Martinengho,  Barth.,  192 
Marullo  of  Constantinople,  280,  320 
Mauruzzi,  Count  Gian  F.,  66 
Maximilian,  King  of  the  Romans,  265, 
269  ;  Emp_eror  of  Germany,  310,  337, 

359.  372,  379,  3S4 
Mazzolani,  the,  191 
Medici,  Cardinal  (afterwards  Leo  X.), 

3^3 


396 


INDEX 


Medici,   Giovanni,  206,  208,   211,  281, 

293.     See  Popolano 
■  Giovanni    (son    of  above).      See 

Nere 

Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  22,  25, 

50,  51,  64,  65,  67,  68,  82,  85,  87, 
88,  98,  107,  108,  III,  112,  134,  135, 
136,  137,  186,  211 

Lorenzo  (nephew  of  above),  21 1, 

225,  235,  236-37,  241,  245,  251,  270, 
27«.  309,  369,  381,  385.  386 

Maddalena,  88 

Piero    de',    iSo,    182,    183,    188, 

211,  222,  231 

the,  226 

Meldola,  Battista  da,  350 

Meleto,  Count  Carlo  Pian  di,  133 

Mellini,  Cardinal,  32 

Menghi,  Matteo,  Archdeacon  of  Forli, 

64,  65 
Milan,  City  and  Duchy  of,  12,  14,  15, 

24,  26,   28,   50,   73,   79,   82,   97,   98, 

133,  266,  267,  272,  275 

Dul<es  of.     See  Moro,  Sforza,  ami 

Visconti ;  also  Bona  Duchess 

Milanese  army,  149-50,  151,  154,  166 
Mirandola,  Antonio  della,  96 
INIocenigo,  Doge  G. ,  64 
Molfetta,  Cardinal  (Cibo),  82.    See  Pope 

Innocent  VIII. 
Monsignani,  Evangelista,  of  Imola,  324, 

329 

Montana,  Carlo,  26 

Monte  di  Fi'eta,  163,  173 

Moiiiefeltro,  Giovanna  of,  377 

.Mordano,  Castle  of,  182,  1S3 

Moro,  Ludovico  il,  52,  98,  179,  180, 
185,  201,  203,  204,  205,  206,  207, 
214,  215,  218,  220,  225,  229,  230, 
231,  232,  233,  234,  240,  241,  242, 
250,  252,  254,  256,  257,  260,  265, 
266,  267,  268,  290,  308,  320,  337, 
340,  358 

Mitrale,  Abbess  of  the,  270,  277 

Muratori,  the  writer,  276 

Naldi,  Dionisio  (or  Dionigi),  244,  246, 
257,  259,  278,  284,  285,  286,  287, 
288,  327 

V  incenzo,  200,  222,  244 

Naples,  142,  180 

Kings  of,  48,  50,  63,  69,  75,  102, 

179,  180,  181,  182,  186 

King  I'rederic  of,  266,  267,  290 

King  Ladisiaus,  8 

Louis  of  Anjou,  King  of,  10 

Queen  Joan  of,  8,  1 1 

Nardini,  Cardinal,  72 
Navarre,  King  of,  266 
Nepotism  of  Kcnnc,  47 


Nere  (Ludovico  Medici),  Giovanni  delle 
Bande,  165,  217,  226,  257,  258,  270, 
346,   364,  369,    380,    381,   385,   386, 

387.  390,  391 
Nino  of  the  Rofti,  103 
Nobilta  (f  Italia,  Zazzera's,  6 
Novello,  Giovanni,  105 
Numai,  Bishop  Alex.,  58 

Andrea,  315 

Francesco,  149,  156,  158,   162 

Luffo,   129,  226,  246,    293,    300, 

329,  330 

Ogliati,  G.,  27,  29,  30,  31 

Oliva,    Falno,    xi,   132,    285,   291,   324, 

353 

G.  B.,  132 

Orcioli,      Tommaso    degli,     148,     149, 

154,    156 

the,  189,  190,  191,  195,  197 

Ordelaffi,  Antonio  Maria  degli,  94,  103, 

171,    172,    173,    178,   223,    228,    235, 

374 

Pmo,  91,  303 

House  of,   53,   66,   67,    76,    137, 

144,  294 

Oriolo,  Gabriele  del  Pico  d',  288 
Orleans,  House  of,  180 
Orselli,  Lorenzo,  129 
Orsi,  Agamemnon,  116,  150 

Andrea,  131,  132,  147,   150,  152, 

162-63,  165 

Checco,  108,   109,  no,  III,  117, 

118,    127,    131,    135,   139,  140,    144, 
147,  201 

Ludovico,  64,  90,  107,   108,  109, 

116,    117,   123,   127,    131,   133,    141, 
144,   146,   147,  201 

the,    109,     112,    117,    118,    119, 

121,  125,   126,    128,    137,    139,  141, 
144,  147,  155,  157,  291,  363 

Orsini,  Cardinal,  39,  359 

Ludovico,  Count  of  Pitigliano,i42 

• Paolo,  58,  79,  80 

Virginio,  69,  73,  79,  96,  241,  242 

the,  25,  58,  76,  83,  231,  367,  371 

Orzioli,  Marino,  168 

■ the,  132 

Otranto,  55,  ()l,  66 

Palace  of  the  Riario  at  Forli,  60,  118, 

119 
Paladini,  Francesco,  164 
I'almeggiani,  Tommaso,  148 
Pandoifnii,  the  l''lorentinc  Legate.  85 
Pan/echi,  Ludovico,  108,  109,  no,  131, 

144,  147 

Nicolo,  90,  92 

Paolucci,  Francesco,  118 
Parenti's  History,  309,  322 


INDEX 


397 


Parma,  Bishop  of,  40 

Pasolini,  Martino,  6,  9 

Passi  of  the  Koffi,  104 

Pavagliotta,  Don  Antonio,  191,  193 

Fazzi,  Andrea  dei,  225,  237,  243 

conspiracv,  50,  63,  85,    IC9,   III, 

112,  134,  136 

Pepi,  Francesco  de',  361,  368 

Dr.  Cjuido,  59 

Perugia,  Cardinal  of,  240 

Pesaro,  state  of,  220,  275,  332,  337, 
361 

Petrascini,  Elisa,  6 

Philip  of  Bergamo,  62 

Piccoli,  Gabriele,  379 

Pisa,  Republic  of,  222,  224,  242,  253, 
255,  266,  268,  272,  274 

Pitigliano,  Count  of,  142,  143 

Poj^e  Alexander  VI.,  47,  180,  182, 
187,  198,  200,  204-5,  219,  220,  221, 
222,  239,  265,  271,  272,  273,  275, 
276,  277,  290,  294,  303,  311,  332, 
340,   343,   351,   353,    359,    360,   364, 

365.    372 

Innocent  VIII.,  47,   82,   84,  85, 

120,     136,     137-38,    140,    144,    166, 
178 

Julius  II.,  36,  37,  376,  377,  378 

Paul  II.,  45,  46 

Sixtus  IV.,  23,    25,   31,   37,  45, 

47-49,  50,  52,  53,  69,  72,  73,  75,  77, 
112,  178,  294,  367 

Popes,  the,  and  temporal  power,  56-57 
Popolana,  Giovanni,  211-12,  213,  215, 

216,   217,   218,  224,  225,   226,   257. 

See  also  Medici 
Pucci,  Puccio,  182,  188 

Quartieri,  Francesco,  186 

Rangoni,  Count  N.,  212 
Ratti,  53 

Ravaldino  fortress,  54,  86,  99,  122, 
123,  124-25,   127,  129-31,  137,  141, 

335 
Ravenna,  Archbishop  of,  200 
Riario,  Antonio,  36,  40 
Battista,  380 

Bianca,   51,    191,  200,   204,  206, 

215,  234,  344,  369,  382,  387 

Cassar,   54,    191,   229,   239,  240; 

Archbishop  of  Pisa,   340,   344,   345, 

363,  365,  369,  i^i 

Cornelia,  385,  390 

■  Francesco  Sforza,  102,  369,  392 

Galeazzo,  88,  369,  377,  378,  384, 

390,  392 

Galeazzo,  Sforz-a.  392 

Girolamo  (Count's  reputed  father), 

46 


Riario,  Girolamo,  Count  of  Forli  and 
Imola,  23,  25,  32,  36,  49,  50,  51,  53, 
54,  55,  57-63,  64-5,  66,  69,  78,  82, 
84,  85,  88,  94,  96,  97,  98,  102,  103, 
105,  118,  137,  142,  147,  152,  158, 
159,  178,  201,  206;  letter  in  fac- 
simile, 35  ;  his  assassination,  107-I12 

Giulio  di  Galeazzo,  159 

Julia,  390 

Octavian,  51,  loi,  130,  149,  151, 

154,  164,  166,  167,  177,  179,  181, 
189,  190,  191,  192,  198,  206,  207, 
214,  218,  220,  222,  223,  224,  226, 
231,  237,  239,  244,  245,  251,  253, 
254.  269,  337,  340,  345,  346,  363, 
365,  369,  373,  374,  375,  376,  377, 
375^,  379,  380,  381,  382,  383,  384, 
385,  389,   390,  392 

Paul,  368 

Pietro,  Cardinal  of  San  Sisto,  24, 

25,  33,  45 

Cardinal   Raphael,    50,    72,  167, 

173,    181,   190,    191,    197,    199,  204, 

206,   218,   239,  240,   273,   280,  351, 

352,  364,   367,   374,  376,  377,  382, 

384 

Scipio,  123,  194,  198,  277 

the,  77,  229 

archives  at  Bologna,  281,  305 

Ricci,  Andrea,  116,  118,  139 

Domenico,  97,  loi,  103,  215 

Ricerboli,  Christofero,  221,  224 
Ridolfi,  Filippo,  215 

Giov.  Battista,  373 

Simone,  225,  242 

Roffi  of  Rubano,  the,  103,  172 

Romagna,  47,    54,   55,   56-7,   85,    93, 

III,    180,    181,    198,   212,  226,   230, 

231,  235,   261,  266,    271,  272,   275, 

276,  280,   307,   358,   361,   364,   376, 

379 
Rome,  36,  37,  (plan)  38,  39,  47-9,  67, 
74,  76,  79,  80,  82,  85,  364,  375,  378 

Captain-General    of  the  Church, 

84,85 

Ronchi,  Gasparino,  no,  116 

Giacomo,     108,     109,    no,    131. 

144,   146,    147 

Pagliarino,  118,  162 

Rosaria.     See  Ghetti 

Rossi,  Gian. Girolamo,  Bishop  of  Pavia, 

387,388 
Rovere,  Cardinal  Francesco  della,  45. 

See  Pope  Sixtus  IV. 

Cardinal  Julian,  45,  85,  138,  180, 

273.    See  Pope  Julius  II. 

S.  Pier  in  Vincula.     See  Pope  Julius  II., 

Sabadino  de  li  Arienti,  Gyiievera,  14 


INDEX 


Sacred  College  and  Girolamo  Riario, 

79,   83,  84 
Saint  George,  company  of,  7 
Sale,  Nicolo  dal,  380 
Salviati,  Giacomo,  390,  391 

Maria,  391 

San  Secondo,  Countess  of.  S^'e  Riario 
Bianca.  382,  387 

SanseverinOjGaleazzo, Count  ofCaiazzo, 
141,  152,  153,  154,  164,  181,  182, 
185,   231,  234,   236,    266,    267,   379 

Gasparre    (Fracasso),    181,     182, 

220,  223,  225,  229,  231,  232,  233, 
234,    235,    236,   267 

Cardinal,  320 

Robert,  94 

Sanuto,  diaries  of,   223,  31 1,  32S,  332, 

365,  376,  378,  379 
Sarti,  Alessandro,  375,  376 
Sassatelli,  the,  219,  247 

Francesco,  158,  168 

Giovanni   {Cagnazzo),    278,    2S4, 

376,  377,  379 

Savelli,  Monsignor,  Papal  Governor  of 
Forli,  120,  121,  122,  123,  124,  125, 
126,  129,  133,  139,  140,  141,  142, 
143,    145,    147,    152,   155.    157,   165 

■ •  the,  83,  85,  86 

Savonarola,  380 

Savoy,  Lutlovic,  Duke  of,  12 

Maria  of,  1 1 

Philibert,  Duke  of,  266 

See  Bona  of 

Scali,  Guiliano,  369 

Sehastiano  of  Galeata,  Bishop,  389 

Seile,  Filippo  dalle,  of  Bologna,  191, 193 

Giovanni  dalle,  279,  280,  293,  298 

Serristori  of  Rome,  388 

Scrughi,    15artolome\v,    121,    146,    151, 

166,    167 
Sfondrati,  Battista,  217 
Sforza,  Alexander,  277,  289,  292,  293, 

308,  318,  320,  321 

Attendcjlo    Giacomuzzo   (Muzio), 

of  Cotignola,  3,  6-1 1 

Ascanio,  Cardinal,   83,    84,    179, 

198,  206,  308,  340,  376 

Bianca  Maria.     Sec  Visconti 

Bianca  .Maria,    18,   96,    174,    175. 

See  Germany,  Empress  of 

Carlo,  378 

Catherine  :  ancestry,  3-18  ;  birth, 

18,  21  ;  affianced  to  Onorato  'I'or- 
elli,  21  ;  education,  22  ;  betrothed  to 
(jirolamo  Riario,  23  ;  bridal  gifts,  24  ; 
father's  assassination,  26  31  ;marriage, 
32  ;  state  entry  to  Imola,  33-4,  62  ; 
Count  Girolamo's  gifts,  37;  state 
visit  to  Rome,  36-7  ;  gifts  of  j'ope 
Sixtus  IV.,  37;   marriage  feast  and 


gifts,  40;  her  beauty,  23,  41.  49,  63, 
77,  96,  239,  262,  329  ;  fust  child, 
Bianca,  51  ;  first  son,  Octa\ian,  ib.  ; 
second  son,  Csesar,  54  ;  state  entry 
to  Forli,  57-60  ;  dress,  60  ;  married 
life,  62,  74 ;  visits  Venice,  64-6  ; 
conspiracy  at  Forli,  67  ;  initiates  a 
policy,  68,  88  ;  as  a  penitent,  70,  75  ; 
facsimile  of  letter  to  Sienna,  71  ; 
mind  and  studies,  74  ;  plot  to 
assassinate,  76  ;  cordiality  of  Pope 
Sixtus  IV.,  77-8  ;  seizes  castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  80-4  ;  militant  spirit,  80  ; 
acumen,  87  ;  birth  of  Giovanni 
Livio,  86  ;  birth  of  Galeazzo,  88  ; 
inspires  taxation  of  Forh',  89,  90,  91  ; 
lack  of  means,  96  ;  political  visit  to 
Milan,  98  ;  her  part  in  death  of 
M.  Zocchejo,  99-102 ;  birth  of 
Francesco  Sforza,  102 ;  hardihood 
and  skill  as  a  rider,  103  ;  suppresses 
Roffi  outbreak,  103-5  '■>  husband's 
illness,  105,  and  assassination, 
107-12  ;  seized  by  the  Orsi,  li  7-120  ; 
aid  by  Pope's  Legate,  Savelli,  121  •, 
fortitude,  123-4,  129-33;  enters 
Ravaldino  by  stratagem,  125-27  ; 
children's  peril,  124,  129,  132,  135, 
137,  145,  146,  147  ;  seeks  aid  from 
Bologna  and  Milan,  138  ;  Savelli's 
terms,  139  ;  Duke  of  Milan  sends 
aid,  140-45  ;  warns  Forli  populace, 
145  ;  counter-revohition,  149-50  ; 
children  restored,  151 ;  assumes 
power,  152,  164;  state  entry  to 
Forli,  153-54  ;  proclaims  her  son 
Lord  of  Forli,  154,  164  ;  state 
obsequies  for  Count  Girolamo,  159- 
60 ;  avenges  his  fate,  161-64, 
166-67  •  friendship  of  Cardinals, 
167  ;  lightens  taxes,  167  ;  iiimours 
of  re-marriage,  171-73  ;  sup- 
plants Thomas  Feo  for  Giacomo 
Feo,  174-75  ;  clandestine  marriage 
with  G.  Feo,  174,  175  ;  conspiracy 
against,  suppressed,  177-78 ;  assur- 
ances of  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  179, 
187  ;  historical  position,  180;  neutral 
policy,  180-82;  joins  Najiles  against 
France,  182;  neglected  by  Naples, 
joins  France,  183  ;  noble  feast  to 
French  generals,  185  ;  brother's 
death,  Milan  policy,  186-87  ;  love  for 
G.  Feo,  his  assassination,  188  93  ; 
her  revenge,  194-98  ;  its  ill  effect, 
198-99  ;  defencls  Astorre  of  Faenza, 
200-2  ;  quarrels  with  Bentivoglio, 
202-4  ;  attacks  Cesena  at  Pope's 
request,  205  ;  Cardinals'  friendship 
lost,     206  ;    wavers    between    Duke 


INDEX 


399 


Liidovicand  Florence,  206-S  ;  subject 
to  Giovanni  Medici's  intluence,   212- 
17;  secret    marriage    to  d.    Medici, 
217  ;  gives  birth  to  Ludovico  Medici, 
ib.  ;  marriage    sanctionefl  by  Duke  of 
Milan,  218  ;  rejects  offers  of  a  bride 
for  Octavian,  220-22;  sends  him  to 
\\  ar,   222-24  ;  death   of  Gio.  Medici, 
225-26  ;  declares    herself  widow   of 
CHovanni,    227 ;    Florentine   alliance 
and  Venetian  war,  228-38  ;  obtains 
archbishopric    of    Pisa    for   her    son 
Caesar,  240  ;  assassinated  friends, 244- 
47  ;  tyranny,  247-48  ;  fearing  Cresar 
liorgia,    seeks   Florentines,  250-62  ; 
uncle  loses  Milan,   265-6S  ;   military 
spirit,    268-69  ;  combats  the  plague, 
269-70 ;    anxieties,    270  ;   her    state 
threatened,   271-72  ;    vain    visit     to 
Florence,    274 ;   prepares   for  resist- 
ance,  274,  277-82 ;    Papal    Bull    of 
deposition,   276 ;  sends  children  and 
jewels  to  Tuscany,  281,  291  ;  Borgia 
takes    Imola,    284-87  ;  renounced  by 
F'orli,    289-95  •    l^"^''    property,  296  ; 
her   courage,  ih.  ;   seeks  allies,  304  ; 
reply  to   Borgia's  overtures,    305-7  ; 
martial  address  to  her  force,  307-8 ; 
heroic  defence  of  Castle  Ravaldino, 
310-11,    315-24;      taken     prisoner, 
326 ;    led    to    Csesar    Borgia,    327  ; 
treatment  and  bearing,  328,  329,  330  ; 
captors'    dispute,    332-33  ;    d"Alegre 
gains    promise    of    good    treatment, 
334 ;     led    from    Forli,     336 ;    loses 
d'Alegre's    protection,    337  ;    Cresar 
Borgia's    prisoner    in    Rome,    339 : 
premature   plot  to  escape,    341-42  ; 
in   dungeon    of    St.    Angelo,    343  ; 
Pope's   terms,    344 ;    children's     in- 
gratitude, 344-46  ;  health  fails,  347  ; 
her     friends,     348 ;     charged      with 
attempting   life  of   Pope    Alexander, 
350-53  ;   g"'lt  improbable,    354-55  ; 
valour  extolled,  357-58  ;   release  de- 
manded   by     d'Alegre,     360,     369  ; 
opposed     by     Ctesar    Borgia,    361  ; 
effect      of    imprisonment,     362-63 ; 
children's   letters,    363  ;    renunciates 
states,     364,     366  ;     released,     365  ; 
at  Cardinal   Riario's,    367-68  ;  com- 
mended  to  Morence  by  Pope,   368  ; 
travels  by  sea,  369  ;  meets  children, 
t/>.  ;   honoured,  370  ;    effort    for  lost 
states,     372-80 ;     life    at     Castello, 
380-81  ;    sons'  indifference,  382-84  ; 
gains    lawsuit    with    Medici,     385  ; 
Giovanni's   education,    386-88  ;    ill- 
ness, 389  ;    her  testament,    389-92  ; 
death,  392  ;  person,  ?7'. 


Sforza    or    Sforzino,    P^rancesco,     102, 

392 
Francesco,  9,  10,  11-^3,  15,  16,  27 

his  lady.     Sm  X'isconti,  Bianca 

Duke  Galeazzo,    15,    16-18,   21, 

22,  23,  26,  27,  29,  30,  31,  45,  50, 
138,  140,  142,  143,  158  ;  his  wife, 
see  Bona  of  Savoy 

Duke  Gian.  Galeazzo,  51,  53,  54, 

98,  122,  180,  185  ;  his  son  Francesco, 
268  ;  his  wife,  see  Isabel  of  Aragon 

Giovanni,   Lord  of  Pesaro,  220, 

221,  275 

Ludovic,  52,  53,  68,  76 

Margaret,  8 

Tristan,  18 

Count  of  Melzo,  277,  320 

name  origin,  5,  1 1 

House  of,  358 

Sicilies,  the  Two,  265 
Sienna,  Si^iiori  of,  70,  73 
Simonetta,  Cicco,  16,  35,  51,  52 
Sogliano,  Ramberto  of,  242 
Stefano  of  Castrocaro,   135,  136,  137 
Strozzi,  Alfonso,  241 

Strozzi,  Leonardo,  255 

Tartagni,  the,  173,  177 
Tassino,  Antonio,  51,  52 
Tiberti,    Achille,   200,   239,   283,    284, 
285,  286,  296,  298,  388 

Polidoro,  239 

the,  205,  238 

Todesco,  Guglielmo  dal,  173 
Toniasini's  Life  of  JMachiaveUi,  261 
Tomasoli,  Francesco,  192 

Tonelli,  371,  372,  373,  375,  377,  378 

Torelli,  Count,  21 

Tornielli,    Nicolo,  120,  125,  290,    296, 

297 
Torsana,  Lucia  da,  9 
Trachedini,  Francesco,  214,  217,  248 
Tricarico,  8 

Trivulzio,  Gian.  Giacomo,  96,  2G6,  273 
Troccio,  Francis.  360,  361,  365 
Turks,  the,  55,  63,  66,  138,  161,  26S, 

359 
Tuscany,  281,  291 

■  dynasty,  369 

first  Grand  Duke,  391 

Urbino,  275,  359,  361 

Duke  of,  205 

Vaini,  Enea,  17S,  247,  24S 

Guido,  373 

the,  173,  177,  203,  247 

\'alent;no,  Duke.      See  Borgia,  Caesar 
Vannozza,  Borgia's  mother,  271 
Vatican  Library,  48 


400 


INDEX 


Vecchiazzani,  217 

Vendome,  Louis  de  Bourbon,  Duke  of, 
300,  307,  333 

Venice  and  \  enetians,  25,  50,  63,  64-5; 
69,  75,  76,  180,  200,  201,  202,  214, 
226,  228,  229,  230,  231,  233,  238, 
241,  244,  252,  265,  268,  269,  275, 
280,  303,   304,   340,   359,    374,    376, 

379     .        . 
Vespucci,  Guidantonio,  82,  85 
Visconti,  Bianca  Maria,   11,  13-16,  21, 

362 

Carlo,  26,  29,  30 

Francesco,  96 


Visconti,  Duke  Philip,  1 1 

Valentina,   265 

Vitelli,   Paolo,  242,  266,  268 

Vitellozzo,  285,  371 

Viterbo,  Bishop  of.  See  Riario  Oct 
Volpe,  Taddeo  della,  371 
Volterra,  Bishop  of,  220,  221 

Giacomo  da,  65 


Zampeschi,  Hector,  87,  133 

•  Meleagro,  303 

Zazzera's  Nobilta  cfltalia,  5,  6 
Zocchejo,  Melchior,  99-100 


Richard  Clay  6*  Sotis,  Limited,  London  &"  Bnng^iy. 


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